gender roles in sports essay

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Insights > Sports & gaming

On different playing fields: the case for gender equity in sports, 6 minute read | stacie de armas, svp, diverse insights & initiatives | march 2021.

Women make up more than half of the U.S. population, but they are still fighting for equality in the world of sports, where gender-based discrimination is all too common. Recently, we saw a very public and painful example, during Women’s History Month no less, of the stark inequity in the treatment of female versus male athletes in the NCAA Basketball Tournament. It’s difficult to understand how neglecting to supply female student-athletes with the proper equipment and facilities—especially during the largest tournament of their sport—can still happen today. Unfortunately, it seems that sexism in sports is ingrained from the time our children are in youth sports. This inequity is also institutionalized—from how we define what qualifies as a sport to the imagery used to represent female athletes, disparities in the facilities, and support for female athletes. 

As superstar athlete and World Cup champion Megan Rapinoe testified to Congress, “One cannot simply outperform inequality or be excellent enough to escape discrimination of any kind.” As a mother of a son and a daughter, this inequality hit very close to home just last week. Up until two weeks ago, in my state of California, all youth sports, which were prohibited for nearly a year, were permitted to return. All sports, that is, except for one female-dominated sport: cheer. While my son was able to get back on the field and enjoy his sport, I, alongside many other concerned parents, had to continue to advocate at the state level for equity for cheer athletes. We were successful, but why did we even have to fight for recognition and equal treatment for these athletes? Women and girls in sports should not be an afterthought.

It is disheartening to see that the fight for equality for women’s sports continues beyond grade school, as collegiate athletes in the NCAA Women’s Basketball Tournament recently experienced firsthand. Like many of you, I recently saw the viral video from University of Oregon sophomore forward Sedona Prince showing the weight room facilities provided for the female players at the basketball tournament compared with the facilities provided for the men. The women’s weight room consisted of a single set of dumbbells and some yoga mats, while the men’s weight room was stocked with state-of-the-art training equipment, rows of weights, and workout machines. Her TikTok video was further socialized on Instagram and Twitter and now has more than 20 million views. 

The outrage was swift, as many people were quick to criticize the blatant inequities for these female athletes, but the brands stepped in even faster. Not only did the outcry to correct the situation come from celebrities, sports journalists, and fans, but companies weighed in, too. Fitness and retail brands like Orange Theory, Dick’s Sporting Goods and Tonal responded to support these women athletes (who don powerful social media influence) with equipment the very next day and offered to make appropriate training facilities available. Shortly thereafter, the NCAA acknowledged this terrible error in judgment and installed a fully functional women’s weight room coupled with an apology. 

These brands understand the power of the moment and of female athletes. Research from Nielsen Sports illustrates the power female athletes hold as social media endorsers. Fans like to buy products and services that their favorite athletes endorse on social media. When brands partner with athletes to embrace their power and advocate for equity, they can enact change as well as accountability in sports institutions. That’s a winning play for brands—fully embracing the power of female athletes, while proactively building equity in women’s sports and not just in response to a crisis.

There are several fundamental truths here that brands need to embrace: social media is powerful; female athletes are powerful influencers; and consumers are asking more from brands when it comes to social responsibility. For example, a global Nielsen Fan Insights study reveals that 47.5% of respondents have a greater interest in brands that have been socially responsible and “do good.” The good news is that some brands are taking notice and recalibrating business and marketing models to meet consumers’ changing needs in a new era of sports sponsorship . The brands stepping in to act on the values they espouse as an organization are a perfect example. Brands, including leagues, teams, owners, and even school districts, must address changing consumer and social demands and their female athletes’ needs by operating with equity in women’s sports. 

More opportunity leads to more audience

The weight room in San Antonio isn’t the only place where we need to see change. While we’re seeing progress in how women are represented on television in scripted content, we have not seen the same visibility in women’s sports. This isn’t for lack of women’s sporting events or even viewer interest, but rather the relative lack of access to women’s team sporting events being broadcast and promoted on TV compared with men’s events. We know this needs to change, but it is a catch 22. Far fewer women’s sports are being broadcast, and when they are, games are often carried on difficult to find, smaller outlets, and are under-promoted, naturally resulting in smaller audiences. This overall lack of investment and promotion on television negatively affects audience draw, and therefore ROI for advertisers and sponsors. This lower brand investment is being used to justify disparities in resources for women’s sports. And the cycle continues. 

The good news is that there seems to be a change in tide. Coverage for the NCAA Women’s Basketball Tournament this year is one of the broadest in its history thanks to ESPN’s expanding coverage—a move that has so far doubled the audience reach of the first round of the women’s tournament compared with the one in 2019. 

Along with the gripping game play, the increase in reach is most likely attributed to the number of games actually being aired. Round 1 of the tournament in 2019 was exclusively broadcast on ESPN2, which aired just nine game windows. This year’s NCAA women’s games have been on ABC, ESPN, ESPN2 and ESPNU, and every single one of the 32 games has been aired in round 1. When audiences have access to women’s sports, they tune in. Female athletes deserve the facilities, equipment and support they need to thrive. While the men’s tournament has seen multi-network coverage since 2011, the women’s tournament is finally seeing increased coverage, with 2021 marking the first time the women’s tournament has been on network TV—and not just on cable—in decades. Because that viewing opportunity exists, more people are watching. It is time women’s sports get the investment, coverage and support they deserve. Advertisers should take note: A growing fan base means a bigger audience.

It has been nearly 50 years since Title IX legislation granted women equal opportunities to play sports. But the legislation also mandates the equal treatment of female and male student-athletes from equipment to competitive facilities to publicity and promotions and more. As more and more brands champion equity for women’s sports and female athletes become more influential as brand endorsers, it is my hope that we will see fewer disparities in playing time, facilities, brand partnerships, and coverage of women’s sports on screen. And that for future female athletes, equity for women’s sports will be a slam dunk.

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Women in sport are changing the game

Date: Thursday, 22 July 2021

As the Tokyo 2020 Olympics kick-off on 23 July 2021, almost 49 per cent of participating athletes will be women, making it the most gender-balanced Games in history. All 206 National Olympic Committees also have at least one female and one male athlete representative. This marks a landmark for gender balance in sport – a powerful means of empowering women and girls .

Sport mobilizes the global community and speaks to youth. It unites across national barriers and cultural differences. It teaches women and girls the values of teamwork, self-reliance and resilience; has a multiplier effect on their health, education and leadership development; contributes to self-esteem; builds social connections; and challenges harmful gender norms.

To celebrate women in sport, here are just a few inspirational women breaking down gender barriers all around the world.

Malak Abdelshafi, a Paralympic swimming champion from Egypt

Malak Abdelshafi is a 17-year-old Egyptian Paralympic swimming champion who qualified for the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. When she was 10 months old, she suffered severe spinal cord injuries from an accident that left her partially paralysed.

“I started swimming as hydrotherapy, since wheelchair-users usually need to maintain blood circulation,” says Abdelshafi . “I did not plan to swim professionally. During my hydrotherapy sessions, my trainer said I was talented and pushed me to compete.”

“My first championship was in 2012 with my club and I won a silver medal. I was 9 years old then and the youngest among the participants. We were all surprised and did not expect it at all. Since then, I decided to pursue a professional track in swimming. I joined the national team in 2014.” Abdelshafi has since won 39 national and six international medals.

“Nothing can stop us because we’re girls. We’re all human and there’s no difference between a girl or a boy. One of my favourite quotes is: ‘There’s always another way’. When you find out that the way to your goal is blocked, don’t give up. Try to find another way and you’ll reach your goal with your persistence.”

“I believe that sports can influence our behaviour and help us have a positive impact on others. I hope I can do this one day and be an inspirational model.”

Kathely Rosa, an aspiring soccer coach from Brazil

When Kathely Rosa,19, first shared her dream of becoming a professional football player, people around her said football was for boys. When she tried to play with the boys, they refused and would only allow her to watch. Her brother, four years younger, had a completely different experience, and took football lessons from an early age.

 “He had a ball, a complete uniform, the opportunity to train at a club, money to participate in championships and selection processes. I got nothing,” says Rosa .

Rosa decided to coach herself, watching videos online to learn the tactics and practiced alone. One day, she was searching various ways of dribbling and found a video showing Brazilian football player and UN Women Goodwill Ambassador Marta Vieira da Silva scoring a goal 20 different ways.

“I learned football mainly from male figures, because women’s football is not that visible,” says Rosa. “I was just fascinated when I saw what Marta could do with a ball.”

In February 2020, Rosa, along with 15 girls from One Win Leads to Another (OWLA), a joint programme with UN Women and the International Olympic Committee that provides weekly sport practice and life skills sessions for adolescent girls, fulfilled another dream ­– she met Marta in person in Rio.

“Marta told me that if I truly believe in what I want to do, nothing is impossible,” says Rosa. “It may sound like an obvious advice, but I needed to hear that from her.”

“I will graduate, become a coach and create a female’s football team with girls from the favela . There are a lot of girls with so much talent. They just need to be properly trained,” says Rosa. In the meantime, Rosa continues to lead by example in her community, as the only girl who plays on the boys’ team. 

Anita Karim, Pakistan’s first professional mixed martial arts fighter

Anita Karim, 24, is the only woman among the more than 300 professional mixed martial arts (MMA) fighters in Pakistan.

“I understand how significant confidence and knowledge of self-defence are for girls,” says Karim . “I started training in mixed martial arts and I wanted to become an example for other girls to encourage them to join a sport like MMA that makes individuals healthy and active.”

Karim comes from a family of MMA fighters and trains at an MMA training centre founded by her brothers in Islamabad. Her first professional fight was in 2018. “My family always supported me and encouraged my enthusiasm towards MMA, which is why I have accomplished so.” says Karim.

“We get the message from our society that women and girls can't commute on their own or can only work in particular areas. We are taught to fear, and there is a perception that girls are weak and vulnerable, which makes it difficult for us to move forward. When we go out and encounter harassment, we get frightened and are unable to react. MMA has taught me confidence and also made me strong enough to compete at a global level. It has taught me strategies for protecting myself in any kind of difficult situation.”

Khadija Timera, a lawyer and boxer from Senegal

Khadija Timera, 35, was raised in a working-class district in Paris. She won a scholarship to study business law at the University of California, Berkeley, and has worked in one of the world’s top law firms.

“After graduating, I felt that I had achieved a challenge,” says Timera . “I wanted to create my own company to support high-level sportswomen, specifically soccer players.” Now, Timera runs a London-based business and investments consultancy for professional athletes and is also a boxer, who advocates against gender-based violence. She narrowly missed out on qualifying for the Tokyo Olympics.

“I made my first selection in 2019. We went to the African championship in Cabo Verde and I won the gold medal for Senegal,” says Timera.

“Violence against women is regrettable. Women and children in Senegal are vulnerable and should therefore be protected.”

“People need to become [more] aware that women and men are equal and complementary. I also think that women themselves have to realize that they have a real power that they send out; they have to learn to trust themselves.”

“Boxing can help to build confidence,” Timera adds. “There should be many more associations and action to help women recognize their personal value and learn self-development.”

To women, Timera says: “you are enough.”

Aizhan Alymbai Kyzy, a chess champion from Kyrgyzstan

Aizhan Alymbai Kyzy is a 26-year-old chess champion from Kyrgyzstan. She has been a member of the national team since she was 15 years old, and came third place in the Asian Rapid Chess Championship.

“In Kyrgyzstan, as in the rest of the world, chess is mostly male dominated,” says Kyzy . “Monetary awards for women at the Kyrgyz championships are almost half of what men are offered and mostly men participate in these tournaments. The situation is changing for the better now.”

Kyzy believes the world is heading towards equality and that families have a significant role to play in supporting their daughters.

“We can be the ones to push the boundaries of what is possible,” says Kyzy. “At chess academy, where I was teaching, we demanded equal performance both from girls and boys. But parents urged teachers to be less harsh on girls. We need to raise awareness on ensuring quality education for girls and encourage families to support their daughters.”

“In the modern world, creative thinking and analytics are highly valued, and this is exactly what chess can offer. I want to be a role model for other girls. Playing chess is empowering, self-fulfilling, and makes you realize that everything is possible. Our society needs to create an enabling environment for women’s empowerment in sports and beyond. I call on all women and girls to challenge gender stereotypes, smash the boundaries and keep realizing their dreams!”

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Article contents

Gender and cultural diversity in sport, exercise, and performance psychology.

• Diane L. Gill Diane L. Gill University of North Carolina at Greensboro
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.148
• Published online: 26 April 2017

Gender and cultural diversity are ever-present and powerful in sport, exercise, and performance settings. Our cultural identities affect our behaviors and interactions with others. As professionals, we must recognize and value cultural diversity. Gender and culture are best understood within a multicultural framework that recognizes multiple, intersecting identities; power relations; and the action for social justice. Physical activity participants are culturally diverse in many ways, but in other ways cultural groups are excluded from participation, and especially from power (e.g., leadership roles).

Sport, exercise, and performance psychology have barely begun to address cultural diversity, and the limited scholarship focuses on gender. Although the participation of girls and women has increased dramatically in recent years, stereotypes and media representations still convey the message that sport is a masculine activity. Stereotypes and social constraints are attached to other cultural groups, and those stereotypes affect behavior and opportunities. Race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and physical characteristics all limit opportunities in physical activity settings. People who are overweight or obese are particularly subject to bias and discrimination in sport and physical activity. Cultural competence, which refers to the ability to work effectively with people of a different culture, is essential for professionals in sport, exercise, and performance psychology. Not only is it important for individuals to develop their own cultural awareness, understanding, and skills, but we must advocate for inclusive excellence in our programs and organizations to expand our reach and promote physical activity for the health and well-being of all.

• cultural competence
• stereotypes
• weight bias

Introduction

Cultural diversity is a hallmark of society and a powerful influence in sport, exercise, and performance psychology. Participants are diverse in many ways, and physical activity takes place in a culturally diverse world. People carry their gender and cultural identities everywhere. Importantly, culture affects our behaviors and interactions with others. Thus, it is essential that professionals recognize and value cultural diversity.

This article takes a broad view of culture, including gender and extending beyond race, ethnicity, and social class to include physicality (physical abilities and characteristics). The article begins with a guiding framework, then reviews scholarship on gender and culture, and concludes with guidelines for cultural competence.

Culture: Basics and a Guiding Framework

This first section draws from psychology and cultural studies to provide a guiding framework for understanding culture and moving toward cultural competence in professional practice. Culture , however, is complex and not easily defined. Narrow definitions emphasize ethnicity, but we will adopt the common practice and broaden the definition to shared values, beliefs, and practices of an identifiable group of people . Thus, culture includes gender as well as race and ethnicity, and extends to language, spirituality, sexuality, physicality, and so on. Multicultural psychology further emphasizes intersections of identities and the totality of cultural experiences and contexts, which leads to the guiding framework for this article.

Psychology, cultural studies, and related areas all emphasize multiple, intersecting cultural identities; highlight power relations; and call for social action and advocacy. First, we all have multiple, intersecting cultural identities . The mix of identities is unique to each person. For example, two young women may both identify as black, Christian women athletes. One may very strongly identify as a Christian athlete, whereas the other more strongly identifies as a black woman. Moreover, the salience of those identities may vary across contexts. For example, religious identity may be salient in family gatherings but not in athletics. Also, when you are the only person with your identity (e.g., the only girl on the youth baseball team, the only athlete in class), that aspect of your identity is more salient.

The second theme of our framework involves power relations . Culture is more than categories; culture is relational, and cultural relations involve power and privilege. That is, one group has privilege, and other groups are oppressed. Privilege refers to power or institutionalized advantage gained by virtue of valued social identities. Oppression refers to discrimination or systematic denial of resources to those with inferior or less valued identities. Given that we all have many cultural identities, most people have some identities that confer privilege and other identities that lead to oppression. If you are white, male, heterosexual, educated, or able-bodied, you have privilege in that identity; you are more likely to see people who look like you in positions of power and to see yourself in those roles. At the same time, you likely have other identities that lack privilege. Most of us find it easier to recognize our oppression and more difficult to recognize our own privilege.

Recognizing privilege is a key to understanding cultural relations, and that understanding leads to the third theme— action and advocacy . Action and advocacy calls for professionals to develop their own cultural competencies and to work for social justice in our programs and institutions.

Understanding cultural diversity and developing cultural competence is not easy. As well as recognizing multiple, intersecting cultural identities, power relations and action for social justice, sport, exercise, and performance psychologists also must retain concern for the individual. The importance of individualizing professional practice is rightfully emphasized. Cultural competence involves contextualizing professional practice and specifically recognizing cultural context. The ability to simultaneously recognize and consider both the individual and the cultural context is the essence of cultural competence.

Gender and Cultural Diversity in Sport and Physical Activity

Physical activity participants are diverse, but not as diverse as the broader population. Competitive athletics are particularly limited in terms of cultural diversity. School physical education and community sport programs may come closer to reflecting community diversity, but all sport and physical activities reflect cultural restrictions. Gender is a particularly visible cultural influence, often leading to restrictions in sport, exercise and performance settings.

In the United States, the 1972 passage of Title IX prohibiting sex discrimination in educational institutions marked the beginning of a move away from the early women’s physical education model toward the competitive women’s sport programs of today. Participation of girls and women in youth and college sport has exploded in the last generation, particularly in the United States and western European nations. Still, the numbers of female and male participants are not equal. Sabo and Veliz ( 2012 ), in a nationwide study of U.S. high schools, found that overall boys have more sport opportunities than girls, and furthermore, progress toward gender equity, which had advanced prior to 2000 , had reversed since then, resulting in a wider gender gap. Following a 2013 conference in Europe ( http://ec.europa.eu/sport/news/2014/gender_equality_sport_en.htm ), a group of experts developed the report: Gender Equality in Sport: Proposal for Strategic Actions 2014–2020 ( http://ec.europa.eu/sport/events/2013/documents/20131203-gender/final-proposal-1802_en.pdf ).

In considering cultural diversity, it is important to go beyond participation numbers to consider power and privilege. Richard Lapchick’s Racial and Gender Report Card shows racial and gender inequities with little progress. For example, the 2015 report card (Lapchick, 2015 ) indicates that African Americans are slightly overrepresented in U.S. Division I athletics, but other racial and ethnic minorities are very underrepresented (see more statistics and reports at the Institute for Diversity and Ethnics in Sport website: www.tidesport.org ). Reports also show clear power relations. Before Title IX ( 1972 ), more than 90 percent of women’s athletic teams in the United States were coached by women and had a woman athletic director. Today less than half of women’s teams are coached by women (Acosta & Carpenter, 2014 ). White men dominate coaching, even of women’s teams, and administration remains solidly white male. The 2015 racial report card indicated that whites hold 90 percent of the athletic director positions, and less than 10 percent are women.

Although data are limited, the international coaching trends are similar (Norman, 2008 ) and suggest even fewer women coaches at the youth level than at the collegiate and elite levels (Messner, 2009 ). The 2012 London Olympics showcased women athletes and also demonstrated intersecting cultural relations. The United States sent more female than male athletes to London, but women were vastly underrepresented in several delegations; coaching positions are heavily dominated by men, and Olympic officials are not as diverse as the athletes.

Considering exercise, recreation, and the wider range of activities, we see more diversity, but all physical activity is limited by gender, race, socioeconomic status, and especially physical attributes. Lox, Martin Ginis, and Petruzzello ( 2014 ) summarized research and large national surveys on physical activity trends from several countries, predominantly in North America and Europe, noting that evidence continues to show that physical activity decreases across the adult life span, with men more active than women, while racial and ethnic minorities and low-income groups are less active. Physical activity drops dramatically during adolescence, more so for girls than boys, and especially for racial or ethnic minorities and lower income girls (Kimm et al., 2002 ; Pate, Dowda, O’Neill, & Ward, 2007 ).

The World Health Organization (WHO, 2014 ) identifies physical inactivity as a global health problem, noting that about 31 percent of adults are insufficiently active. Inactivity rates are higher in the Americas and Eastern Mediterranean and lowest in Southeast Asia, and men are more active than women in all regions. Abrasi ( 2014 ) reviewed research on barriers to physical activity with women from unrepresented countries, as well as immigrants and underrepresented minorities in North America and Europe. Social responsibilities (e.g., childcare, household work), cultural beliefs, lack of social support, social isolation, lack of culturally appropriate facilities, and unsafe neighborhoods were leading sociocultural barriers to physical activity. Observing others in the family or neighborhood participating had a positive influence.

Despite the clear influence of gender and culture on physical activity behavior, sport, exercise and performance psychology has been slow to recognize cultural diversity. Over 25 years ago, Duda and Allison ( 1990 ) called attention to the lack of research on race and ethnicity, reporting that less than 4 percent of published papers considered race or ethnicity, and most of those were sample descriptions. In an update, Ram, Starek, and Johnson ( 2004 ) reviewed sport and exercise psychology journal articles between 1987 and 2000 for both race and ethnicity and sexual orientation content. They confirmed the persistent void in the scholarly literature, finding only 20 percent of the articles referred to race/ethnicity and 1.2 percent to sexual orientation. Again, most were sample descriptions, and Ram et al. concluded that there is no systematic attempt to include the experiences of marginalized groups.

Considering that conference programs might be more inclusive than publications, Kamphoff, Gill, Araki, and Hammond ( 2010 ) surveyed the Association for Applied Sport Psychology (AASP) conference program abstracts from the first conference in 1986 to 2007 . Only about 10 percent addressed cultural diversity, and most of those focused on gender differences. Almost no abstracts addressed race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, social class, physical disabilities, or any other cultural diversity issue.

Just as publications and conference programs reflect little diversity, our journal editorial boards and professional organizations have been dominated by men, with few women leaders until very recently. The International Society of Sport Psychology (ISSP), which was the first organization founded in 1965 , had all men presidents for over 25 years. AASP began in 1985 with John Silva as president, followed by seven male presidents before Jean Williams became president in 1993 . Similarly, APA Division 47 (Exercise & Sport Psychology) had all male presidents from 1986 until Diane Gill became president more than 10 years later. Nearly all of those presidents have been North American or European and white.

An additional consideration is that our major journals have little international reach. Papaioannou, Machaira, and Theano ( 2013 ) found that the vast majority (82 percent) of articles over 5 years in six major journals were from English-speaking countries, and the continents of Asia, Africa, and South America combined had less than 4 percent. Papaionnau et al. noted a high correlation between continents’ representation on editorial boards and publications, suggesting possible systematic errors or bias in the review process.

The International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology (IJSEP) recently (Schinke, Papaioannou, & Schack, 2016 ) addressed this issue with a special issue on sport psychology in emerging countries. Sørensen, Maro, and Roberts ( 2016 ) reported on gender differences in an HIV/AIDS education intervention through soccer in Tanzania. The program is community-based and delivered by young peer coaches. Their findings highlight cultural intersections and the importance of considering gender along with local culture in programs. Other articles in that special issue report on Botswana’s active sport psychology in both educational programs and with national teams (Tshube & Hanrahan, 2016 ), and the established and continuing sport psychology in Brazil, which includes major research programs on physical activity and well-being as well as applied sport psychology (Serra de Queiroz, Fogaça, Hanrahan, & Zizzi, 2016 ).

Gender Scholarship in Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology

In reviewing the scholarship on cultural diversity, we first focus on gender, which is especially prominent in sport and physical activity, and thus, particularly relevant for sport, exercise, and performance psychology. Gender scholarship in psychology has shifted from early research on sex differences to more current social perspectives emphasizing intersecting identities and cultural relations.

Sex Differences

In their classic review of the early psychology research on sex differences, Maccoby and Jacklin ( 1974 ) concluded that few conclusions could be drawn from the literature on sex differences. Ashmore ( 1990 ) later concluded that average differences are elusive, and the evidence does not support biological dichotomous sex-linked connections. More recent reviews confirm those conclusions.

Hyde ( 2005 ) reviewed 46 meta-analyses of the extensive literature on sex differences and concluded that results support the gender similarities hypothesis. That is, males and females are more alike than different on psychological variables, and overstated claims of gender differences cause harm and limit opportunities. Zell, Krizan, and Teeter ( 2015 ) used metasynthesis to evaluate the many meta-analyses on sex differences. They found that the vast majority of differences were small and constant across age, culture, and generations, and concluded that the findings provide compelling support for the gender similarities hypothesis.

Social Perspectives and Stereotypes

Today, most psychologists look beyond the male–female dichotomy to social-cognitive models and cultural relations. As sociologist Bernard ( 1981 ) proposed over 30 years ago, the social worlds for females and males are different even when they appear similar. Today, the social worlds are still not the same for girls and boys in youth sport, male and female elite athletes, or women and men in exercise programs.

Gender stereotypes are particularly pervasive in sport and physical activity. Metheny ( 1965 ) identified gender stereotypes in her classic analysis, concluding that it was not appropriate for women to engage in activities involving bodily contact, force, or endurance. Despite women’s increased participation, those gender stereotypes persist 50 years later. Continuing research (e.g., Hardin & Greer, 2009 ; Riemer & Visio, 2003 ) confirms that expressive activities (e.g., dancing, gymnastics) are seen as feminine; combative, contact sports as masculine; and other activities (e.g., tennis, swimming) as neutral.

Sport studies scholars have continued that research, with emphasis on sport media. Early research (e.g., Messner, Duncan, & Jensen, 1993 ) showed that female athletes receive much less and different coverage, with the emphasis on athletic ability and accomplishments for men and on femininity and physical attractiveness for women. Despite the increased participation of girls and women at all levels, the media coverage has not changed much. In the most recent update of a 25-year longitudinal study, Cooky, Messner, and Musto ( 2015 ) found televised coverage of women’s sport “dismally low” with no progress. Media representations are a major source of stereotypes, and evidence indicates that all forms of the media send the message that sport is for men.

Stereotypes are a concern because we act on them, restricting opportunities for everyone. Fredericks and Eccles ( 2004 , 2005 ) found that parents held gender-stereotyped beliefs and provided more opportunities and encouragement for sons than for daughters. Chalabaev, Sarrazin, and Fontayne ( 2009 ) found that stereotype endorsement (girls perform poorly in soccer) negatively predicted girls’ performance, with perceived ability mediating the relationship.

Chalabaev, Sarrazin, Fontayne, Boiche, and Clément-Guillotin ( 2013 ) reviewed the literature on gender stereotypes and physical activity, confirming the persistent gender stereotypes in sport and the influence of stereotypes on participation and performance. They further suggested that stereotypes may influence participation and behavior even if they are not internalized and believed. We know the stereotypes, and when situations call attention to the stereotype (e.g., there are only three girls on the co-ed team), it is especially likely to affect us. Beilock, Jellison, Rydell, McConnell, and Carr ( 2006 ) showed that telling male golfers the females performance better on a golf-putting task decreased their performance, and a follow-up study (Stone & McWhinnie, 2008 ) found females similarly susceptible to stereotype threat.

Gender and Physical Self-Perceptions . As part of Eccles’s continuing developmental research on gender and achievement, Eccles and Harrold ( 1991 ) confirmed that gender influences children’s sport achievement perceptions and behaviors and that these gender differences reflect gender-role socialization. Gender differences are larger in sport than in other domains, and as Eccles and Harold noted, even in sport the perceived gender differences are much larger than actual gender differences in sport-related skills.

Considerable research also shows that self-perceptions affect sport and physical activity behavior. For example, Jensen and Steele ( 2009 ) found that girls who experienced weight criticism and body dissatisfaction engaged in less vigorous physical activity. No similar results were found for boys, and so the researchers concluded that body dissatisfaction is important in girls’ physical activity. Slater and Tiggemann ( 2011 ) looked at gender differences in teasing, body self-perceptions, and physical activity with a large sample of adolescents and concluded that teasing and body image concerns may contribute to girls’ lower rates of participation in physical activity.

Physical activity also has the potential to enhance girls’ and women’s physical self-perceptions and activity. Several studies (e.g., Craft, Pfeiffer, & Pivarnik, 2003 ) confirm that exercise programs can enhance self-perceptions, and Hausenblas and Fallon’s ( 2006 ) meta-analysis found that physical activity leads to improved body image. Greenleaf, Boyer, and Petrie ( 2009 ) looked at the relationship of high school sport participation to psychological well-being and physical activity in college women. They found that body image, physical competence, and instrumentality mediated the relationship for both activity and well-being, suggesting that benefits accrue as a result of more positive self-perceptions.

Related research suggests that sport and physical activity programs can foster positive youth development, particularly for girls. A report for the Women’s Sports Foundation— Her Life Depends on It III (Staurowsky et al., 2015 )—updated previous reports and confirmed that physical activity helps girls and women lead healthy, strong, and fulfilled lives. That report, which reviewed over 1500 studies, documented the important role of physical activity in reducing the risk of major health issues (e.g., cancer, coronary heart disease, dementias) as well as depression, substance abuse, and sexual victimization. The report further concluded that all girls and women are shortchanged in realizing the benefits of physical activity and that females of color or with disabilities face even greater barriers.

Sexuality and Sexual Prejudice

Sexuality and sexual orientation are often linked with gender, but biological sex, gender identity, and sexual orientation are not necessarily related. Furthermore, male–female biological sex and homosexual–heterosexual orientations are not the clear, dichotomous categories that we often assume them to be. Individuals’ gender identities and sexual orientations are varied and not necessarily linked. Gender identity is one’s internal sense of being male or female. For transgender people, gender identity is not consistent with their biological sex (Krane & Mann, 2014 ).

Sexual orientation refers to one’s sexual or emotional attraction to others and is typically classified as heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual. Herek ( 2000 ) suggests that sexual prejudice is the more appropriate term for discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, but related scholarship typically refers to homophobia . As Krane and Mann ( 2014 ) point out, heterosexism , which refers to privilege of heterosexual people, is common in sport—we assume people are heterosexual, and we discriminate against those who do not fit heterosexist stereotypes. Also, we clearly discriminate on the basis of gender identity against transgender people.

Messner ( 2002 ) argues that homophobia leads boys and men to conform to a narrow definition of masculinity and bonds men together as superior to women. We expect to see men, but not women, take active, dominant roles expected of athletes. Despite the visibility of a few prominent gay and lesbian athletes and the very recent expansion of civil rights, sexual prejudice persists. Anderson ( 2011 ) suggests that men, and particularly gay men, have more latitude in sports today, but sport is still a space of restricted masculinity and sexual prejudice.

The limited data-based research confirms that sport is a hostile climate for lesbian/gay/bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people. In one of the few empirical studies, Morrow and Gill ( 2003 ) reported that both physical education teachers and students witnessed high levels of homophobic and heterosexist behaviors in public schools. Gill, Morrow, Collins, Lucey, and Schultz ( 2006 ) subsequently examined attitudes toward racial and ethnic minorities, older adults, people with disabilities, and sexual minorities. Overall, attitudes were markedly more negative for both gay men and lesbians than for other minority groups, with males especially negative toward gay men. Vikki Krane ( 2001 ) (Barber & Krane, 2005 ; Krane & Barber, 2003 ; Krane & Mann, 2014 ; Krane & Symons, 2014 ) have done much of the related work in sport and exercise psychology, and that research indicates that sexual prejudice is common in sport at all levels. Most of that research is from North America and Europe, but hostile climates have been reported around the world. For example, Shang and Gill ( 2012 ) found the climate in Taiwan athletics hostile for those with nonconventional gender identity or sexual orientation, particularly for male athletes.

In a review of research on LGBT issues in sport psychology, Krane, Waldron, Kauer, and Semerjian ( 2010 ) found no articles focused on transgender athletes. Lucas-Carr and Krane ( 2011 ) noted that transgender athletes are largely hidden. Hargie, Mitchell, and Somerville ( 2015 ) interviewed 10 transgender athletes and found common themes of intimidation, alienation, fear of public spaces, and overall effects of being deprived of the social, health, and well-being aspects of sport. As Lucas-Carr and Krane concluded, creation of safe and compassionate sport settings for all athletes, including trans athletes, is an ethical responsibility. On a promising note, Krane and Symons ( 2014 ) described several programs that promote inclusive sport climates, including Fair go, sport! an Australian social inclusion project focusing on gender and sexual diversity.

Sexual Harassment

Sexual harassment, which has clear gender and sexuality connotations, has received considerable attention in psychology (e.g., Koss, 1990 ). Kari Fasting and Celia Brackenridge have led much of the related research and programs on sexual harassment in sport. The related scholarship indicates that the sport climate fosters sexual harassment and abuse; that young, elite female athletes are particularly vulnerable; that neither athletes nor coaches have education or training about the issues; and that both research and professional development are needed in sport and exercise psychology to address the issues (Brackenridge, 2001 ; Brackenridge & Fasting, 2002 ; Fasting, Brackenridge, & Sundgot-Borgen, 2004 ; Fasting, Brackenridge, & Walseth, 2007 ). That research comes from several European countries and Australia. Rodriguez and Gill ( 2011 ) subsequently reported similar findings with former Puerto Rican women athletes.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC, 2007 ) recognizes the problem and defines sexual harassment as “behavior towards an individual or group that involves sexualized verbal, non-verbal or physical behavior, whether intended or unintended, legal or illegal, that is based on an abuse of power and trust and that is considered by the victim or a bystander to be unwanted or coerced” (p. 3). Fasting ( 2015 ) recently reviewed the research and suggested building on the recent policies of major organizations such as the IOC to curb harassment, as well as continued research to advance systematic knowledge.

Race, Ethnicity, and Social Class

Race and ethnicity are just as salient as gender in sport and physical activity but have largely been ignored in our literature. As noted in the earlier section on gender and cultural diversity in sport and exercise psychology, there is a striking void in our journals on race and ethnicity, and virtually no research has been published on social class in sport, exercise, and performance psychology.

Although race and ethnicity are often conflated, they are not the same, and race is not a clear, biologically determined category. As Markus ( 2008 ) argued, race and ethnicity are not objective, identifying characteristics, but the meanings that we associate with those characteristics carry power or privilege. The psychology scholarship on race and ethnicity most relevant to sport, exercise, and performance psychology involves health disparities and stereotypes.

Race, Ethnicity, and Health Disparities

Health disparities are well documented, showing that racial and ethnic minorities and low-income people receive suboptimal health care (see 2011 National Health Quality and Disparities Reports; available at www.ahrq.gov ). Health disparities are relevant to sport, exercise, and performance psychology in that physical activity is a key health behavior.

Few studies have looked at race and ethnicity or social class disparities in relation to sport and physical activity. Heesch, Brown, and Blanton ( 2000 ) examined exercise barriers with a large sample of women over age 40, including African American, Hispanic, Native American, and white women. They found several common barriers, but they also reported variations by racial and ethnic group, and cautioned that their results and specific community needs precluded definitive guidelines for interventions. Crespo ( 2005 ) outlined the cultural barriers to physical activity for minority populations, including those with lower socioeconomic status, and called for professionals to consider unique needs and cultural constraints when giving advice on exercise. Ethnicity and social class are particularly relevant when considering migrant and refugee populations in Western countries. For example, Frisby ( 2011 ) interviewed Chinese immigrant women in Canada to better understand barriers and guidance for promising inclusion practices in sport and recreation. Promising practices included promoting citizen engagement, working from a broader social ecological framework, improving access policies, and fostering community partnerships to facilitate cross-cultural connections.

Stereotypes and Stereotype Threat

Steele’s ( 1997 ; Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002 ) extensive research on stereotype threat , which is the fear of confirming negative stereotypes, has been extended to sport. Steele’s research indicates that stereotype threat particularly affects those minority group members who have abilities and are motivated to succeed. Steele also suggests that simple manipulations (e.g., telling students test scores are not related to race) can negate the effects. Beilock and McConnell ( 2004 ) reviewed the stereotype threat in sport literature, concluding that negative stereotypes are common in sport and lead to performance decrements, especially when the performers are capable and motivated.

Racial and ethnic stereotypes are well documented. For example, Devine and Baker ( 1991 ) found that the terms unintelligent and ostentatious were associated with black athlete , and Krueger ( 1996 ) found that both black and white participants perceived black men to be more athletic than white men. Johnson, Hallinan, and Westerfield ( 1999 ) asked participants to rate attributes of success in photos of black, white, Hispanic, and composite male athletes. Success for the black athlete was attributed to innate abilities, but the white athlete’s success was reported to come from hard work and leadership ability. Interestingly, no stereotyping was evident for the Hispanic athlete.

More important, these stereotypes affect behavior. When Stone, Perry, and Darley ( 1997 ) had people listen to a college basketball game and evaluate players, they found that both white and black students rated black players as more athletic and white players as having more basketball intelligence. Stone, Lynch, Sjomeling, and Darley ( 1999 ) found that black participants performed worse on a golf task when told the test was of sport intelligence, whereas white participants performed worse when told the test was of natural ability.

Although much of the work on stereotype threat involves race and ethnicity, gender and athlete stereotype threat effects have also been found. Heidrich and Chiviacowsky ( 2015 ) found that female participants in the stereotype threat condition (they were told women do worse than men) had lower self-efficacy and performed worse on a soccer task than those in the nonstereotype threat condition. Feltz, Schneider, Hwang, and Skogsberg ( 2013 ) found that student-athletes perceive stereotype threat in the classroom, and those with higher athletic identity perceived more threat. They also found that perceived coach’s regard for their academic ability affected athletes’ susceptibility and could serve as a buffer to stereotype threat.

Physicality and Weight Bias

Sport, exercise, and performance are physical activities, and thus physical characteristics are prominent. Moreover, opportunity is limited by physical abilities, skills, size, fitness, and appearance. Exclusion on the basis of physicality is nearly universal in sport and physical activity, and this exclusion is a public health and social justice issue.

Physical Abilities and Disabilities . Rimmer ( 2005 ) notes that people with physical disabilities are one of the most inactive segments of the population, and argues that organizational policies, discrimination, and social attitudes are the real barriers. Gill, Morrow, Collins, Lucey, and Schultz ( 2010 ) examined the climate for minority groups (racial and ethnic minorities, LGB people, older adults, and people with disabilities) in organized sport, exercise, and recreational settings. Notably, the climate was rated as most exclusionary for people with disabilities.

Semerjian ( 2010 ), one of the few scholars who has addressed disability issues in sport and exercise psychology, highlights the larger cultural context as well as the intersections of race, gender, and class with physicality. Physical skill, strength, and fitness, or more correctly, the lack of skill, strength, and fitness, are key sources of restrictions and overt discrimination in sport and exercise. Physical size, particularly obesity, is a prominent source of social stigma, and weight bias is a particular concern.

Obesity and Weight Bias

Considerable research (e.g., Brownell, 2010 ; Puhl & Heuer, 2011 ) has documented clear and consistent stigmatization and discrimination of the obese in employment, education, and health care. Obese individuals are targets for teasing, more likely to engage in unhealthy eating behaviors, and less likely to engage in physical activity (Faith, Leone, Ayers, Heo, & Pietrobelli, 2002 ; Puhl & Wharton, 2007 ; Storch et al., 2007 ). Check the Rudd Center website ( www.uconnruddcenter.org ) for resources and information on weight bias in health and educational settings.

Weight discrimination is associated with stress and negative health outcomes. Sutin, Stephan, and Terracciano ( 2015 ), using data from two large U.S. national studies, found that weight discrimination was associated with increased mortality risk and that the association was stronger than that between mortality and other forms of discrimination. Vartanian and Novak ( 2011 ) found experiences with weight stigma had negative impact on body satisfaction and self-esteem, and importantly, weight stigma was related to avoidance of exercise.

Exercise and sport science students and professionals are just as likely as others to hold negative stereotypes. Chambliss, Finley, and Blair ( 2004 ) found a strong anti-fat bias among exercise science students, and Greenleaf and Weiller ( 2005 ) found that physical education teachers held anti-fat bias and believed obese people were responsible for their obesity. O’Brien, Hunter, and Banks ( 2007 ) found that physical education students had greater anti-fat bias than students in other health areas, and also had higher bias at year 3 than at year 1; this finding suggests that their bias was not countered in their pre-professional programs. Robertson and Vohora ( 2008 ) found a strong anti-fat bias among fitness professionals and regular exercisers in England. Donaghue and Allen ( 2016 ) found that personal trainers recognized that their clients had unrealistic weight goals but still focused on diet and exercise to reach goals.

Weight Stigma and Health Promotion

Anti-fat bias and weight discrimination among professionals has important implications for physical activity and health promotion programs. Thomas, Lewis, Hyde, Castle, and Komesaroff ( 2010 ) conducted in-depth interviews with 142 obese adults in Australia about interventions for obesity. Participants supported interventions that were nonjudgmental and empowering, whereas interventions that were stigmatizing or blamed and shamed individuals for being overweight were not viewed as effective. They called for interventions that supported and empowered individuals to improve their lifestyle. Hoyt, Burnette, and Auster-Gussman ( 2014 ) reported that the “obesity as disease” message may help people feel more positive about their bodies, but they are less likely to engage in health-promoting behaviors. More positive approaches that take the emphasis off weight and highlight health gains are more promising.

Cultural Competence

Cultural competence, which refers to the ability to work effectively with people who are of a different culture, takes cultural diversity directly into professional practice. Culturally competent professionals act to empower participants, challenge restrictions, and advocate for social justice.

Cultural Sport and Exercise Psychology

A few dedicated scholars have called for a cultural sport psychology in line with our guiding framework (e.g., Fisher, Butryn, & Roper, 2003 ; Ryba & Wright, 2005 ). Schinke and Hanrahan’s ( 2009 ) Cultural Sport Psychology , and Ryba, Schinke, and Tenenbaum’s ( 2010 ) The Cultural Turn in Sport Psychology , brought together much of the initial scholarship. Special issues devoted to cultural sport psychology were published in the International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology (Ryba & Schinke, 2009 ) and the Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology special issue (Schinke & Moore, 2011 ). These works provide a base and call for cultural competence and social justice.

Cultural Competence for Professionals

Cultural competence is a required professional competency in psychology and many health professions, and is essential for anyone working with others, including sport, exercise, and performance psychology professionals. Cultural competence includes understanding and action, at both the individual and organizational level.

Most psychology resources follow Sue’s ( 2006 ) model of cultural competence with three key components: awareness of one’s own cultural values and biases, understanding of other worldviews, and development of culturally appropriate skills . In line with Sue’s model, the American Psychological Association (APA) developed the APA ( 2003 ) multicultural guidelines that call for psychologists to develop awareness of their own cultural attitudes and beliefs, understanding of other cultural perspectives, and culturally relevant skills. Furthermore, the guidelines call for action at the organizational level for social justice.

The ISSP developed a position stand (Ryba, Stambulova, Si, & Schinke, 2013 ) that describes three major areas of cultural competence: cultural awareness and reflexivity , culturally competent communication , and culturally competent interventions . Awareness and reflectivity refers to recognition of between- and within-culture variations as well as reflection on both the client and one’s own cultural background. Culturally competent communication involves meaningful dialogue and shared language. Culturally competent interventions recognize culture while avoiding stereotyping, take an idiosyncratic approach, and stand for social justice.

Cultural Competence and Inclusive Excellence

Cultural competence extends beyond individual competencies to all levels, including instruction, program development, hiring practices, and organizational policies and procedures. The APA multicultural guidelines call for professionals to recognize and value cultural diversity, continually seek to develop their multicultural knowledge and skills, translate those understandings into practice, and extend their efforts to advocacy by promoting organizational change and social justice. Cultural competence at the individual level is a professional responsibility. Inclusive excellence moves cultural competence to the institutional level. That is, we work for changes in organizations and policies that make our programs accessible and welcoming for diverse people. Taking inclusive excellence into sport, exercise, and performance psychology calls for recognizing and valuing diversity and social justice as goals that will enhance our programs and institutions, as well as bring the benefits of physical activity to participants. Therefore, we work not only to develop our individual cultural competencies, but also to effect change at the institutional level to ensure that our programs are inclusive and excellent.

Gender and culture are highly visible and influential in sport, exercise, and performance settings. Gender, race, ethnicity, social class, and physical characteristics often limit opportunities, sometimes through segregation and discrimination, but often through perceptions and stereotype influence. Sport, exercise, and performance psychology research confirms the influence of culture and offers explanations, but sport, exercise and performance psychology has made little progress in promoting cultural competence and social justice.

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Examination of Gender Equity and Female Participation in Sport

Author: Joshua A. Senne*(1)

(1) Joshua A. Senne is a doctoral student at the United States Sports Academy located in Daphne, Alabama. His doctoral emphasis is sports fitness and health, with a specialization in sport marketing. He currently holds a master of science in recreation and sport management from Indiana State University, a business credential from the Harvard Business School, and is a Stanford Certified Project Manager.

*Corresponding Author: Joshua Senne, MS, SCPM 5068 Argus Dr. Apt 1 Los Angeles, CA 90041 [email protected] 225-202-6787

ABSTRACT This paper presents an overview of five topics related to gender equity and sports. These topics include (a) history of gender equity in sports and Title IX, (b) gender equity in sport governance, (c) gender equity issues in athletics, (d) gender equity, sports participation, and Title IX, (e) and gender equity in coed sports. For each topic, the author presents an overview as well as a reason for selecting the topic. Further, the author presents information about the importance of each topic to gender equity in sports, plus any relevant social, ethical, or legal concerns.

KEYWORDS: gender equity, sports, sports governance, Title IX, coed sports.

INTRODUCTION Gender equity has been an issue in society since the beginning of time. In recorded history, one can find many accounts of where women faced issues of equity in relationships, their career, education, and athletic opportunities. The purpose of this paper is to explore the history that surrounds the issues of gender equity in sport, what actions have been taken to provide equal opportunity for women in sports, the current issues facing women in sports today, the research surrounding the issues pertaining to gender equity in sport, and also to discuss the findings and present recommendations for further research in this area.

Title IX was initially enacted by the federal government to ensure equal educational opportunities for males and females, but eventually it was used to create equal opportunities for women in sports. Title IX was monumental in increasing the participation of women in sports, but women still face scrutiny and stereotyping because of social norms, which define women as being fragile, less capable, and passive. Furthermore, sport has always been seen as a masculinized entity, and therefore, women are perceived as intruding on male boundaries. Recent and past research has shown that having a more balanced male and female board in sports governance contributes to a better work environment.

While Title IX has created more opportunities in sport for women, it has done very little to reduce the stereotypical image of women in sports. Further, it has done little to help establish equal opportunities in sport governance and the pressures women face in a hegemonic masculinized sport organization. It is necessary to reduce the stereotype that women are not equal to men in sports and sports governance because although women are mostly given an equal opportunity, they are still less likely to participate in sports or to be given equal opportunities in sports governance because of gender discrimination and gender stereotypes.

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE History of Gender Equity in Sports and Title IX Title IX of the Omnibus Education Act was enacted in 1972 by the United States Congress to ensure that institutions were providing equal opportunities for male and female students at higher education institutions that received federal funding (13). The Title IX Statute states, “No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance” (20). Exceptions to Title IX include educational institutions that traditionally admit members of only one sex, institutions that train individuals for military service, and institutions whose compliance with Title IX would violate religious beliefs (20).

Furthermore, it did not specifically refer to athletic opportunities when it was first developed; however, subsequent interpretations and court cases set the tone that opportunities in athletics are also to be upheld to this standard (13). Further continuations of Title IX involved the 1975 Title IX regulations and the 1979 Policy Interpretation: Title IX and Intercollegiate Athletics, which were both issued by the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare: Office of Civil Rights, and the 1996 Clarification of Intercollegiate Athletic Policy Guidance: The Three Part Test, issued by the U.S. Department of Education: Office of Civil Rights (11). This test (11) presents the following key points: 1. Are participation opportunities substantially proportionate to enrollment? 2. Is there a history and continuing practice of program expansion for the underrepresented sex? 3. Is the institution fully and effectively accommodating the interests and abilities of the underrepresented sex?

Also, as it relates to sports participation, the general rule in both contact and non-contact sports is that when only one team is available, both sexes must be allowed to try out for and play on the team. If there is a contact sport where no women’s team is available, the trend is to allow women to participate on the men’s team (20). Further, the HEW regulations under Title IX permit an athletic department that receives federal funds to maintain separate teams for each sex if selection for the teams is based on competitive skill or if the sport involved is a contact sport (20).

Gender Equity in Sport Governance As was previously mentioned, women face gender equity issues as athletes and as sport governance officials. There is a lack of women in leadership positions in sport due to the fact that sport is a gendered institution and that all processes operate within a hegemonic masculine norm (3). Furthermore, sport institutions have institutionalized masculinity as the operating principle within sport, which identifies male activity as privileged, and reinforcing masculinity and masculine behavior as acceptable leadership qualities required in sport (3). Therefore, it is said that gender inequality has become an institutionalized practice within sport organizations.

Women hold only 33% of general manager positions within the Women’s National Basketball Association, and outside of the U.S., women are less likely to hold leadership positions in sports, including volunteer and professional level organizations (3). Furthermore, the International Olympic Committee has only recently met its self-imposed threshold of at least 20% women as members of the board (17). Within national Olympic governing bodies (NGBs), 85.3% of those governing bodies are composed of all male leadership teams, and 14.1% have male/female leadership teams, whereas only one (.5%), Zambia, has an all female leadership team (17). Based on this data, one can see the leadership positions in sports organizations are skewed towards male leadership, and this supports the notion of masculinity in sports as well as masculine leadership in sport.

Hegemonic masculinity is an operating principle within sport organizations that restricts women’s access to leadership positions within sport (3). Based on a study (23) on the influence of hegemonic masculinity on the rate of advancement of women and women in senior leadership positions in intercollegiate athletics, it was found that men maintain control of athletic director positions at the highest level of intercollegiate sport and have higher rates of organizational success. Furthermore, It was found that women held less than 15% of athletic director positions at the interscholastic level (22).

Another issue affecting gender equity in sports government is the influence of power. One study (5) examined affirmative action policies, and how such policies are interpreted in sport organizations. Male leaders of the examined sport organizations discussed the importance of women’s inclusion as members of Boards of Directors, but these leaders did not show any support for any policy changes that would effectively increase the number of women on those boards. Furthermore, recruitment and selection of women included a gender fit, which included that they have no young children, are well educated, held high jobs previously, had flexible schedules, and behaved properly based on the standards of male leaders. Therefore, it was demonstrated that male leaders use power to ensure that male leadership remains dominant, and the participation of women is limited to those who fit the model of leader as determined by the men on the boards studied.

Alongside the theme of masculinity comes the issue of access and treatment discrimination. These types of discrimination occur at the organizational level and can negatively impact women in leadership positions in sport organizations (3). Access discrimination operates by excluding members of certain groups from entering the organization, while treatment discrimination occurs when individuals from certain groups receive less organizational resources than would be legally deserved (3). In relation to women in sport, they are often impacted by treatment discrimination as they are denied access tor rewards, resources, or opportunities on the job that they legitimately deserve (3). When examining the work experiences of women in intercollegiate athletics in the U.S., there was evidence to support that women in the Senior Woman Administrator position were denied opportunities to engage in important oversight roles in budgeting and leading men’s sports programs, which negatively impacted their abilities to build skill sets toward positions of athletic director (19).

A considerable body of research in the corporate domain has found that that ratio of women directors is positively related to board effectiveness and good governance (1). Another study (18) found that an organizational culture that valued gender equity and top management support for gender equity had more positive organizational outcomes for women and men within the organization, which included stronger organizational commitment and intentions to stay in the organization, when compared to gender equitable policies. Their findings found that organizations that practiced support for women can have a more significant impact on the entire organization in a positive manner. It makes one wonder why sport organizations would not implement equality in leadership positions based on the results that this would improve upon organizational objectives. Gender Equity Issues In Athletics

Previously, it was discussed how women face different issues in sports leadership due to the masculinization of sport. Similar to sport leadership, women in athletic sports participation are affected by some of the same masculinizing effects. It was anticipated in 1996 after the Olympic Summer Games that the enormous progress female athletes experienced in terms of their abilities 25 years after Title IX would have brought greater media attention in terms of quantity, and also, a qualitative reform in which women are recognized as true athletes (9). However, 15 years later, very little has changed in terms of media coverage, marketing, and promotion of female athletes and women’s sport (9). Women in sport are still greatly underrepresented in all types of media and are usually not recognized for their athletic ability, but instead for their physical appearance, femininity, and/or heterosexuality (9, 16, 21). One will discuss how the media affects gender equity in sports and promotes the masculinization of sports, and also, how society is affecting gender equity and female sports participation through feminization of women.

Gender marking is a common issue women face in sport media, and this term represents the verbal and visual presentation of male athletes and men’s sports as being the norm, while rendering female athletes and women’s competitions as secondary (9). Examples of gender marking are present in many women’s championships like the Women’s World Cup, the Women’s NCAA Final Four, and the United States Women’s Open Championship. When looking at the similar events for men’s sporting events, one will notice that they are never qualified with a gender moniker, which sets the tone as the male event being the standard and the female event being marked as the “other” event. A study (15) found that sport commentators often participate in gender marking for women’s events but not men’s events. It was found that gender marking occurred an average of 27.5 times in women’s sporting events, but none in men’s sports.

Another issue women face in sport media is a focus on femininity, heterosexuality, and sexism. Essentially, sport media reinforces patriarchal sovereignty by focusing on female athletes’ femininity and heterosexuality, which serves to degrade their athletic accomplishments and athleticism (9). The most common theme of sexualization in sport for women is in reference to their appearance, which many studies have observed that print media focus on the physical appearance of women athletes much more than their athletic skills or abilities (21). According to these studies, the most referenced was make-up, hair, and body shape for women, but this was rarely, if ever, focused on with men. This shows that physical appeal and aesthetic appeal highlight the idea that gender inequalities are the norm in the media (21).

According to a recent study (4), women had a rough entrance into the sports arena as it was seen as an unwelcoming intrusion into the realm of masculinity, and this caused women who played sports to be viewed as masculine or lesbians. Essentially, for women to not be considered lesbians in sport, they must have beauty and grace as opposed to skill or athleticism. Successful women athletes were considered to be lesbians because they were seen as portraying a manner contrary to gender roles (21). It has been found (2) that by perceiving powerful women as lesbians, it is an attempt to belittle and disempower them. This threat and the resulting perception of it, reinforces the negativity of lesbianism, but also the negativity associated with being a female athlete, and could potentially affect female participation in sports, and society’s interest in female sports.

In a recent paper (16), it was purported that the socializing affects at an early age affect sport participation of females throughout development. She points out the notion that at a young age, girls are made to play with dolls, baking kits, and are essentially bombarded with the color pink, which sets the tone for women as feminine, soft, and passive. However, she notes that for men, the color most associated with them is blue, but also they are made to play sports when growing up, as well as play with trucks and masculinizing things. Gender bias and stereotypes limit the physical activities in which girls participate, persist, and succeed (16). Title IX has greatly increased athletic participation among girls and women, however noncompliance and inequities are still common.

Early studies (12) indicated that while American boys who play sports enjoy high school status from their peers, female athletes are judged to be of lower social status, especially if they play masculine sports. Furthermore, girls who play sports during adolescence are also subject to direct, derogatory comments about their athleticism (12). In a recent study (14), it was found that about three-fourths of the girls in their sample reported discouraging comments regarding their ability in sports. The most common sources were brothers or close male friends at 45%, other male peers at 54%, sisters or close female friends at 31%, and female peers at 38%. Furthermore, teachers and coaches were less common sources at 28%.

Based on the presented data, one can see that women in sports are faced with many challenges when wanting to participate in sports. From the fact that sport is essentially masculinized from the beginning, to sexism, lesbianism, and heterosexualization of sport, one can see that women are continuing to be perceived less capable than men, and only taken seriously as beautiful and graceful athletes, assuming that they are beautiful and graceful. Any woman that is not perceived as such is considered masculine, or perhaps a lesbian for not following gender guidelines set forth by men. Furthermore, they are perceived as lesbian if they attempt to play masculine sports, and succeed. It is plausible to state that these issues could cause women to want to participate less, especially if they are socialized to fear the scrutiny involved with being athletic, or the ordeal of not being taken seriously as an athlete.

Gender Equity, Sports Participation, and Title IX Before the enactment of Title IX, less than 32,000 women participated in intercollegiate athletics and 300,000 girls in high school athletics (13, 11). Now, there are more than 200,000 women in college athletics and three million girls who participate in interscholastic athletics (11). A significant milestone for women’s participation in sports was reached at the London Olympic Games in 2012, where 44.3% of the athletes were women (1). Further, the participation of female athletes on the teams of Brunei, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia meant that for the first time in the history of the Olympic Games, every National Olympic Committee (NOC) had sent women to the Games (1). Also, with the inclusion of women’s boxing in the 2012 Olympic program, female athletes were able to compete for the first time in featured sports (8).

According to a recent study on participation data and the hypothesis that women are inherently less interested in sports than men, it asserts that Title IX might be taking the wrong approach. This study, which consisted of essentially three different studies on participation, resulted in some interesting conclusions. The first study, The American Time Use Survey, consisting of 112,000 individuals, U.S. residents 15 years and older, from the years 2003-2010, found that females comprised 28% of those who participated in individual sports and 20% in team sports (7). The second study, Observations at Public Parks, documented a total of 2,879 sports and exercise participants at public parks at four U.S. locations, where it was found that females make up 19% of the participants in individual sports and 10% in team sports (7). The third study, Intramurals at Colleges and Universities, involved surveys of intramural sports registrations at colleges and universities in the U.S where it was found that women accounted for only 26% of registrations (7).

According to these results, it is plausible to state that the participation rates of women in sports are essentially much lower than the participation in sports of males. Therefore the question remains, is the argument of whether or not the approach of Title IX to present equal opportunities to participate in sports based on equal interest a feasible argument? Based on the statistics, one can state that Title IX implementation should not be based on the assumption that men and women have equal interest in sports. The main legal guiding principles of Title IX are not necessarily based on the fact that men and women have equal interest. For example, Title IX requires institutions to award total financial aid dollars to male and female athletes in proportion to their athletics participation numbers. However, to treat males and females equal in terms of recruiting or in terms of benefits all athletes receive, this interest ratio from recent studies should be observed more intently.

A study (10) evaluated whether the differences exist in expenditures on male and female athletics in a sample of institutions that report data to the U.S. Department of Education. The data set for this study consisted of institutions that participate in NCAA Division II without football. Furthermore, data were analyzed for three different variables: student-athlete financial aid, total expenses, and basketball. According to the results of the study, the data supported that schools in the data set were meeting Title IX goals, and also equality was exhibited in athletic financial aid and overall operating expenses for men and women sports and expenditures on basketball by gender. Equality was achieved in 2003 and continued in 2013 (10). The limitations of this study were that it pertained only to Division II schools that do not compete in football.

In reviewing the presented data on the impact of Title IX and sports participation, one can see that participation has greatly increased since its enactment. Further, one can see that colleges are beginning to meet the requirements of Title IX by providing equal opportunities to women. That being said, the research also shows that women are still participating in sports much less than men. This can easily be understood by reviewing the aforementioned data on the different gender perceptions and stereotypes women are forced to accept when participating in sports.

Gender Equity in Coed Sports As previously discussed, the norms and traditions of sport still reinforce and perpetuate notions of hegemonic masculinity, and for women who want to play in these sports, they are either given supportive roles in coed sports or must play the sports with all women teams, which can turn away female participants (6). A study (6) was performed that examined the impact of the coed aspect of the sport of quidditch on its participants, and to determine how the structure and rules of the sport influenced participants and attitudes toward the opposite gender (6). The study was conducted through online qualitative surveys taken by 343 quidditch players, with age ranges of 13-17 years and 18-21 years (6).

The measurement methods were designed to analyze the impact of participating in a coed sport. To increase trustworthiness of the study and provide means for triangulation of the information gathered, a four-step process was used (6). The results of the study found that through the rules and regulations of the sport, both males and females enjoyed a positive coed experience, which led to an increased desire for inclusivity and equality (6). Further, there was a reduction in stereotyping, and females developed an increased level of self-confidence (6). However, it was found that there was still underlying prejudice towards women.

The findings of this study show that coed sport can serve as an outlet to impact gender perceptions through contact with the opposite gender and offer an alternative view of previous examinations of coed sport that offered a negative experience (6). The limitations of this study are that there was sample bias due to the participants’ affinity with the sport of quidditch, and that participants with a less than optimal experience were less likely to fill out the survey (6). Future studies could take a deeper look into the structure and processes of quidditch, and see how those processes could be used to create a positive experience in coed sports that are currently perceived as being a negative experience (6).

SUMMARY Title IX of the Omnibus Education Act was enacted in 1972 by the United States Congress to ensure that institutions were providing equal opportunities for male and female students in higher education (13). Further, while it did not specifically refer to athletic opportunities when it was first developed, subsequent interpretations and court cases set the tone that opportunities in athletics are also to be upheld to this standard (13). There is a lack of leadership positions in sport due to the fact that sport is a gendered institution and that all processes operate within a hegemonic society. Also, sport institutions have institutionalized masculinity as the operating principle within sport, which essentially strengthens the masculine image of sport and reinforces masculine behavior as acceptable leadership qualities required in sport (3).

Similar to sport leadership, women in athletic participation are affected by the same masculinizing effects attributed to the norm of sports. A major factor contributing to the feminizing of women in sports and reinforcement of hegemonic masculinity is the portrayal of female athletes by the media. A common issue women face in the media is gender marking, which represents male athletes and men’s sports as being the norm, and women’s sports as “other.” Another issue is that, in the media, the representation of successful female athletes is often based on beauty, shape of the body, hair, and other personal attributes (21). Further, socializing women into gender norms at a young age teaches females that they are soft, passive, and less capable than men in sports.

Title IX has had a major impact on the increased opportunity for women to play sports as can be seen from an increase in women who participate in collegiate athletics from 32,000 women to over 200,000 women (13). Further, there was an increase in high school athletics from 300,000 girls to three million (11). Even though Title IX has caused a significant impact in sports participation, a study (7) found that women are still participating significantly less than men in athletics. This is most likely attributed to the fact that women are still greatly gender stereotyped, underrepresented in the media, and ridiculed at a young age for participating in sports (12, 16).

Given the still current difficulties women face for equity in sport, one has to wonder if there is any way to promote equity in perception and media representation, as well as opportunity in sport governance. A study (6) examined the impact of the coed sport of quidditch and found that coed sport can serve as an outlet to impact gender perceptions through contact with the opposite gender and offer an alternative view of previous negative perceptions of coed sport. Essentially, the factors that one should look at in the examination of this coed sport were that women participants were treated equally and worked equally alongside their male counterparts. This level of equity in participation of this coed sport allowed for the male counterpart to see that the female was capable of meeting the demands of the sport, and changed the perception of most of the male participants. Further, this study showed an increased positive self-perception of the female participants.

RECOMMENDATION Title IX has had a significant impact on society in that it has increased the opportunities for women to participate in sport; however, something that it has not done is help to remove the gender stereotypes and masculine influence of power that still reigns over sport governance boards and athletic sports. Because of this, there are still more male participants in athletics. Understandably, women are less likely to participate in sports towards the end of high school due to the increased recognition of gender norms and derogatory comments received from male peers for wanting to participate in sports, or for being successful at masculine sports. Society needs to stop socially conditioning youth into masculine and feminine roles, and needs to stop ridiculing and underrepresenting women in athletics. Further research could examine the impact of having a female coach of a male sports team on participation by males, and the impact of having a male coach over a female sports team, and also a female to female sports team as well as a male to male sports team to examine the effects on sports participation of having like and opposite gender coaches.

CONCLUSION The research indicates that Title IX has had a significant impact on female participation in sports due to creating the opportunity to participate. However, it appears that women are still faced with gender equity issues in sports governance, athletic media representation, and perception in sports. Therefore, while the opportunity to participate in sports is ever present for women, there is the perception and socially conditioned notion that women should not participate in masculine sports because it makes them appear lesbian and causes them to be ridiculed. However, women athletes that are perceived as beautiful and graceful, are able to get media coverage, but not for their actual athletic abilities, only their appearance. Research shows that sport is still strongly masculine, and strongly in favor of men as the primary controller of sports.

It is important to give women equal opportunity in sport governance because gender diverse sport organizations are found to be more successful than those that are all male. Further, in order for women to have true equality in sport, the media will need to begin to recognize women for their athletic ability and not their looks or personal life alone, but also, society will need to move away from the social conditioning of women into gender stereotyped roles and allow for young girls to choose their own path, especially if that includes an interest in sports. Men must begin to see women as equals before women can truly be equals.

Because of the institutionalized masculinity as the norm, this will be a hard perception to break in society; however, if women are given an equal opportunity to participate in sports as an equal participant and not a “female” participant, perhaps one could see a shift in societal perception, as was shown in the research study on the coed sport of quidditch. Perhaps the development of more coed sports could help reform the norm of masculinity in sport.

APPLICATIONS IN SPORT While Title IX was developed to enhance equality in education, it has had an enormous impact on the development and improvement of gender equity in sports. That being stated, the data show that there is still a long way to go before women feel equal and are treated as equals in the realm of sports regarding participation and employment. Women are participating more than they once were, and are receiving better treatment in sports management and athletics, but the data show that they are still outnumbered by males in employment and sport participation. Therefore, the field of sport management should continue to work towards a level of quality that truly treats women as equals, offers them equal opportunity, and permits them to feel equal in sport management and athletic participation.

A study of a coed sport (quidditch) showed that this format of spectatorship enhances the perception of equality in sport of both male and female participants, and therefore, one could use this sport as an example of how to improve gender equity in sport participation. Further, it was shown that having a diverse workforce in sport governance enhances the performance of the sport organization, which shows that providing equal opportunity to women in sports management can have a positive effect on performance of sport organizations. Gender equity in sport is both necessary and beneficial for increasing female participation in sport and improving performance in sport governance.

REFERENCES 1. Adriaanse, J., & Schofield, T. (2014). The impact of gender quotas on gender equality in sport governance. Journal of Sport Management, 28(5), 485-497. 2.Blinde, M.E. (1991). Differential media coverage of men and women’s intercollegiate basketball: Reflection on gender ideology. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 15, 75-98. 3. Burton, L.J. (2015). Underrepresentation of women in sport leadership: A review of research. Sport Management Review, 18(2), 155-165. 4. Cahn, S. (1994). Coming on strong: Gender and sexuality in twentieth-century women’s sport. New York, NY: Free Press. 5. Claringbould, I., & Knoppers, A. (2007). Finding a ‘normal’ woman: Selection processes for board membership. Sex Roles, 56, 495-507. 6.Cohen, A., Melton, E.N., & Peachey, J.W. (2015). Investigating a coed sport’s ability to encourage inclusion and equality. Journal of Sport Management, 28(2), 220-235. 7. Deaner, R.O., Geary, D.C., Puts, D.A., Ham, S.A., Kruger, J., Winegard, B., & Grandis, T. (2012). A sex difference in the predisposition for physical competition: Males play sports much more than females even in the contemporary U.S. PLoS ONE, 7(11): e49168. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0049168 8. Donnelly, P., & Donnelly, M.K. (2013). The London 2012 Olympics: A gender equality audit. Toronto, Canada: Centre for Sport Policy Studies, University of Toronto. 9. Fink, J.S. (2015). Female athletes, women’s sport, and the sport media commercial complex: Have we really “come a long way, baby?” Sport Management Review, 18(3), 331-342. 10. Frazier, J.W., & Caines, R.W. (2015). Gender equality in private college athletics: Is Title IX having an impact? International Journal of Education Research, 10(1). 125-131. 11. Kennedy, C. L. (2010). A new frontier for women’s sports (beyond title IX). Gender Issues, (1-2), 78. doi:10.1007/s12147-010-9091-y 12. Knifsend, C.C., & Graham, S. (2012). Unique challenges facing female athletes in urban high schools. Sex Roles, 67(3/4), 236-246. doi:10.1007/s11199-012-0159-x 13. Koller, D.L. (2010). Not just one of the boys: A post-feminist critique of Title IX’s vision for gender equity in sports. Connecticut Law Review, 43(2), 401-456. 14. Leaper, C., & Firedman, C.K. (2007). The socialization of gender. In J. Grusec & P. Hastings (eds.), Handbook of socialization: Theory and research (pp. 561-587). New York: Guilford. 15. Messner, M., Duncan, M.C., & Jensen, K. (1993). Separating the men from the girls: The gendered language of televised sports. Gender & Society, 7, 121-137. 16. Mullins, N. M. (2015). Insidious influence of gender socialization on females’ physical activity: Rethink pink. Physical Educator, 72(1), 20-43. 17. Smith, M., & Wrynn, A. (2013). Women in the 2012 Olympic and Paralympic games: An analysis of participation and leadership opportunities. Ann Arbor, MI: SHARP Center for Women and Girls, Retrieved from http://www.womenssportfoundation.org/en/home/research/sharp-center 18. Spoor, J. R., & Hoye, R. (2013). Perceived support and women’s intentions to stay at a sport organization. British Journal of Management http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8551.120118 19. Tiell, B.S., Dixon, M.A., & Lin, Y. (2012). Roles and tasks of the senior woman administrator in role congruity theory perspective: A longitudinal progress report. Journal of Issues in Intercollegiate Athletics, 5, 247-268. 20. Thornton, P.K., Champion, W.T., & Ruddell, L. (2012). Sports ethics for sports management professionals. Sudbury, MA: Jones & Bartlett. 21. Trolan, E. J. (2013). The Impact of the media on gender inequality within sport. Procedia – Social And Behavioral Sciences, 91(PSU-USM International Conference on Humanities and Social Sciences), 215-227. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.08.420 22. Whisenant, W.A., (2008). Sustaining male dominance in interscholastic athletics: A case of homologous reproduction…or not? Sex Roles, 58(11-12), 768- 775. 23. Whisenant, W.A., Pedersen, P.M., & Obenour, B.L. (2002). Success and gender: Determining the rate of advancement for intercollegiate athletic directors. Sex Roles, 47, 485-491.

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Sexuality and Gender Perspectives on Sports Ethics INFORMATION AND KNOWLEDGE SHARING PLATFORM FOR AUSTRALIAN SPORT*/-->

Sport is often perceived as embodying positive values and morals, such as cooperation, mutual respect, fair play, and equality. However, it also has the potential to reflect undesirable values and unethical behaviours that divide society.

Discrimination that is based upon gender and/or sexual identity affects the fundamental integrity of sport and is often linked to other integrity issues such as violence, harassment or abuse. The term ‘integrity’ can take on different meanings in different environments, but in a sporting context it is understood to be ‘respect for oneself and others, moral responsibility and accountability.’ Integrity and ethical concerns may differ across sports, age levels, and systems (participation or elite sport).

Key messages

Evidence suggests that gender stereotypes contribute to young women dropping out of sport participation because women in sport are often seen as being non-feminine. Similarly, men who do not fulfill the 'masculine' stereotype have reported feeling intimidated and excluded from sports participation.

More than half of gay, lesbian or bisexual sport participants conceal their sexuality from their team/club and report feeling unwelcome. Gay men are most likely to feel unsafe and less likely to play team sports. The majority of people (of any sexuality) report frequent homophobic and discriminatory comments, especially in team sport environments.

The Australian Sex Discrimination Act 1984 states that children aged under 12 years cannot be excluded on the basis of sex or gender identity from participating in competitive sporting activities; people of one gender aged 12 and over can be excluded if strength, stamina, or physique of competitors is relevant.

Topic focus

Sex and gender

One of the most difficult issues in relation to defining gender ethics is that it often gets confused with sex. The simplest way of differentiating between sex and gender is to remember that sex refers to the body of a man or a women (there are a small number of people who do not fit typical definitions for male or female bodies who may be referred to as DSD – Different Sex Development); and gender refers to the socially judged traits that can be applied to bodies of any sex. That is, gender applies to socially defined characteristics of masculinity or femininity.

Gender affects everybody, albeit in different ways. For example, evidence suggests that gender stereotypes contribute to young women dropping out of sport participation because women in sport are often seen as being non-feminine (often labelled as lesbian, regardless of their sexual identity). Similarly, men who do not fulfill the stereotype of the ‘manly man’ have reported feeling intimidated and excluded from sports participation (these men will often be labelled gay, regardless of their sexual identity). The judgements and assumptions made by people and by society in relation to gender are intimately entwined with the judgements and assumptions made in relation to sexuality.

Gender and sport participation

Gender inequity is often referred to as sex inequity, although what is meant is ‘different representation and opportunities for men and women’.

In contrast to the ideals of sport, there is significant evidence that Australian girls and women are generally under-represented in sport participation when compared to their male cohort group. These differences are also evident in many other countries. There are a number of possible reasons for these differences, some of them are social-cultural (e.g. ethnicity, race, socio-economic status, and the existence of explicit or implicit sexism in sports clubs and in broader society) and some are institutional factors (e.g. media coverage, sex of coaches, available role models).

Sports and governments have responded in a variety of ways (e.g. policies, guidelines, programs and research) that seek to equalise sporting opportunities, and in particular address the disadvantages faced by girls and women. However, despite these actions inequalities between males and females remain when it comes to sports participation (physical activity participation is generally more equal). The reality is that we have not yet been able to fully understand—and respond to—the reasons behind more limited involvement (e.g. leadership, administration, coaching, and player participation) in sport by women and girls.

The Women in Sport topic provides further information and insights into the current state, facilitators and barriers for women and girls' participation at various levels and in different roles within the sport sector.

Access to resources Where possible, direct links to full-text and online resources are provided. However, where links are not available, you may be able to access documents directly by searching our licenced full-text databases (note: user access restrictions apply). Alternatively, you can ask your institutional, university, or local library for assistance—or purchase documents directly from the publisher. You may also find the information you’re seeking by searching Google Scholar .

• Diversity and Inclusion in Sport Organizations: a multilevel perspective (fourth edition), Cunningham G, Routledge , (2019). A comprehensive introduction to the ways in which people differ—including race, gender, age, mental and physical ability, appearance, religion, sexual orientation, and social class—and the importance of these differences for sport organizations .It offers strategies for managing diversity in work and sport environments and provides an overview of diversity training that can be implemented in the workplace.
• No Slam Dunk. Gender, Sport and the Unevenness of Social Change , Cooky, C and Messner, M.A., Rutgers University Press , (2018). This book discusses the recent and significant gender transformations in sport as well as the persistent inequality and discrimination experienced by women, girls, LGBTI people. Covers intersectionality well – acknowledging the complexity of gender relations, sex (and DSD in women’s elite sport competition), sexuality, class, ethnic and racial inequality. A sophisticated sociological and historical contribution to understanding the nature and politics of gender, sex and sexuality in contemporary sport from a North American and international perspective.
• Routledge Handbook on Sport, Gender and Sexuality , Hargreaves J and Anderson E (editors), Routledge , (2014). Chapters are authored by experts and organised into eight parts: (1) historical perspectives; (2) views from countries across the world; (3) diversity and division; (4) gender conformity and its challenges; (5) homosexuality – issues and challenges; (6) questioning and transgressing sex; (7) power, control and abuse; and, (8) gender and sexuality in the mediation of sport.
• Gender and Sport. Changes and Challenges , Pfister G and Sisjord M (editors), Waxmann , (2013). This book covers current issues, debates and new understanding on women and sport. A wide range of topics are covered (e.g. female coaches, sexual harassment, physical education, sport participation, etc.). The aim of this book is to provide an overview of the current debates on gender and sport from a women’s perspective, in particular gender inequalities, and to present insights into the causes and effects.

Infographics

• The Genderbread Person v4 , Sam Killermann, It's pronounced metrosexual , (accessed 24 January 2022). Gender is one of those things everyone thinks they understand, but often don't. This graphic helps to put the term 'gender' into context.
• Acting "like a girl" should not be an insult , Hannah Goldberg, Time Magazine , (26 June 2014). This video seeks to redefine the phrase “like a girl” as something strong and powerful. It’s part of the larger #LikeAGirl campaign by ‘Always’, a brand owned by Procter and Gamble. Both men and women of all ages are asked to describe what they think the phrase “like a girl” means. The men express themselves in terms of athletic gender stereotyped behaviour, but the young girls act out athletic and deliberate motions. The conclusion is drawn that “ike a girl” is often perceived as an insult.
• Non-Binary People, Sport and Physical Activity , Pride in Sports for Sport England , (2020). The word non-binary describes a wide array of different identities which fall outside of the gender binary, and can be related to, or completely separate from male and female gender identities. Whilst non-binary is often described as part of the trans umbrella, not all nonbinary people identify as trans. It is estimated that around 0.4% of the UK’s population identify as non-binary2 , although it is thought that non-binary identities may be on the rise, particularly amongst young people. Research conducted by the National LGBT Partnership in 20167 found that people who identified as something other than male or female were some of the most inactive people amongst LGBT+ populations. Sport England commissioned Pride Sports to devise policy guidance for non-binary inclusion in grassroots sport and physical activity. The following report reflects data and commentary gathered through desk research, as well as input from focus groups and individual discussions with nonbinary people. Key challenges are faced by non-binary people in the following areas: Gendered Spaces; Gendered Activity; Representation and Visibility; and, Language These barriers are addressed within the report through recommendations themed accordingly, whilst examples of existing adaptations made within mainstream grassroots sport to accommodate nonbinary people are also highlighted. Consideration is also given within the report to the specific challenge of school sport and PE and to the performance pathway.
• A summary of a research workshop which took place specifically to explore non-binary inclusion in sport;
• Three case studies showcasing examples of non-binary inclusion, derived from people’s lived experiences of organising and participating in sport:
• Some tips for being a non-binary ally
• The AFL game has moved beyond overt, blatant sexism on most counts, and what pervades today is something much more subtle, nuanced and culturally ingrained, but deeply felt, widely experienced, and prohibitive to women’s progress.
• Women want more opportunity in Australian Football, but feel conflicted about asking for more leadership opportunities, given current workplace systems that have not evolved from the default model of intensive time-commitments, seasonal demands, and fast tracking of employees who are seen as insiders or club loyalists.
• Men are also frustrated and cautious on the topic of including more women in the game.
• On the whole, men approached the discussion from the perspective of how to assist women to ‘fit in’ to the existing environment, rather than how to change that environment.
• Part of what keeps the status quo seems to be about the difficulty in describing what the inequity problem is, in blunt terms. The experiences of frustration that women described were largely about exclusionary power dynamics rather than overt discrimination. There was an extremely strong and consistent narrative about the importance of ‘earning your stripes’ as a leader in the football world, but participants acknowledged that the ‘stripes’ that were most revered were often earned in the field of play, leaving the myth of meritocracy exposed.
• Specific Detriment: Barriers and Opportunities for Non-Binary Inclusive Sports in Scotland , Sonja Erikainen, Ben Vincent, Al Hopkins, Journal of Sport and Social Issues , (9 October 2020). While non-binary gender identities have become increasingly visible in recent years, little research currently exists on the experiences that non-binary people have in sport, where most opportunities to participate are limited to two, mutually exclusive female and male categories. This article provides a starting point for addressing this gap, by reporting findings from a participatory scoping study that explored the barriers that non-binary people face in accessing sporting spaces, communities, and competitions. This study also identified strategies through which these barriers could be overcome, and non-binary inclusion facilitated. Taken together, these strategies suggest that genuine inclusion entails not only new ways of thinking about how gender operates in sport but also alternative ways of thinking about the meaning and value of sport itself.

Sex and gender Sport is widely seen as an arena in which highly stereotypical views are held regarding what it means to be ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’.

Sexual orientation

Some of the most commonly used sexual identities are: heterosexual, homosexual (gay, lesbian), or bisexual. Gender and sexuality stereotypes are intimately entwined; for example, men who are seen as being ‘highly masculine’ will often be assumed to be heterosexual, while women who are seen as being ‘non-feminine’ will often be assumed to be lesbian.

LGB people come from all walks of life and are also part of other population groups (i.e. age, cultural and socio-economic groups, people with disability, etc.). Identification as LGB is influenced by many factors and individuals' lived experience. Based on a limited number of surveys it is estimated that around 3-4% of Australians identify as LGB, and that, as a population group, LGB individuals face significant mental and sexual health disparities, and higher rates of substance abuse.

Although research suggests, that positive sport and physical activity experiences can help to improve physical, mental and social health, it is beyond doubt that sport can also be a site of discrimination on the basis of someone’s (known or assumed) sexuality or gender identity.

Within a sporting environment, behaviour or attitudes that produce prejudice, exclusion, or harassment not only tarnish the reputation of individuals, but clubs and sport as a whole. Experiences of discrimination and harassment within sport in Australia have included verbal and physical abuse, as well as exclusion and silencing tactics. These actions can be very hurtful and offensive to those who are targeted, causing depression, anxiety, and isolation. While some incidences are highly visible, the majority are never discussed.

Experience of LGB participants

Experiences of harassment, discrimination, and exclusion by lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) sports participants have been documented in multiple Australian and international reports and research projects, such as the Out on the Fields research, some clear trends are evident:

• People who identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual or transsexual often feel unwelcome in sporting environments, particularly team sport environments.
• More than half of respondents conceal their sexuality from team mates and others affiliated with their clubs.
• Gay men are less likely to play team sports than lesbian women, potentially because abuse among men is more likely to be physical as well as verbal.
• Gay men were also more likely to feel unwelcome and worried about rejection and discrimination by team mates and coaches.
• The majority of respondents (of any sexuality) reported frequent homophobic jokes and comments occurring in the sports environment, more frequently in team sports.

Not only are gay and lesbian athletes vulnerable, but gay and lesbian coaches as well. As with LGBT athletes, LGBT coaches generally keep their identities a secret, usually because they fear being discriminated against or harassed. They may also fear that declaring their sexual identity will divert attention from their accomplishments and put the public spotlight on their sexuality rather than their team or athlete's performance. Even when members of the sporting community acknowledge the presence of LGBT coaches, there may be subtle discrimination or prejudicial attitudes. Research has uncovered prejudicial attitudes and qualified acceptance of LGBT sport coaches.

Role of organisations

Homophobia and discrimination of same sex attracted and gender diverse (SSAGD) individuals in a sport setting can have significant negative effects on their personal wellbeing and enjoyment of sport. Discrimination and exclusion in sport because of a persons' sexuality and/or gender identity, and the failure by sport to provide an open and welcoming culture creates some unique challenges; not only for gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, and intersex people, but also for the culture within sporting codes.

The 2016 International Olympic Committee (IOC) Consensus Statement: harassment and abuse (non-accidental violence) in sport position statement includes LGBT athletes and highlights the need for sport stakeholders to consider the wider social parameters of issues, including cultures of secrecy and deference that often facilitate abuse. The Statement recommends a systematic approach to prevention, involving athletes, entourage members, sport managers, medical and therapeutic practitioners, educators, and criminal justice agencies.

The Western Sydney University Game to Play? report (2020) provides some clear recommendations for actions that sports organisations can take to improve the involvement of SSAGD in sport and their organisations. These include:

• having clearly established, and enforced, policies and guidelines against discrimination;
• providing sensitivity and ally training for managers, staff, coaches, and officials; and,
• ensuring appropriate facilities and uniform options are available for athletes, volunteers and staff.

As more institutions, coaching associations, and sport governing organisations adopt inclusive non-discriminatory policies and implement educational programs for staff and athletes, the climate will change. The end result will be fewer cases of discrimination and harassment of athletes, coaches and officials and a better sporting experience for everyone.

• Field of tainted dreams , Dingle S, Radio National (10 May 2015). Homophobia is rife in Australian sport. Whether playing at the local park or representing their country, gay and lesbian athletes routinely hide their sexuality to avoid abuse while pursuing the sport they love. Sarah Dingle investigates how difficult it is to come out on the field.
• Developing Sport for Women and Girls , Emma Sherry, Katie Rowe, Routledge , (2020). Provides critical analysis of contemporary sport development, from high performance pathways to engaging diverse communities to the use of sport to empower women and girls. Each chapter explores various contexts of sport development and sport for development theory with a specific focus on women and girls. Specific chapters include: Promoting LGBT+ Inclusion in Women’s and Girls’ Sport: Lessons from Australia; Regulating High Testosterone in International Women’s Sport; and more.
• Diversity and Inclusion in Sport Organizations:a multilevel perspective (fourth edition), Cunningham G, Routledge , (2019). A comprehensive introduction to the ways in which people differ—including race, gender, age, mental and physical ability, appearance, religion, sexual orientation, and social class—and the importance of these differences for sport organizations. It offers strategies for managing diversity in work and sport environments and provides an overview of diversity training that can be implemented in the workplace.
• Routledge Handbook on Sport, Gender and Sexuality , Hargreaves J and Anderson E (editors), Routledge , (2014). Chapters are authored by experts and organised into eight parts: (1) historical perspectives; (2) views from countries across the world; (3) diversity and division; (4) gender conformity and its challenges; (5) homosexuality – issues and challenges; (6) questioning and transgressing sex; (7) power, control and abuse, and; (8) gender and sexuality in the mediation of sport. (view list of contributors and chapter titles).
• The Gay Games: A history , Symons C., Routledge , (2010). Since their inception in 1980, the Gay Games have developed into a multi-million dollar mega-event, engaging people from all continents, while the international Gay Games movement has become one of the largest and most significant international institutions for gay and lesbian people. Drawing on detailed archival research, oral history and participant observation techniques, and informed by critical feminist theory and queer theory, this book offers the first comprehensive history of the Gay Games from 1980 through to the Chicago games of 2006. It explores the significance of the Games in the context of broader currents of gay and lesbian history, and addresses a wide range of key contemporary themes within sports studies, including the cultural politics of sport, the politics of difference and identity, and the rise of sporting mega-events.

Position Statements

• The IOC Consensus Statement: harassment and abuse (non-accidental violence) in sport , Mountjoy M, Brackenridge C, Arrington M, et.al., British Journal of Sports Medicine , Volume 50(17), pp.1019-1029, (August 2016). All athletes have a right to engage in ‘safe sport’, defined as an athletic environment that is respectful, equitable and free from all forms of non-accidental violence to athletes. This Consensus Statement extends the 2007 IOC Consensus Statement on Sexual Harassment and Abuse in Sport, presenting additional evidence of several other types of harassment and abuse—psychological, physical and neglect. All ages and types of athletes are susceptible to these problems but science confirms that elite, disabled, child, and lesbian/gay/bisexual/trans-sexual (LGBT) athletes are at highest risk, that psychological abuse is at the core of all other forms and that athletes can also be perpetrators. Harassment and abuse arise from prejudices expressed through power differences. Perpetrators use a range of interpersonal mechanisms including contact, non-contact/verbal, cyber-based, negligence, bullying, and hazing. Attention is paid to the particular risks facing child athletes, athletes with a disability, and LGBT athletes. Impacts on the individual athlete and the organisation are discussed. Sport stakeholders are encouraged to consider the wider social parameters of these issues, including cultures of secrecy and deference that too often facilitate abuse, rather than focusing simply on psychopathological causes. A systematic multiagency approach to prevention is most effective, involving athletes, entourage members, sport managers, medical and therapeutic practitioners, educators, and criminal justice agencies.
• Seeing the Invisible, Speaking About the Unspoken: A Position Paper on Homophobia in Sport , Canadian Women and Sport , (2012). In keeping with its mandate to increase the participation of women and girls in sport and physical activity, Canadian Women and Sport has prepared a position paper on homophobia in sport. Homophobia — or the fear and hatred of people who are homosexual— is often an obstacle to participation in sport among all groups: women and men, young and old, of any sexual orientation. In particular, many girls and women shy away from sport out of fear they will be perceived as lesbians. Canadian Women and Sport feels that addressing the issue of homophobia in sport is very timely given Canada’s inclusive stance on minority rights as well as the Canadian sport system’s overall strategy of making the sport environment, and the sport experience, safe and welcoming.
• ‘No words’: gay Australian footballer Josh Cavallo calls out homophobic crowd abuse , Mike Hytner, ABC News , (9 January 2022). Josh Cavallo, who last year became the only openly gay male professional top flight men’s footballer in the world, says he has “no words” to describe his disappointment at being targeted by homophobic abuse during an A-League Men game over the weekend.
• What Josh Cavallo's coming out says about men's and women's queer sport cultures , Kate O'Halloran, ABC News , (30 October 2021). "I'm a footballer, and I'm gay." In 2021, it's hard to believe that this statement could be so revelatory. But by Friday, Josh Cavallo's tearful coming out video had received close to 10 million views on social media, and was in turn lauded by names as synonymous with men's football as Juventus and Manchester United.
• LGBTQ+ athletes: why more sportspeople than ever are coming out , Jack Hardwicke, Eric Anderson, Keith Parry, et.al., The Conversation , (1 October 2021). The recent (delayed) Tokyo 2020 Olympics had the largest number of out LGBTQ+ athletes ever – with 186 LGBTQ+ athletes competing – while the Paralympics had a record 36. The 2020 Olympics was also a first in that multiple openly transgender or non-binary athletes took part. This is why these games have been dubbed the “Rainbow Olympics” and have been seen as a “turning point for LGBTQ+ athletes”.
• Why is AFL the only pro sport to never have an openly gay male player? Erik Denison, Sydney Morning Herald , (25 June 2021). Few people realise the men’s AFL is the only major professional male sport in the world to never have had an openly gay or bisexual player, even after retirement.
• Thirty studies provide strong evidence of need for action , Out on the Fields , (21 May 2021). Over the last two decades dozens of academic studies have found strong resistance and little progress in stopping the discrimination that LGBTQ+ children and adults experience in sport. There are many people in the sport sector who want to do the right thing, but may be unaware of everything done in the past. This means the same ineffective approaches have been repeated. For example, we have had peer-reviewed scientific evidence for at least a decade that the policies in sport that ban homophobic behaviours are ineffective and need to be completely redesigned. They are complaint-based, which means a child would have to file a formal complaint about their teammates using homophobic banter. The policies also often only prohibit language motivated by hate, whereas this language is used constantly in sport and generally used to conform to social norms. We created this list of resources to help break this cycle.
• LGBTIQ+ Health and Wellbeing Policy Priorities 2021 , LGBTIQ+ Health Alliance , (11 May 2021). LGBTIQ+ people are a priority population in multiple national health and wellbeing strategies, and there is an urgent need for greater national coordination and investment. LGBTIQ+ Health Australia worked closely with our member organisations to provide a submission to the Federal Budget, and to develop recommended Priority Policies for 2021.
• How Tasmania's first LGBTIQA+ basketball team wants to change community sport , Megan Macdonald, ABC , (9 February 2021). Bushrangers Basketball is Australia's largest LGBTIQA+ basketball club. The club is aimed at providing "safe spaces for trans and gender diverse players". Rather than a priority on winning, the club strives for "non-competitive, fun games".
• Shining a light on Sports Pride Networks , UK Sport , (12 December 2020). Earlier this year British Athletics and British Swimming set up their first LGBTQ+ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans) networks – communities that are inclusive to all and open to all levels from grassroots to elite.
• Does the Rainbow Laces campaign help to end homophobia in sport? Erik Denison, Monash Lens , (4 December 2020). Unfortunately, there's no evidence that the Rainbow Laces campaign, as it's done now, helps to stop homophobic language or make sport more inclusive and welcoming for LGBTQ people. However, with a refocus of the campaign away from professional clubs, and towards amateur clubs and teams, Rainbow Laces could help to reduce homophobic language in sport.
• Half of male athletes have recently used homophobic slurs , Out in the Fields , (3 December 2020). Researchers investigating the use of homophobic language in multiple sports and countries continue to find more than half of male athletes who play traditionally male sports such as football or rugby union have recently used homophobic language. However, a recent study found this language seems to be disconnected from negative attitudes. Athletes with positive attitudes toward gay people (e.g. supporting same-sex marriage) were just as likely as those with negative attitudes to use slurs.
• 50 years of research: girls still avoid sport due to lesbian stigma , Out in the Fields , (3 December 2020). Most female rugby players in the UK and Canada say people automatically assume they are lesbians for playing the sport. The stigma and discrimination that girls and women experience when they play sports such as rugby, cricket, or ice hockey has been extensively documented in hundreds of studies by researchers over the last half-century (see timeline). Recent research suggest little has changed.
• Alex Blackwell says homophobia remains a serious problem in women's sport despite 'misconceptions' , ABC News , (3 December 2020). Former Australian cricket captain Alex Blackwell says it is a "misconception" that homophobia is a lesser issue in girls' and women's sport, after a new study revealed many lesbian athletes report experiencing abuse after coming out. A new study by Monash University says nearly 50 per cent of LGBT girls in youth team sport reported being a victim of homophobic abuse after coming out publicly — compared to 24 per cent who were abused but who had not come out.
• Homophobia drastically reduced at Australian clubs taking part in pride games , Mike Hytner, The Guardian , (26 August 2020). Research, led by Australia’s Monash University, is the first academic study to investigate if such themed games or rounds, which aim to address a range of social issues including homophobia, racism and respect for women, can help stop discriminatory behaviours in male sport. The study focused on the Australian Ice Hockey League and found players in teams that hold pride games use nearly 40% less homophobic language than those in teams that have not held games. A subsequent, larger study that included community cricket, netball, Australian rules football, field hockey, and roller derby reported nearly identical results.
• More work needed to eradicate discrimination in sport , VicHealth , (11 August 2020). Findings of a report released this week show the LGBTI+ community still experiences a range of social barriers to participating in community sport and physical activity across Australia, including being subjected to continued homophobic slurs and behaviour from players and coaches. Key findings from the study included:
• Just 51 per cent of all clubs surveyed strongly disagreed that homosexuality was wrong or unnatural.
• Only 11 per cent of men from Pride Cup clubs reported their coach had used homophobic language in the two weeks prior to the survey, compared to 30 per cent of non-Pride Cup clubs.
• About 38 per cent of Pride Cup players witnessed their teammates use homophobic language, compared to 73 per cent of players at non-Pride Cup clubs.
• More than half of men from non-Pride Cup clubs were the target of homophonic slurs in the past year.
• Pride Cup provided a space for clubs and communities to address discrimination and homophobic language.
• How LGBTQI+ AFL fans have banded together to create a network of pride groups , Evan Young, SBS , (16 July 2020). The AFL might be busy navigating coronavirus, but its fans remain as loyal as ever. For LGBTQI+ Australians who have previously reported feeling unwelcome by the men's game, they have been mobilising to forge a new sense of belonging. The Purple Bombers has continued to grow each year and almost all AFL clubs now have dedicated LGBTQI+ fan groups, which operate as part of a coalition called the AFL Pride Collective. Representatives from each group meet a few times a year to discuss common issues and collaborate at various AFL events and pride festivals around Australia.
• New research reveals use of homophobic language ever-present within sport , Harlequins , (14 February 2020). The study analysed data collected from randomly selected rugby clubs in the South of England in January and February of 2020. It found that the majority of male rugby players (69%) had heard their teammates using slurs such as fag or dyke in the last two weeks, while 42% of players admitted to using this language themselves in the same time period. The study also found this language does not appear to be motivated by ‘homophobia’ or any malice or prejudice toward gay people, with many of the rugby players who used the ‘slurs’ also expressing positive attitudes toward gay people, and most (67%) male rugby players reported they have ‘close’ gay friends. 69% also want the language to stop and players reported language is motivated by peer pressure, and typically used to get a laugh out of others, or ‘fit in’ on their team.
• LGBT discrimination in sport highlighted after a week in the headlines , Candice Prosser, ABC News , (5 May 2019). In a week when issues of gender and sexuality in sport have been in the spotlight, new research has found many LGBT athletes feel unsafe and vulnerable — but attitudes are changing.
• Statistics on Homophobia and Transphobia in Sport , Out in the Fields , (2019). This page shares the results from Out on the Fields (2015) and OutSport (2019), the first and second international research on homophobia and transphobia in sport. You will find statistics on gay athletes and trans athletes. The data comes from 12,000+ lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender participants from all EU countries and the United State, Canada, Australia, and NZ;
• Homophobic language in sport: the disconnect between what people say and how they think , Erik Denison, Monash Lens , (31 August 2018). Over the past five months, we've conducted multiple surveys with every under-18 rugby team in Victoria and South Australia, and every colts team (players aged 18-20) in Victoria. Our aim is to gain a better understanding of why homophobic language remains so intractable and common in male sport, and then develop and test different programs to change this language.
• Gay, lesbian and bisexual teens half as likely to play sports as straight youth , University of British Columbia , (22 February 2017). The study is the first of its kind to track sports involvement among LGB youth in Canada and was conducted in collaboration with the youth research non-profit McCreary Centre Society. In 1998, five out of 10 gay students played formal or coached sports. By 2013, that proportion had dropped to three in 10. Participation also dropped among lesbian girls (to 52 per cent, from 62 per cent in 1998); bisexual girls (38 per cent, from 48 per cent), and bisexual boys (42 per cent, from 59 per cent). Straight boys and girls were also less likely to be active in sports in recent years – proportions dropped from 71 per cent and 66 per cent in 1998 respectively, to 68 per cent and 61 per cent.
• Netballer Ashleigh Brazill's civil union: my sexuality has never been an issue , Delahunty E, The Guardian (2 February 2016). What sets 26-year-old netballer Ashleigh Brazill apart from the handful of other elite athletes who have come out, she says, is that there has been no prejudice to smash, no homophobia to confront. “Not once in my career has someone said something, either on the court or off it. It’s never been an issue and I’ve always been open about it. I came out pretty young and everyone around me has always been unbelievably supportive, especially my parents”, said Brazill.
• Australian sporting codes response to anti-homophobia, inclusion framework , (2015). Major professional sporting codes (AFL, FFA, ARU, NRL and CA) have listed their programs and promotions that respond to homophobia in sport.
• Homophobia in sport and why it’s different for women , Warby D, Blog (17 February 2014). The content of this article was presented by Danielle Warby at Queer Thinking: Out in Sport as part of the 2014 Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras festival. She discusses stereotypes in sport, how sexism and homophobia are connected, and why it’s damaging for both men and women.
• Playing it straight , Brady N, The Age , (23 October 2011). This story highlights the difficulty faced by gay and lesbian elite athletes in Australia. Initially the story is about Gus Johnston, who represented Victoria for 12 years in the sport of Hockey. He was little known outside hockey circles until he posted an emotional 12-minute video on YouTube in which he outed himself as gay. In the video, which Johnston called ''the reality of homophobia in sport'' he explains why he has waited until retiring from sport to make his announcement and in part to let young gay athletes know that they are not alone. Johnston also wants to tell the broader sporting community that gossip and 'jokes' about sexuality that are routinely peddled in locker rooms are homophobic and hurtful. By coming out, Johnston joins an exclusive club of elite Australian athletes who admit to being gay. It is estimated that in Australia 10 per cent of the population is homosexual, yet only a small number of elite male athletes, and an even small number of female athletes, have come out and declared they are homosexual.
• Participants were asked which sports they had played in the past 12 months (multiple responses were permitted): 62.2% of respondents had participated in some sport. The most popular sports were swimming, dancing, netball, soccer, cycling, and basketball. Only 28.8% of those who played sports had disclosed to teammates.
• Of those who had disclosed to their teammates, 69.8% (n = 139) attending university reported feeling supported about their sexuality or gender identity by their teammates, compared to 69.4% (n = 25) of those attending TAFE. This figure was lower among secondary students, with 61.2% (n = 316) reporting feeling supported by teammates.
• Among participants who reported experiencing harassment or assault based on their sexuality or gender identity at sport in the past 12 months (n = 95), almost two-thirds (64.2%; n = 61) reported the perpetrator was a player/s from their team, one-half (51.6%; n = 49) player from another team, one fifth spectator/s (21.1%; n = 20), and 16.8% (n = 16) coach/es.
• All groups were unable to provide their regular sport and physical activity, however half of groups were able to substitute this with some form of online activity. Despite this, the vast majority of groups reported that the physical activity of their membership had declined during lockdown.
• The survey highlighted the positive impact that the social support and community provided by LGBT+ sports groups had on the mental wellbeing of their membership before lockdown. Whilst the majority of groups provided some form of social contact during lockdown, significant concerns were expressed about the negative impact on the mental health of their membership caused by isolation and reduced social support.
• The key findings from this research include: Discrimination and prejudice towards LGBT+ people involved in football is common, and this has a negative impact on their experiences within sport and their continued involvement over the course of their lives. 75% of LGBT+ and 50% of heterosexual people have witnessed or experienced homophobia or discrimination based on sexuality or gender identity. While 70% of people feel that transgender or gender diverse people would be welcome in their club, around half of all people held a neutral opinion or disagreed with transgender or gender diverse people playing based on their gender identity. Homophobia manifests overtly through behaviours such as discriminatory language use, while transphobia manifests less visibly through attitudes. Despite homophobic behaviour being commonplace in football in Victoria, most people believe a player coming out as LGBT+ would have a positive impact on the game and would be very comfortable if their favourite player did. There is an attitude that LGBT+ inclusion is neither a problem nor a priority in football. There is a distinct lack of education and knowledge about LGBT+ inclusion. Most people think more should be done to support LGBT+ inclusion.
• The main recommendations from this research include: Acknowledge that there is an issue of LGBT+ inclusion within football in Victoria. Receive commitment from the FV leadership team to proactively pursue the recommendations from this research. Develop a short- and long-term LGBT+ inclusion strategy to guide future work at FV in this space. Incorporation of this strategy into the FV Strategic Plan. Embedding LGBT+ inclusion work into the job responsibility of a staff member, or multiple staff members. Maintaining a steering group for LGBT+ inclusion work in football in Victoria.
• Game to Play? Exploring the experiences and attitudes towards sport, exercise and physical activity amongst same sex attracted and gender diverse young people , Dr Ryan Storr, Kerry Robinson, Cristyn Davies, et.al., Sexualities and Gender Research, Western Sydney University , (2020). Young SSAGD people in this research expressed a strong desire to participate in sport and physical exercise, and an awareness of the benefits, however most had experienced numerous forms of discrimination in sport and exercise, especially in PE at school. It is critical that steps are taken to address the violence and discrimination that SSAGD young people experience in sport and exercise environments, including tackling homophobia, biphobia, transphobia and heterosexism.
• Evaluating LGBTI+ Inclusion within Sport and the Pride Cup Initiative , Ruth Jeanes, Karen Lambert, Justen O' Connor, et.al., Monash University for VicHealth , (2020). In July 2019, VicHealth commissioned research to measure the impact of the Pride Cup program and resources. The evaluation suggests that clubs involved experience a range of benefits and positive impacts from their participation and the Pride Cup offers an accessible and structured way for them to engage and consider LGBTI+ inclusion. The evaluation contributes to an understanding of what works in LGBTI+ inclusion approaches within sport and why, in relation to changing long outdated attitudes and behaviours. Despite the problem of LGBTI+ discrimination and exclusion from sport being well studied, there is very little research focused on finding effective solutions.
• LGBTI+ Inclusion within Victorian Sport: A Market Analysis , Ruth Jeanes, Erik Denison, Nadia Bevan, et.al., Monash University for VicHealth , (2020). In 2019, VicHealth commissioned researchers within the Faculty of Education at Monash University to conduct a market analysis examining the work that has been undertaken to date, and current activities in the state of Victoria, Australia, focused on promoting LGBTI+ engagement and participation in sport. This document provides an overview of the programs, interventions, reports and education undertaken in the sport and LGBTI+ inclusion space across the last 20 years. Furthermore, the report details some of the findings of key academic literature and evaluation reports examining the impact of LGBTI+ sporting initiatives delivered in Australia and overseas. In particular, it details contemporary knowledge regarding approaches to LGBTI+ inclusion and perceived impact of interventions. The report is structured to respond to several key questions: 1. What does current research tell us about the experiences of LGBTI+ people in sport? 2. What work has taken place within Victoria to support LGBTI+ inclusion and reduce discrimination? 3. Which organisations are operating in Victoria to promote LGBTI+ inclusion and how have these connected with sport? 4. What work are State Sporting Associations undertaking to support LGBTI+ Inclusion and what support would they like moving forward? 5. What recommendations have emerged from existing LGBTI+ in sport reports and evaluations? The report concludes by pointing towards potential areas for further investment to enhance LGBTI+ inclusion within sport.
• Research Matters: How many people are LGBTIQ? Marina Carman, Claire Farrugia, Adam Bourne, et.al., Rainbow Health Victoria , (2020). Accurately estimating the number of people who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and gender diverse and intersex (LGBTIQ*) in Australia is a critical gap in research. The lack of current population-level data limits understanding of health and wellbeing needs of LGBTIQ people, and the development of policy and programs for LGBTIQ communities.
• Inclusive Sport Practices , Murray Drummond, Sam Elliott, Claire Drummond, et.al., Flinders University, Sport, Health, Activity, Performance and Exercise (SHAPE) Research Centre for Inclusive Sport South Australia (SA) and the Office for Recreation, Sport and Racing , (May 2019). This is the first South Australian report to identify barriers and enablers in sport for the LGBTIQ+ community. The findings and recommendations will help to advance a holistic approach for reducing homophobia and ‘homohysteria’ within sporting environments. Furthermore, the report provides contextually-informed evidence for creating, maintaining and enhancing inclusive sport environments for LGBTIQ+ participants and allies based on extensive research.
• The relevance of sexual orientation and gender identity in sport in Europe. Findings from the Outsport survey , Menzel, T., Braumüller, B., Hartmann-Tews, I. German Sport University Cologne, Institute of Sociology and Gender Studies , (2019). The experiences of LGBTI* people in sport are very diverse, possibly as diverse as the field of sport itself with its manifold forms, settings and contexts. This is demonstrated by the experiences of the (approx.) 5,500 LGBTI* people who participated in the OUTSPORT Survey 2018. The following findings illustrate that the vast majority of respondents perceive homo-/transphobia to be a problem in sport and transphobia is perceived to be an especially prominent problem in sport. Some other key findings included: 7 out of 10 respondents suppose the coming out of famous sports stars and high profile and antihomophobia/ transphobia campaigns to be helpful to tackle homo-/transphobic discrimination. 82% have witnessed homo-/ transphobic language in sport in the last 12 months. 33% remain completely closeted in their sports context. 20% refrain from participating in a sport of interest due to their sexual orientation and/or gender identity. 16% report at least one negative personal experience in a sports context related to their sexual orientation and/or gender identity. Of those with negative experiences: 82% Verbal insults, slurs 75% structural discrimination 36% physically crossing the line 20% physical violence. Most common perpetrators: 53% other sport participants 49% team members. 5% of (previously active) respondents quit their sports participation because they have had negative personal experiences due to their sexual orientation and/or gender identity. 53% do not react to incidents of homo-/ transphobic discrimination. 8% officially report those incidents. 38% do not know an organisation or individual to contact in instances of being discriminated against in a sports context.
• Australia's Health 2018: Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people , Australian Institute of Health and Welfare , (2018). Evidence from small-scale LGBTI targeted studies, and some larger population-based surveys, indicate that LGBTI people face disparities in terms of their mental health (ABS 2008), sexual health (KI 2017) and rates of substance use. As outlined in this snapshot, there are known data limitations in reporting on sex- and gender-diverse populations in Australia. Also, the available information reported here is limited to gay, lesbian and bisexual people. It is currently not possible to accurately describe the health of LGBTI people in Australia due to the lack of national population-based data collections that include relevant data items. This situation could be dealt with by developing a nationally agreed set of LGBTI data items for inclusion in population based-surveys and administrative data sets, where relevant.
• Three-quarters of non-LGBT and well over three-quarters of LGBT respondents believe that cricket should do more to be inclusive of LGBT people;
• Almost half of non-LGBT and almost three-quarters of LGBT respondents have witnessed homophobia in cricket at some time or another;
• Over 90 percent of both LGBT and non-LGBT respondents think LGBT people are accepted to some degree in various roles in cricket. Non-LGBT respondents reported staff as the most completely accepted role, while LGBT respondents selected players. The role least selected as completely accepted was the coach by both LGBT and non-LGBT respondents;
• Respondents think cricket clubs are more welcoming of lesbian/bisexual women than of gay/bisexual men and transgender/gender diverse people.
• Respondents believe LGBT people are more completely accepted as volunteers and players and less so in leadership or coaching roles in cricket clubs.
• The majority of respondents are unaware of policies for either sexual orientation or gender identify. Respondents are more aware of policies at higher levels of competition than lower level and that people were the least aware of club policies.
• The majority of respondents are unaware of LGBT inclusion policies at any level of competition. At most levels, respondents are most aware of inclusion policies for LGB people and least for same-sex parents, except for the club level where more are aware of policies of inclusion for same-sex parents.
• Homophobia in Sport , Government of the United Kingdom; Culture, Media and Sport Committee of Parliament report (2017). According to government estimates, approximately 6% of the UK population is gay, and yet homophobia in sport remains a serious issue. Research findings on the problem of homophobia in sport in the UK are broadly in line with the international consensus, with 84% of participants reporting hearing homophobic jokes and humour within sport and 49% of UK participants believing that, within sporting environments, homophobia is most likely to occur by spectators. These findings were underpinned by a recent BBC programme where it was reported that 8% of football fans surveyed would stop watching their team if they signed an openly gay player. Additionally, a recent survey reported that 72% of football fans have heard homophobic abuse, and this problem is not confined to football alone. The Committee acknowledges there are also very serious issues in relation to transgender people in sport and the problems they face. However, there are significant differences between the issues of transgender and homophobia in sport. Because of continuing concerns, the Committee held a short inquiry into homophobia in sport. The Committee concluded that despite the significant change in society’s attitudes to homosexuality in the last 30 years, there is little reflection of this social progress in football, particularly in terms of LGB visibility; indeed, it is often LGB supporters who provide the only LGB visibility at football stadia. It is also clear that the use of homophobic epithets and terms has a wide-ranging and damaging affect. The Committee considers it very disappointing that a significant percentage of people use offensive anti-LGB language and think it is harmless. Offensive behaviour toward LGB persons should be treated in the same way as other offensive language, whether racist, sexist, or denigrating any other group. Summary of Conclusions and Recommendations .
• Study on gender-based violence in sport: Final Report , Mergaert L, Arnaut C, Vertommen T, et.al., European Commission, Directorate for Education and Culture (2016). This study provides an overview of legal and policy frameworks; describes initiatives promoted by sport and civil society organisations; identifies best practice in combatting gender-based violence in sport; and makes recommendations for future action. To establish a common understanding and to delimit the scope of the study, the definition of gender-based violence used was: “violence directed against a person because of that person's gender (including gender identity or expression) or violence that affects persons of a particular gender disproportionately”. Several forms of gender-based violence in sport were considered: verbal, non-verbal, physical abuse and sexual harassment. These forms are not mutually exclusive, but overlap. This study explicitly included violence against LGBTQ persons, and considered both male and female victims as well as perpetrators. Main findings from this study include: (1) The main focus of policies has been on prevention and protection actions. Other topics, such as assessment of any gender-based violence, measures to prosecute violence, and support programs for victims have received less attention. (2) The legal provisions in place across EU Member States use different terminology and vary greatly; there remains a general lack of clarity in legal contexts in relation to what a ‘sexual act’ entails. (3) Less than half of the EU Member States make explicit reference to forms of gender-based violence in sport in their policy frameworks. Policy implementation (in many cases) is neither mandatory, nor followed up. (4) Initiatives taken by the International Olympic Committee and the International Paralympic Committee are important because of their visibility and influence on national committees to comply. (5) Reliable data on gender-based violence is missing across the EU, and the problem may be underestimated; there is also a lack of research in this area. (6) Most of the identified prevention approaches target sports organisations and coaches. Efforts and resources to ensure a continuous implementation of activities and/or dissemination of materials appear to be scarce. Initiatives are generally not given enough visibility and are not easily accessible. The effectiveness of practices is rarely monitored or evaluated. (7) The concept of gender-based violence in sport brings together several concerns that tend to be addressed separately (rather than under a unified policy), such as: ethics; child protection; safe sport environments; and athletes’ welfare.
• Sport, Physical Activity and LGBT , Louise Englefield, Di Cunningham, Ali Mahoney, Pride in Sports for Sport England , (2016). In January 2016 Pride Sports was commissioned by Sport England to undertake a 10-week study examining the participation of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people in sport. The focus of the study was to review the existing research and reports into issues affecting LGBT participation in sport and physical activity and to evidence the impact of projects that are successfully addressing issues and delivering increased opportunities in sport. The study gave particular consideration to how provision, which has successfully engaged LGBT people, is also working to reduce physical inactivity and to engage those not previously participating in sport. This report summarises the work undertaken and makes recommendations to Sport England.
• 54% of gay men felt unwelcome in sport, saying they are ‘not at all accepted’ or ‘accepted a little’; 36% of lesbians felt the same way.
• 27% of gay men said they did not participate in youth team sports.
• 84% of all survey respondents said homophobic jokes occur ‘all the time, often, or sometimes’ in a sporting environment.
• 62% of all survey respondents, and 73% of gay respondents, believed homophobia is more common in team sports than in other environments.
• 81% of gay men and 74% of lesbian women under the age of 22 had reported concealing, or only partially revealing, their sexual identity while playing sport. Approximately half of gays and a third of lesbians said they hid their sexuality because they were worried about being rejected by teammates; 31% of gays and 15% of lesbians were also worried about discrimination from coaches and officials.
• Summary for Australia on Homophobia in Sport , (2015). Out on the Fields is the first international study and largest conducted on homophobia in sport. Nearly 9500 people took part including 3006 lesbian, gay, bisexual and straight Australians. Australia ranked in the middle on many measures, though quite poorly on some key measures such as whether gay athletes feel they are welcome in sport and feel safe to be open about their sexuality. Australia had the highest number of gay men (13%) who felt they were “not accepted at all” in sporting culture which was nearly three times as high as Canada (5%). Australia also had the second highest number (87%) of young gay athletes who remain in the closet (after New Zealand) and the highest number of gay youth who stay in the closet because of a fear of bullying (55%) and discrimination from coaches and officials (37%). Spectator stands were a major concern to Australians, with nearly half of all participants saying this is where homophobia in sport is most likely to occur. This was the second highest number after the UK (49%). The vast majority of Australian (75%) participants also felt LGB people are not very safe as spectators at sporting events, though they were less likely to believe this than those in the UK (85%).
• Inclusive Sport Survey: The Sport Experiences of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex People in the Australian Capital Territory , Australian Capital Territory Government, Sport and Recreation Services (April 2014). This survey looked at attitudes and behaviours among the ACT’s lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex community groups and territory sporting associations. The main themes to emerge from participants’ best sporting experiences include a feeling of achievement, being part of a team or community, being accepted and welcomed, experiencing health benefits, having the opportunity to travel and broaden life experiences, having fun and friendship, gaining confidence and providing a positive contribution. Most people responding to the survey were ‘not out’ regarding their sexuality and/or being transgender. Key findings were that about 41% of respondents have felt unsafe in a sporting environment; 34% had experienced sexism in sport with women experiencing the most sexism, followed by transgender people and men; 32% had experienced verbal homophobia or bullying in a sporting environment, but only 3.6% had experienced homophobic assault.
• “The Equal Play Study”: The Impact of Homophobic Bullying during Sport and Physical Education Participation on Same-SexAttracted and Gender-Diverse Young Australians’ Depression and Anxiety Levels , Caroline Symons, Grant O’Sullivan, Erika Borkoles, et.al., Victoria University for the beyondblue Victorian Centre of Excellenc e, (March 2014). Same-sex attracted and gender diverse (SSAGD) youth who may or may not be open about their sexuality or gender identity, have reported significantly higher mental health and wellbeing concerns than heterosexual youth. Despite many SSAGD youth thriving in sport and physical education (PE) settings, homophobia and transphobia communicates to them that ‘they are not welcome here, which can prevent them from enjoying the many physical, mental and social health benefits of participation and to maintain lifelong participation. PE class was a particular concern for SSAGD youth, where verbal and physical abuse was reported more often than in other sport settings. Policy and curriculum writers, PE teachers and those who train PE teachers are well placed to provide a more inclusive educational environment for SSAGD youth. Casual homophobic language, such as ‘that’s so gay’ where the intention of the word ‘gay’ is not specifically a gay slur, was frequently reported in these settings, especially in PE. Many young SSAGD people found it distressing. Challenging such homophobic language is important for improving the sport and PE experiences of SSAGD youth and helps them to be accepted by their peers. The gendered nature of sport and PE provides challenges for gender diverse young people, and more focus should be placed on understanding their needs and on ways to encourage safer and more welcoming participation for this group
• Growing up queer: issues facing young Australians who are gender variant and sexuality diverse , Robinson K, Bansel P, Denson N, et.al., Young and Well Cooperative Research Centre , (February 2014). Growing up queer investigates the issues facing young Australians who are gender variant and sexuality diverse. More than 1000 young Australians aged between 16–27 years participated in a research study, with almost two-thirds reporting homophobic or transphobic harassment or violence across different aspects of their lives. From the information acquired, the researchers hope to develop innovative, relevant and engaging educational resources that would contribute to increasing professional and community awareness of their experiences and needs.
• Discrimination of sexual and gender minorities in sports and exercise , Kokkonen M, National Sports Council, Finland , (2014). This report is a summary of a study published in Finland and funded by a grant awarded by the Ministry of Education and Culture. Its starting point was concern about whether lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender identity (LGBTI) children, young people and adults have equal opportunities to adopt a physically active lifestyle. This study reports that more than one-third of LGBTI respondents were engaged in competitive sports and more than half in recreational sports. A detailed breakdown of survey results is provided.
• SSAGD youth reported significantly higher mental health and wellbeing concerns than heterosexual youth.
• Verbal homophobic abuse in these settings was strongly associated with poor mental health and wellbeing of SSAGD youth. Unconditional self-acceptance was found to be a strong protective factor against such abuse and interventions targeting self-acceptance may strengthen resilience.
• Despite many SSAGD youth thriving in sport and PE settings, homophobia and transphobia communicates to them that ‘they are not welcome here’, which can prevent them from enjoying the many physical, mental and social health benefits of participation and to maintain lifelong participation.
• PE class was a particular concern for SSAGD youth, where verbal and physical abuse was reported more often than in other sport settings.
• The gendered nature of sport and PE provides challenges for gender diverse young people, and more focus should be placed on understanding their needs and on ways to encourage safer and more welcoming participation for this group.
• Gender Diversity in the ACT: a survey of trans experiences , David F, Hyndal L, Hyndal P, et.al., A Gender Agenda and Pink Tennis (2011). This report provides the results of a community-based survey of sex and gender diverse (SGD) members of the Canberra community and the issues they face. The vast majority of respondents felt that an integral part of their gender identity included a ‘trans’ notion of having ‘crossed over’ or existing ‘in between’ or ‘outside’ the binary notion of either male or female. Only a small number of respondents self-identified solely as either male or female. On the issue of social interactions, the majority (77% of survey respondents) indicated that they had no social interactions with teammates in sporting or other social activities. This indicates a significantly lower level of social engagement than that enjoyed by the general population.
• Sport participation and physical education at school – Participants were asked to retrospectively explain their experiences of sport and physical education while at school. There was a marked gender difference in the quality of their experiences, with more men than women reporting negative experiences from discrimination and homophobia. Although sexism in sport is commonly associated with damaging outcomes to women, the women participating in this study had more success in sport than the men, and this was a critical factor in shaping attitudes.
• Women in this survey were discouraged from playing team sports by being called lesbians, insulted, and told they could not play. This had the effect of removing the lesbians and therefore maintaining a heterosexual team. Where women played traditionally ‘masculine’ team sports (such as rugby), whole teams of players were perceived as lesbian and were often subjected to verbal abuse regardless of the individual participants’ sexual identity.
• Men had their gender and heterosexuality called into question when they played badly or in an attempt to spur them on to a better performance. This produced feelings such as shame and hurt, and was often the reason for dropping out of team sports. Gay men were significantly less likely to play team sport than lesbian women (45% versus 62% respectively) because the abuse among men could be serious (i.e. physical abuse as well as verbal abuse).
• Gender perceptions in sport – Gender and sexuality are very strong organising features in society, but deviation from the norm (i.e. heterosexuality) is generally discouraged in sport, particularly in team sports.
• Sporting cultures – Participants in this study who did not disclose their sexuality described the sporting environment as being unsafe, unpredictable, isolating, and intimidating. More male participants than females said they kept their sexuality secret (i.e. ‘in the closet’) especially within team sports.
• ‘The tennis club is my safe space’: assessing the positive impact of playing tennis on LGBT+ people in Australia , R. Storr, J. Richards, Sport, Education and Society , (28 January 2022). This article reports on a national study commissioned by Tennis Australia to assess the positive role that sport, specifically tennis, has on the lives of LGBT+ people in Australia. It explores specifically the role of tennis in building social solidarity and community capital through leisurely and organised sporting activities. To gain comprehensive insights into the perceptions and lived experiences of LGBT+ tennis players, we employed a qualitative research design drawing on the methods of semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and participant observation. In total 27 interviews were conducted, 3 focus groups and over 50 hours of observations at various LGBT+ tennis clubs and tournaments in Sydney, Hobart, Perth and Melbourne. Our paper makes a significant contribution to scholarship by assessing the ways in which sport can advance inclusion efforts for LGBT+ people, and positively impact their lives and overall wellbeing. Our research clearly indicated that those who play tennis reported improvement in their mental and physical health whilst also enhancing their social capital.
• Reviewing evidence of LGBTQ+ discrimination and exclusion in sport , Erik Denison, Nadia Bevan, Ruth Jeanes, Sport Management Review , Volume 24(3), pp.389-409, (June 2021). Sport organisations continue to place a low priority on addressing the exclusion and discrimination experienced by LGBTQ+ people (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, questioning/queer, and sexual/gender diverse). It was previously thought this was due to a lack of quantitative evidence of a problem; however, over the past decade, a large body of quantitative research has been conducted, including two international studies, providing strong evidence that discriminatory behaviour remains common in sport and is harmful to this population. In this paper, the authors summarise existing quantitative evidence and consider why sport organisations continue to be slow to address LGBTQ+ exclusion. They argue sport management scholars are in a unique and privileged position to address current resistance to action and drive change through conducting research aimed at identifying pragmatic, practical approaches to end harmful discriminatory behaviours. Finally, the authors describe why such research has the potential to mitigate harm while also advancing the discipline in ways described as being needed by leading scholars.
• Relationships between attitudes and norms with homophobic language use in male team sports , Erik Denison, Nick Faulkner, Ruth Jeanes, et.al., Journal of Science and Medicine in Sport , Volume 24(5), pp.499-504, (May 2021). This study addresses a need for quantitative research examining factors supporting the frequent use of homophobic language (e.g., fag) in male team sports which has a range of negative health impacts on gay and bisexual males. Intervention methods are needed to stop this behaviour, but little is known about why this language remains common. Male Rugby Union (n = 97; ages 16 -18 years) and Ice Hockey players (n = 146; ages 16 - 31 years) self-reported their use of homophobic language and completed measures of homophobic attitudes and descriptive and injunctive norms related to language use on their team. Homophobic language use was related to norms, rather than homophobic attitudes. Interventions targeting changes to these norms could be an effective method to change this behaviour. This finding contributes to a growing body of evidence that norms are associated with a range of negative behaviours by male athletes.
• ‘Game to play?’: barriers and facilitators to sexuality and gender diverse young people's participation in sport and physical activity , R. Storr, L. Nicholas, K. Robinson, et.al., Sport, Education and Society, (March 2021). This study reports on 13 semi-structured interviews with young SAGD people aged 18–24 in Australia that explore their attitudes to and experiences of sport and physical activity. We found that SAGD young people are ‘game to play’: they hold strong desires to participate in sport and physical activity, and articulated how sport could be more inclusive. Using Bourdieu's concept of ‘capital’, we outline how young SAGD people identify sport as a ‘field’ that requires and fosters various types of capital. We explore barriers they identified that prevent the accumulation of physical and social capital associated with sport participation and physical activity, and their insights for how this may be fostered. The ‘field’ of sport presents as an exclusionary environment, which allows for both explicit bullying and more subtle discriminatory practices. Passive assimilation approaches are not enough to provoke substantial change and active intervention is required to decentre the heteronormativity underpinning these spaces, which has implications for policy and practice to advance the inclusion of SAGD young people in sporting environments.
• “The poor cousin of inclusion”: Australian Sporting Organisations and LGBT+ diversity and inclusion , Ryan Storr, Sport Management Review , Volume 24(3), pp.410-420, (March 2021). This article contains an analysis of some of the main drivers of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT+) diversity and inclusion in a selection of sporting organisations. Anchoring the analysis within the context of critical diversity management, some of the key theoretical approaches to LGBT+ diversity and inclusion are discussed. Drawing upon current theoretical debates and discussions on the enactment of diversity and commitment/resistance to diversity within sport, the article foregrounds LGBT+ diversity and discusses the merits of the business case for promoting LGBT + diversity. Is the Australian sport sector doing enough to improve policies and practices for LGBT+ participants? This article critically assesses how Australian Sporting Organisations (ASO) move from engagement with LGBT + diversity to the full inclusion of LGBT+ people, and concludes with insights into future directions for scholarship.
• The Relationship Between ‘Coming Out’ as Lesbian, Gay, or Bisexual and Experiences of Homophobic Behaviour in Youth Team Sports , Erik Denison, Ruth Jeanes, Nick Faulkner, et.al., Sexality Research and Social Policy, Volume 18, pp.765-773, (2021). This study used a sample (N = 1173; 15–21 years; collected in 2014–2015) from six countries (United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland) to examine whether LGB youth who ‘come out’ to teammates experience homophobic behaviour. Close to half of the sample (41.6%) reported having been the target of homophobic behaviour (e.g. verbal slurs, bullying, assaults). Multivariate logistic regression models adjusting for age, gender, country and contact sport participation found that participants who ‘came out’ as being LGB to sports teammates were significantly more likely to report being a target of homophobic behaviour. There appeared to be a dose response with coming out to more people associated with a greater likelihood of experiencing homophobic behaviour.
• What is the size of Australia’s sexual minority population? Tom Wilson, Jeromey Temple, Anthony Lyons, et.al., BMC Research Notes , Article: 535, (November 2020). According to percentages averaged across the three survey datasets, 3.6% of males and 3.4% of females described themselves with a minority sexual identity. When applied to Estimated Resident Populations, this gives a sexual minority population at ages 18 + in Australia of 599,500 in 2011 and 651,800 in 2016. Population estimates were also produced by sex and broad age group, revealing larger numbers and higher sexual minority percentages in the younger age groups, and smaller numbers and percentages in the oldest age group. Separate population estimates were also prepared for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and other sexual minority identities.
• Football, Media, and Homophobia: Public Framing of the First Pride Game in the Australian Football League , Merryn Sherwood, Alex Donaldson, Suzanne Dyson, Communication and Sport , Volume 8(4-5), pp.545-565, (August 2020). Two Australian football clubs—St Kilda and the Sydney Swans—played the first Pride Game in Australian professional sport in 2016 to support and include the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) community at and through a major sporting event. This study examines the framing of this game in the print and online media and in public responses via comments on media coverage and comments on Facebook posts. The framing of both the media coverage and the public response was predominantly supportive, with the theme of the “inclusion,” of gay Australian Football League players and the broader LGBTIQ community, prominent. However, there was a significant difference in the frames used in media coverage compared to the public response to this coverage. There was a relatively high proportion of unsupportive comments (e.g., a “stick to football” theme), including pernicious homophobia, present, particularly in the public response, compared to other recent related research. Overall, the findings suggest that, while there was strong support for the Pride Game, homophobia in sport remains, and the media, particularly social media, can be a platform for its expression.
• One in three LGBTQ youth who participated in sports reported their grades as being mostly A’s compared to one in four LGBTQ youth who did not participate in sports. The relationship between grades and sports participation was found among both TGNB youth, with 27% of TGNB youth who participated in sports reporting mostly A’s compared to 19% who did not and cisgender LGBQ youth, with 36% of those who participated in sports reporting mostly A’s compared to 27% who did not.
• LGBTQ youth who participated in sports reported nearly 20% lower rates of depressive symptoms compared to those who did not. However, when examined within groups, sports participation was only related to lower rates of depressive symptoms among cisgender LGBQ youth, with no significant relationship found between sports participation and depressive symptoms for TGNB youth.
• In line with findings found among the broader U.S. populations of high school students, LGBTQ youth who participated in sports reported higher rates of recent alcohol use than LGBTQ youth who did not participate in sports. LGBTQ athletes were 30% more likely to report drinking alcohol in the past 30 days compared to those who did not participate in sports. The association between sports participation and increased alcohol use was found among both TGNB and cisgender LGBQ youth.
• The Power of Recognition: A Qualitative Study of Social Connectedness and Wellbeing through LGBT Sporting, Creative and Social Groups in Ireland , Nerilee Ceatha, Paula Mayock, Jim Campbell, et.al., International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health , Volume 16(19), (September 2019). The broad research consensus suggesting substantial vulnerabilities among lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) communities may fail to recognize the protective factors available to these populations. The sparse literature on mental health promotion highlights the importance of understanding strengths-based community approaches that promote LGBT wellbeing. Informed by the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion, underpinned by Honneth’s Theory of Recognition, this paper outlines the findings of a qualitative Irish study on LGBT social connectedness through a diverse range of sporting, creative and social interests. Ten in-depth interviews were conducted with 11 people (including one couple) who self-identified as lesbian (5), gay (4), bisexual (1) and transgender (1) aged between 22 and 56 years. A university Research Ethics Committee granted approval. The data were transcribed and coded using thematic analysis, enhanced through a memo-writing approach to reflexivity. The theme of ‘connecting’ emphasized the shared nature of activities, with like-minded others through groups established by, and for, LGBT communities. Messages from the study reinforce the central role of LGBT communities in the promotion of mental health and social wellbeing, with important policy and practice implications. This requires the contextualization of the contribution of LGBT communities within understandings of social justice, identity and recognition.
• Participation-performance tension and gender affect recreational sports clubs’ engagement with children and young people with diverse backgrounds and abilities , Ramón Spaaij , Dean Lusher, Ruth Jeanes, et.al., PLOS One , (17 April 2019). Sport participation has been shown to be associated with health and social benefits. However, there are persisting inequities and barriers to sport participation that can prevent children and young people with diverse backgrounds and abilities from accessing these benefits. This mixed methods study investigated how diversity is understood, experienced and managed in junior sport. The study combined in-depth interviews (n = 101), surveys (n = 450) and observations over a three-year period. The results revealed that a focus on performance and competitiveness negatively affected junior sports clubs’ commitment to diversity and inclusive participation. Gender and a range of attitudes about diversity were also strongly related. On average, we found that those who identified as men were more likely to support a pro-performance stance, be homophobic, endorse stricter gender roles, and endorse violence as a natural masculine trait. In addition, those who identified as men were less likely to hold pro-disability attitudes. These findings suggest that the participation-performance tension and gender affect to what extent, and how, sports clubs engage children and young people with diverse backgrounds and abilities.
• LGBTQ+ Youth’s Experiences and Engagement in Physical Activity: A Comprehensive Content Analysis , Scott Greenspan, Catherine Griffith, Ryan Watson, Adolescent Research Review , Volume 4, pp.169-185, (February 2019). Research suggests that sexual and gender minority (e.g., lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and questioning; LGBTQ+) youth report avoiding physical activity settings (e.g., physical education class, locker rooms, and sport fields) due to feeling both unsafe and uncomfortable. These feelings and experiences might deter LGBTQ+ youth from achieving well-documented physical, cognitive, and social-emotional benefits that are often associated with physical activity and sport involvement. A 20-year (1998–2018) content analysis methodology was employed to obtain a more detailed understanding of LGBTQ+ youth’s participation and engagement in physical activity and sport. Minimal literature was obtained (n = 13 studies), along with an overall pattern that sexual minority youth engage in less physical activity than other populations of students. This disparity was more conclusive for sexual minority males then sexual minority females. One study was inclusive of transgender youth and suggested that transgender youth participated in sport to a similar degree as their cisgender peers; though overall, transgender youth felt less safe in typically gender-segregated spaces such as bathrooms and locker rooms. This review shines light on discrepancies of engagement and feelings of safety in the physical activity and sport context among LGBTQ+ youth. This review further delineates methodological characteristics of the yielded studies as a means to comprehensively review this body of literature.
• “My Ideal Is Where It Is Just Jane the Cricketer, Rather Than Jane the Gay Cricketer”: An Institutional Perspective of Lesbian Inclusion in Australian Cricket , Jonathan Robertson, Ryan Storr, Andrew Bakos, et.al., Journal of Sport Management , Volume 33(5), pp.393-405, (2019). The aim of this article was to develop a theoretical framework to aid the current understanding of social change practice. Drawing on concepts from institutional theory, the authors proposed and applied a theoretical framework to investigate social change at the intersection of gender and sexuality inclusion in Australian cricket. Qualitative techniques (interviews and document analyses) were utilized to investigate the trajectory of lesbian inclusion in Australian cricket over time. Starting from the perspective that institutional arrangements can be exclusionary (or biased) toward certain groups in society, this research investigated how the actions of institutional entrepreneurs can create more inclusive institutional arrangements. Theoretical and practical implications for future research are discussed.
• Three strikes and you’re out: culture, facilities, and participation among LGBTQ youth in sports , Alex Kulick, Laura Wernick, Mario Alberto Espinoza, et.al., Sport, Education and Society , Volume 24(9), pp.939-953, (2019). Our study uses a data set of adolescents, collected as part of a community-based participatory action research project led by high school students in southeast Michigan, USA. Respondents reported their sexual and gender identities, as well as experiences in youth sport, as well as safety using sex-segregated facilities (i.e., bathrooms and locker-rooms). Using mediation models based on linear regression, we found evidence that LGBQ high school students play sports at a significantly lower rate compared to straight students, and among those who play sports, LGBTQ respondents felt significantly less safe compared to straight and cisgender students. Opposite to the LGBQ and trans youth in this study, straight/cisgender youth also reported feeling safer using all facilities. The mediation models suggest that these inequalities help to explain disparities in rates of sports participation and feelings of safety while participating. These findings have important implications for policy, practice, and future research.
• Are we leveling the playing field? Trends and disparities in sports participation among sexual minority youth in Canada , Marion Doull, Ryan J. Watson, Annie Smith, Journal of Sport and Health Science , Volume 7(2), pp.218-226, (April 2018). Our aim was to provide a current portrait of sports participation among 3 groups of sexual minority youth (e.g., lesbian, gay, and bisexual) in British Columbia, Canada, as well as to document population trends. We found an overall decline in sports participation and physical activity (PA) for all youth. Sexual minority students were less likely to participate in formal sports (with a coach) and informal sports (without a coach) compared with their heterosexual peers. The disparity in participating in informal sports between heterosexual and sexual minority youth has narrowed over time for some sexual orientation groups, whereas the disparity in participating in formal sports has widened over time in some cases.
• “We are a sport for all Australian's” : exploring the non-performativity of institutional speech acts around LGBTI+ diversity in Australian sporting organisations , Storr, R., Parry, K. D., Kavanagh, E., Abstract Book Of The 15th European Association For Sociology Of Sport Conference: Sport, Discriminations And Inclusion: Challenges To Face (Eass 2018), May 23-26, 2018, Bordeaux, France , pp.67, (2018). LGBTI+ rights have been widely discussed in Australian society. The recent postal survey surrounding marriage equality resulted in many sporting organisations making public 'institutional speech acts' (Ahmed, 2012) surrounding their commitment to LBTI+ diversity. This paper reports on social media and policy analyses of the organisations and their public support and institutional commitment to LGBTI+ diversity. We find that the claims made by several sporting organisations around their institutional commitment to LGBTI+ diversity have not been supported by actions. The disjuncture is particularly apparent when national benchmarking criteria, such as the Pride in Sport Index are considered. This paper argues that the organisations are playing 'institutional catch up' regarding their commitment to LGBTI+ diversity. Here, there are distinct differences between what the institution says they do, and what they actually do. We argue that a lack of institutional commitment to LGBTI+ diversity is displayed through 'non- performative institutional speech acts' (Ahmed, 2006; Bury, 2015). These speech acts are not supported by deeds, have no impact, and serve to contradict the public commitment to LGBTI+ diversity. We conclude by contending that if sports organisations are to improve their Pride in Sport Index scores, they must enact policies which seek to make their sport more inclusive for LGBTI+ Australians across all levels of sport.
• Implementation of Promising Practices for LGBTQ Inclusion: A Multilevel Process , Daniel Theriault, Journal of Park and Recreation Administration , Volume 35(3), (2017). Recreation professionals have moral, fiscal, and legal incentives to ensure that individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) have access to safe, beneficial services that respond to their unique needs. In this overview of education, social work, diversity management and leisure studies literatures, the author presents potential constraints and supports that may arise during the implementation of promising practices for LGBTQ inclusion. Those factors are organized according to Ferdman’s (2014) multilevel inclusion framework. At the individual level, participants’ perceptions of inclusion are shaped by the ways their various identities are experienced in recreation contexts. Practitioners who focus solely on LGBTQ identities may miss opportunities to support participants through significant challenges such as racism or ableism. At the interpersonal level, heterosexuals are often motivated by past experiences with discrimination to advocate with LGBTQ youth. However, some heterosexual employees may require training to effectively advocate with LGBTQ youth. At the group level, recreation professionals should expect both resistance to and support for inclusion initiatives. Understanding resistance and points of support within and outside of the organization may prepare practitioners for roadblocks and assist them in leveraging points of support. At the leadership level, recreation administrators exert unique influence on inclusion initiatives by modeling desired behaviors and establishing organizational priorities. Administrators who lack experience or comfort with LGBTQ populations may unintentionally stall inclusion efforts. At the organizational level, administrators must be cognizant of both who an organization has historically served and how organizational culture can support or undermine inclusion programs. At the societal level, cultural norms about LGBTQ identities influence who is authorized to speak and how LGBTQ participants should be treated. Recreation practitioners who intentionally disrupt these norms by implementing promising practices may frame their program as a site for social justice. Practitioners who pursue inclusion in light of the above issues may be able to enhance the intended outcomes of promising practices and avoid unintended consequences.
• The impacts of discriminatory experiences on lesbian, gay and bisexual people in sport , Symons, Caroline, O'Sullivan, Grant and Polman, Remco, Annals of Leisure Research , Volume 20(4), pp.467-489, (2017). This study examines the nature and impact of sexist and homophobic discrimination experienced by lesbians, gays and bisexuals (LGB) in Australian sporting settings. A mixed methods online survey was utilised to collate participant experiences. The findings suggest that, in sport, participants experienced sexism directly and systemically, and homophobia explicitly and implicitly. Women experienced sexism and homophobia, whilst men reported more homophobic events. The most mentioned impacts of discrimination were negative emotions such as sadness, anger, distress and shame, followed by negative engagement with sport such as disliking sport, or avoiding or leaving sport. The well recognised benefits of sport such as physical and mental wellbeing, social connections, enjoyment, positive identity and achievement may be more difficult to realise within this context of significant social stress.
• Physical Activity Disparities in Heterosexual and Sexual Minority Youth Ages 12–22 Years Old: Roles of Childhood Gender Nonconformity and Athletic Self-Esteem , Jerel Calzo, Andrea Roberts, Heather Corliss, et.al., Annals of Behavioral Medicine , Volume 47(1), pp.17-27, (February 2014). The aim of this study is to examine adolescent and young adult hours/week of moderate/vigorous physical activity (MVPA) and team sports participation by sexual orientation and investigate contributions of gender nonconformity and low athletic self-esteem to possible sexual orientation differences. Analysis of data from 5,272 males and 7,507 females from 1999 to 2005 waves of the US Growing Up Today Study (ages 12–22 years). Sexual minorities (i.e., lesbian, gay, bisexual, mostly heterosexual) reported 1.21–2.62 h/week less MVPA (p < 0.01) and were 46–76 % less likely to participate in team sports than same-gender heterosexuals. Gender nonconformity and athletic self-esteem accounted for 46–100 % of sexual orientation MVPA differences.
• Creating and Sustaining Workplace Cultures Supportive of LGBT Employees in College Athletics , George Cunningham, Journal of Sport Management , Volume 29(4), pp.426-442, (2014). The purpose of this study was to understand (a) how participants conceptualized lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) inclusiveness in their athletic departments, (b) the antecedents of such workplace environments, and (c) the outcomes associated with inclusion. To do so, the author conducted a collective case study of two college athletic departments located in the U.S. Northeast. Participants described the athletic departments as characterized by community and cohesion, respect and inclusion, and success oriented. Various antecedents contributed to these workplace environments, including those at the individual level, leader behaviors, inclusive organizational policies, and macro-level influences. Finally, while some negative outcomes were identified, LGBT inclusion was predominantly associated with a host of positive outcomes for the employees, athletes, and organizations as a whole.
• Varying degrees of support: Understanding parents’ positive attitudes toward LGBT coaches , Cunningham G and Melton E, Journal of Sport Management , Volume 28(4), pp.387-398, (2014). This study examined parents’ supportive attitudes toward lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) coaches, as well as the sources of that support. Interviews were conducted with 10 parents who lived in the southwest United States. Analysis of the data revealed three different types of support: indifference, qualified support, and unequivocal support. In each of these examples, participants express support for LGBT coaches, but they did so in ways that were qualified and served to perpetuate underlying stereotypes about sexual minorities, including those that sexual minorities have ulterior motives, promote their sexual orientation to others, and are sexual predators. These stereotypes persist even though most heterosexual American adults acknowledge that the claims are baseless. It is also interesting that such conditional statements are seldom included when discussing heterosexual coaches or coaches in general (assumed to be heterosexual). By expressing support for LGBT coaches the parents absolve themselves of expressing prejudicial attitudes. That is, they communicate support for sexual minorities and therefore cast themselves as egalitarian, accepting individuals. By offering qualified support, the parents in this study discriminate in very subtle ways that can otherwise be explained away. Their conditional statements are largely institutionalised as a form of heterosexism and thus part of the societal norm.
• Exploring the relationship between homosexuality and sport among the teammates of a small, Midwestern Catholic college soccer team , Adams A and Anderson E, Sport, Education and Society , Volume 17(3), pp.347-363, (2012). Openly gay male athletes are still rare in organised, competitive team sports. In this action research the principle researchers explore the effect of a gay male soccer player coming out to his teammates. Although the authors do not suggest their results are generalisable; their guided discussions with two gay players and other team members appeared to open up players’ perspectives on homosexuality and this led to better social cohesion within the team.
• Gendered homophobia in sport and coaching: Understanding the everyday experiences of lesbian coaches , Norman L, International Review for the Sociology of Sport , Volume 47(6), pp.705-723, (2012). This article discusses a theory of everyday gendered homophobia as a way of understanding lesbian coaches’ experiences in their profession. Ten professional women coaches who identified themselves as lesbian, from both individual and team sports within the UK, were interviewed.
• Language and Terminology , Pride in Sport , (accessed 2 February 2022). Provides a list of key terminology relating to bodies, gender and gender identities; sexual orientations; and, societal attitudes/issues.
• Media reference guide, 10th edition , Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD) , (2016). Fair, accurate, and inclusive news media coverage has played an important role in expanding public awareness and understanding of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) lives. The use of appropriate language and terminology helps to eliminate defamatory rhetoric that may fuel prejudice and discrimination.
• Good practice handbook, No. 4 – LGBT inclusion in sport , Englefield L, Council of Europe (2012). This handbook on good practices gives a practical look at the political commitment made by Council of Europe member states in the fight against homophobia in sport. This handbook also examines the reasons for the widespread and continued exclusion of LGBT people from mainstream sport; examines the nature and mechanisms of prejudice and discrimination towards LGBT people in sport, and; highlights the costs of this exclusion. The handbook gives examples of good practice in working with both young people and adults to tackle homophobia in sport and to create more inclusive and tolerant sporting environments in which all LGBT athletes can flourish.
• Why Homophobia in Sports Campaigns Fail | The Science of Norms and Attitudes , MindfulThinks, YouTube , (3 December 2020). This video was made in collaboration with researchers from Monash University and the University of British Columbia. We will be covering topics surrounding homophobic language in sports and how changing social norms can help make the LGBTQ community feel more welcome.
• Social Norms and Prejudiced Language in Sports The Disconnect of Actions and Beliefs , Sport Inclusion Project, YouTube , (2 November 2020). In this video we'll be looking at how homophobic and prejudiced language leads to decreased participation and feelings of acceptance in sports in the LGBT community, and how changing our social norms can help fix this problem.
• Pride Cup: harnessing the power of sport , AFL Women's, YouTube , (25 June 2019). From humble beginnings as a rainbow 50m line, the Pride Cup has grown and grown, to send a strong message of hope, inclusion and acceptance to LGBTI+.
• Well Played , Twenty10 inc GLCS NSW, YouTube , (16 May 2019). Well Played is a short film highlighting the importance of diversity and inclusion in sport and physical activity, from the perspective of five young people.
• Diversity is an advantage at Loton Park Tennis Club , Tennis Australia YouTube , (21 December 2018). Award-winning Loton Park Tennis Club, based in Perth, Western Australia openly welcomes all participants who identify as LGBTQ+. Their motto is “Diversity is our advantage”. Members of the club have the opportunity to participate in league competitions, social play, Come and Try Days and many other events. Loton Park Tennis Club has strong relationships with other local sports organisations, sharing resources and events.
• Why do gays need their own program? Marrying the LGBTI community and cricket in Victoria , Ryan Storr, Diversity and Inclusion in Sport Forum 2017 , (December 2017). Ryan Storr is currently chief investigator of a research project with Cricket Australia and Cricket Victoria which explores LGBT inclusion in Australian cricket.
• Homophobia in sport and the Pride in Sport Index , Andrew Purchas, Diversity and Inclusion in Sport Forum 2016 , (October 2016). Andrew Purchas from the Bingham Cup talks about homophobia in sport and the Pride in Sport Index at the 2016 Diversity and inclusion in Sport Forum.
• #OneTeam , Team Canada/Équipe Canada, YouTube , (23 June 2015). Athletes share their stories in this powerful Public Service Announcement by Team Canada (Canadian Olympic Team) exploring and promoting LGBTQ inclusion in sport.
• NRL to tackle homophobia , National Rugby League, YouTube, (9 April 2014) . NRL CEO Dave Smith has joined the heads of four of Australia's largest sporting bodies in a united front against homophobia.
• Discrimination , Ben Hartung, Play By The Rules Forum , (19 April 2012). Fair go, sport! is a Hockey Victoria project that’s aimed at increasing the awareness of sexual and gender diversity and promoting safe and inclusive environments in Hockey.
• Gus Johnston: The reality of homophobia in sport , Gus Johnston, YouTube, (14 September 2011) After many years of competing in hockey at an elite level, Gus Johnson decided to share his story and experience with homophobia in sport. These are his personal views and experiences.

Sexual orientation Sport can be a site of discrimination on the basis of someone’s (known or assumed) sexuality or gender identity.

Competitive sport

There has been a long history and debate around gender determination and eligibility to compete in women's competitive sports events.

Gender verification (1968-1998)

From 1968 to 1998, participants in women's Olympic events had to undergo ‘gender verification’ which required female athletes to undergo either a chromosomal test or physical inspection to verify their gender.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) instituted this practice in response to concerns that some athletes from then Communist countries of Eastern Europe were actually men masquerading as women to give them a competitive advantage. The first tests, which were invasive and controversial gynaecological examinations, were conducted in 1966; then a sex chromosome test was introduced at the 1968 Mexico City Olympic Games. The principle was that genetic females (46 XX) show a single X-chromatic profile, whereas males (46 XY) do not.

The lack of laboratories routinely performing the test and the problem of errors in interpretation yielded a number of false-positive and false-negative results. However, an even greater ethical dilemma was the fact that some phenotypic females (i.e. with a uterus, ovaries, etc.) show a male sex chromatin (XY) pattern (e.g. androgen insensitivity, XY gonadal dysgenesis). These individuals may have no athletic advantage and reasonably should be considered as females for the purposes of athletic competition. In addition, chromosomal sex typing does not consider the anatomical or psychosocial characteristics of the athlete. For these reasons sex chromatin testing may unfairly exclude some female athletes.

Sex chromatin analysis fell out of common diagnostic use by geneticists shortly after the IOC began its testing program and in 1999 the IOC Medical Commission reviewed its practices and agreed to change the implementation of gender verification tests from mandatory for all female athletes, to random.

Although the IOC offered follow-up physical examinations to laboratory tests, problems remained with the IOC’s testing policy. Many international sports governing bodies concluded that gender verification testing was not reliable and screening for gender was discontinued prior to the 2000 Sydney Olympic and Paralympic Games.

Testosterone and hyperandrogenism

The debate around gender determination and eligibility to compete in women's competitive sports events was re-ignited when South African athlete Caster Semenya [Wikipedia] cruised to victory in the 800m at the 2009 World Athletic Championships in Berlin.

The International Association of Athletics Federations (now World Athletics) and the IOC then adopted a policy that was not overtly intended to determine whether someone was ‘really’ a woman. Instead, their policy focused on defining hyperandrogenism, a condition of naturally raised testosterone levels. It set a benchmark for the serum androgen level used to determine whether an athlete was eligible to compete in a female category. Under the IOC Regulations on Female Hyperandrogenism, Games of the XXX Olympiad in London, 2012 Caster Semenya competed in the 2012 London Olympics, where she finished second in the Women’s 800m track competition.

The use of serum androgen levels to determine whether an athlete is 'female' is based on the presumption that testosterone is the key reason for mens' often superior strength and speed. However, there is little evidence that testosterone alone is the determining factor of ‘maleness’ or male competitive advantage. The level was based upon population norms and its validity questioned by several studies. Research on elite athletes (male and female) indicates that an athlete population may show a different profile from a non-athlete population because of a number of confounding factors, such as body type, ethnicity, menstrual status, or the use of oral contraceptives. Therefore, using population data as a benchmark may be misleading.

The IAAF Hyperandrogenism regulations were challenged in 2014 by athlete Dutee Chand in the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) and initially suspended for two years to give the opportunity for more scientific evidence to be produced/provided.

In response to the interim CAS award, Chand v AFI and IAAF CAS 2014/A/3759 ( 24 July 2015), the IOC Consensus Meeting on Sex Reassignment and Hyperandrogenism (November 2015) recommended that rules should be in place for the protection of women in sport and the promotion of the principles of fair competition. Sports organisations, were encouraged to revert to CAS any arguments and evidence to support the reinstatement of hyperandrogenism rules that are based upon evidence. Finally, to avoid discrimination, if an athlete is not eligible for female competition, they should be eligible to compete in male competition.

In November 2021, the IOC released a new Framework on Fairness, Inclusion and Non-Discrimination on the Basis of Gender Identity and Sex Variations .

The Framework no longer provides global regulations for athletes regarding eligibility criteria but instead suggests that individual sporting bodies – particularly those in charge of elite-level competitions – are responsible for developing their own regulations, based on the nature of each sport, and determining if/what advantage athletes with variations of gender identity or sex may have. The 10-principle approach to help sports develop the criteria specific to their sport, including the ethical, social, cultural and legal aspects relevant in their context are:

• Prevention of harm
• Non-discrimination
• No presumption of advantage
• Evidence-based approach
• Primacy of health and bodily autonomy
• Stakeholder-centred approach
• Right to privacy
• Periodic reviews.

Transgender people and sport

The high profile case of American Tennis player Renee Richards [Wikipedia] highlights the transitory nature of sports policy relating to gender determination and highlights that it is often a matter for the legal system to determine. Born a male, Richard Raskind competed as a junior tennis player and became nationally ranked and a high school champion. He continued to compete as an adult male and reached the final of the US national 35-and-over tennis championships in 1972. Richard Raskind then underwent gender reassignment surgery and hormonal treatment, becoming Renee Richards. Ms Richards sought to compete as a female tennis professional but was barred from playing as a woman in the 1976 U.S. Open Tennis tournament unless she submitted to chromosomal testing. Richards brought legal action against the United States Tennis Association and won the right to compete in 1977 without submitting to any testing. Richards played as a tennis professional from 1977 to 1981 and achieved a career high ranking of 20 in 1979 and reached the women’s doubles final at the U.S. Open in 1977.

There are currently limited, robust research studies on the performance capabilities of elite transgender athletes, primarily because of methodological considerations involving sample size and measurement protocols. However, existing evidence suggests that transgender athletes, particularly male to female, may not automatically have an advantage once their gender reassignment is complete.

The doctrines of law, fairness, ethics, and personal gender identity have been applied to make the case for transgender athletes to compete, particularly in community sport settings.

• Transgender Athletes in Competitive Sport , Eric Anderson, Ann Travers (eds.), Routledge , (2017). This book represents the first comprehensive study of the challenges that transgender athletes face in competitive sport; and the challenges they pose for this sex-segregated institution. Beginning with a discussion of the historical role that sport has played in preserving sex as a binary, the book examines how gender has been policed by policymakers within competitive athletics. It also considers how transgender athletes are treated by a system predicated on separating males from females, consequently forcing transgender athletes to negotiate the system in coercive ways. The book not only exposes our culture’s binary thinking in terms of both sex and gender, but also offers a series of thought-provoking and sometimes contradictory recommendations for how to make sport more hospitable, inclusive and equitable.
• Integrating Transwomen and Female Athletes with Differences of Sex Development (DSD) into Elite Competition: The FIMS 2021 Consensus Statement , Blair R. Hamilton, Giscard Lima, James Barrett, et.al., Sports Medicine, Volume 51, pp.1401-1415, (24 March 2021). Here, we present the International Federation of Sports Medicine (FIMS) consensus on integrating DSD women and transwomen athletes into elite female sport based on identifying, selecting, and critically appraising the very limited relevant primary research. An added objective of this consensus was to provide a roadmap for future research direction.
• List of LGBT sportspeople , Wikipedia , (accessed 25 January 2022).
• IOC’s new transgender guidance criticised as unfair towards female sport , Sean Ingle, The Guardian , (18 January 2022). The International Olympic Committee’s new transgender framework has come under fire from medical experts who work for multiple sports federations, including World Athletics, World Triathlon and the International Cycling Union, who say it opens the door to unfair competition in female sport.
• Equal Play: Transgender Athletes Talk Fitness and Fairness , Tom Ward, Men's Health , (25 November 2021). For trans men, the chance to participate in sport and exercise can be critical for mental wellbeing. We asked six of them to share their stories.
• Queer Sporting Alliance, Glenorchy Basketball Association providing competition and inclusion for trans people , Rob Inglis, Mercury , (22 August 2021). Transgender and gender-diverse Tasmanians are relishing the opportunity to take part in team sports, saying it is a significant way to affirm their identity.
• Proud to be open for all , Leigh Rogers, Tennis Australia , (17 May 2021). As Tennis Australia proudly celebrates International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia, Interphobia and Transphobia (IDAHOBIT), trans player Seth Garth explains why initiatives to promote inclusion are so important to grow the sport.
• What About the Trans Athletes Who Compete — And Win — in Men’s Sports? Britni De La Cretaz, InsideHook , (20 January 2021). Lost in the debates about biology and physiology and competitive advantages that surround trans kids in sports are the stories of the ones who are out there already — playing, winning, losing, thriving. And among the already small number of stories about trans athletes, the trans boys on the field are perhaps the most sparsely represented.
• World Rugby bans trans women from elite women’s game due to injury risks , Sean Ingle, The Guardian , (10 October 2020). Trans women will not be permitted to play elite women’s rugby for the foreseeable future because of “significant” safety concerns, World Rugby has stated after releasing new guidelines for transgender players.
• World Rugby’s proposed ban on trans athletes is wrong. History shows inclusion is possibl e, Noah Riseman, The Conversation , (9 September 2020). For the past three years, I have been researching Australia’s transgender history and have had the privilege of interviewing trans women and men who play sport and, to varying degrees, faced fights over their right to play.
• Playing experience a missing piece in transgender player debate , Caroline Layt, op-ed, Brisbane Times , (28 August 2020). As a former transgender rugby player who's played with and against cisgender female rugby players at a club and national representative level, I was extremely disappointed that no transgender women rugby players' lived experience was included in World Rugby's decision.
• The Detail: Where the values of World Rugby, transgender athletes and sports administrators collide , Emile Donovan, stuff.co.nz , (4 August 2020). The man who helped write guidelines on transgender players in women’s rugby says he hates that his work has created a platform for people to attack transgender people as cheats. On today's episode of The Detail, Emile Donovan speaks to Tucker about how he came to these conclusions, the physiological differences between men and women, and the extraordinary situation sports administrators find themselves in. This is not a discussion about whether trans women should be able to play sport. That isn't a question; sport is a human right. This is about an intersection of competing values: of inclusion, safety, and fairness, in a situation where there isn't a clear way to balance all three.
• Cricket Australia’s new gender rules give much-needed clarity to athletes and clubs , Daryl Adair, Associate Professor of Sport Management, University of Technology Sydney, The Conversation , (8 August 2019). Cricket Australia has made a significant contribution to gender diversity policy by producing a very detailed set of rules for elite-level cricket, and guidelines for community cricket. They provide much needed clarity around what’s expected of transgender and gender diverse athletes, and what’s being asked of cricket clubs.
• No clear evidence of trans women athlete advantage - researcher , Radio New Zealand , (18 July 2019). A suggestion transgender women athletes should compete in their own category to remove any unfair advantage is being challenged.
• Are ‘sex testing’ policies ready for change? Mads A. Wickstrøm, Play the Game , (4 September 2017). International sports organisations need to change gender classification procedures in women’s athletic events to be consistent with their own values, recent research argues.
• USA Volleyball hits back at criticism after transgender player cleared to compete , Etchells D, Inside the Games , (10 April 2017). This article summarises the case of male-born Tia Thompson, who was approved by USA Volleyball to compete as a female, thus opening the possibility of earning a place on the USA Women’s Olympic Volleyball team. USA Volleyball has transgender guidelines that allow inclusion of transgender athletes in USA Volleyball events in the gender in which they self-identify, yet also prioritises a fair and competitive landscape. However, the guidelines do not apply to athletes desiring to represent the United States in the Olympic Games, Paralympic Games, and all other international competitions which USA Volleyball controls, as the relevant governing body. In this case the transgender athlete was required to provide medical documentation to the USA Volleyball’s Gender Committee demonstrating that her testosterone levels do not exceed the upper limit of the normal reference range in their desired gender of play for their respective age group (i.e. in this case ‘adult’). The process took three years to complete.
• Paving the way for transgender cyclists: The story of Jillian Bearden . Anne-Marije Rook, Ella Cycling Tips , (10 December 2016). Article provides background information on American racer Jillian Bearden who won the El Tour de Tucson in November 2016 after previously competing at an elite level as a man. Also includes her pre- and post-transition power numbers.
• Kristen Worley, a transitioned Cyclist, takes on the Sporting Institutions , sporttranslations , translated from Pierre-Jean Vazel’s original article, (11 August 2016). Elite Canadian cyclist Kristen Worley is not in Rio for the very good reason that over the past ten years her health has been deteriorating. Under International Olympic Committee (IOC) guidelines for competing transgender athletes and the World Anti-Doping Code, she has been banned from receiving the androgen hormone replacement therapy she needs now that her body no longer produces any at all. The health and performance issues raised by her case are of universal interest in the sporting world.
• Testing, hormones, hatred: What it’s like to compete as a transgender athlete , Edwards M, McCormack A, Lauder J and McVeigh S, ABC Radio Triple J , text published online (28 July 2016). The 2016 Olympics in Rio will be more inclusive to transgender athletes, as trans men and women for the first time will not be required to undergo gender reassignment surgery to compete. Transgender athletes Chris Mosier (triathlon) and Joanna Harper (distance running) tell their stories.
• Testosterone is not exclusively a male hormone , Brown A and Westbury I, The Sports Integrity Initiative, published online (20 April 2016). Testosterone is not exclusively a male hormone. It is produced in significant quantities by males and females – especially by elite athletes, who need it to aid muscle growth and recovery. Externally administered testosterone is known as exogenous, and is the main ingredient in anabolic steroids, which are banned in sport as they artificially elevate the body’s natural testosterone levels, stimulating muscle growth. A person taking on exogenous testosterone is cheating. Testosterone naturally produced within the body is known as endogenous. What is less certain is the impact that endogenous testosterone levels have on muscle growth, as this is tied to many other biological factors. What is very uncertain is the impact that endogenous testosterone has on athletic performance and whether it results in a competitive advantage.
• Schuyler Bailar to be first openly transgender collegiate swimmer , Merrill E, Swimming World Magazine , published online (17 June 2015). Swimming is a sport where men and women may train together, but compete separately by gender. Schuyler Bailar was an extremely talented age-group swimmer, having been part of a girls 15-18 years National Age-Group record relay team. He is now a rising freshman member of the Harvard Men’s Swimming Team. An article appearing in the Washington Post , traces the athlete's self-reckoning and a lifelong quest to feel comfortable with his own sexual identity. Bailar, a 172cm, 77kg athlete, struggled for years as a woman with depression, self-harm, suicidal thoughts, and eating disorders. Now he is seen as a pioneer and role model for transgender persons as society openly addresses traditional male/female gender lines. Switching from the women’s to the men’s swimming squad meant that Bailar would go from being one of the school's strongest female swimmers to possibly the back of the pack on the men's team. "It meant giving up the goals I had set for myself as a swimmer," Bailar said. Though he bears scars across his chest from surgery to remove his breasts and mammary glands - and he faces some fears about living as a man - he feels better now than he ever has. And the world, so far, has been far more accepting than he imagined.
• The Trouble With Too Much T , Karkazis K and Jordan-Young R, The New York Times , (10 April 2014). From 2011, major sports governing bodies, including the International Olympic Committee, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association and the International Association of Athletics Federations, instituted new eligibility rules that were intended to quell the outrage over the handling of the Caster Semenya case. Instead, as recent cases attest, they may have made things worse.
• United Nations – Statement from the Secretary-General , Sochi, Russian Federation , (6 February 2014). This statement contains the remarks of Secretary-General Ban Key-moon at the 126th Session of the International Olympic Committee. The Secretary stated that the Olympics show the power of sport to bring together individuals regardless of age, race, class, religion, ability, sex, sexual orientation or gender identity.
• The transgender athlete , Torre P and Epstein D, Sports Illustrated , Volume 116, Issue 22 (2012). For transgender men and women, the physiological traits that distinguish them as male or female don't conform to how they feel about themselves. Some transgender’s have undergone sex reassignment surgery or hormone therapy to make their biological and gender identities match. Others, such as the 28-year-old hammer thrower from the United States, Keelin Godsey, have not. He was born as a female and therefore competes as a female, but he identifies as male. Godsey is the first American Olympic contender in any sport to openly identify as transgender. This article discusses the ethical issue of transgender athletes in US sports and points out how the concept of being transgender still provokes extreme prejudice and hostility; transgender athletes are subjected to a high degree of victimisation.
• International Research Literature Review SCEG Project for Review and Redraft of Guidance for Transgender Inclusion in Domestic Sport 2020 , Carbmill Consulting for the Sports Councils' Equality Group , (2021). This short review presents a chronological precis of current evidence which impacts decision making on how best to include transgender people in sport.
• International Policy Review 2021 , Carbmill Consulting for the Sports Councils' Equality Group , (2021). Provides an overview of International Federations (IFs) policies relating to transgender participation in sport competition, with a focus on Olympic and Paralympic Sports as well as some major non-Olympic sports (e.g. cricket, netball and rugby league) . Most sports included are listed as IOC compliant (with the 2015 regulations), Extended IOC Compliant, IOC non-compliant, and sports with general policies.
• Intersection of race and gender discrimination in sport: report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights , UN High Commissioner for Human Rights , (15 June 2020). The present report is submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 40/5, in which the Council requested the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to prepare a report on the intersection of race and gender discrimination in sport, including in policies, regulations and practices of sporting bodies, and elaborating on relevant international human rights norms and standards, and to present the report to the Council at its forty-fourth session.
• Issues Paper - National Guidelines: Trans and intersex inclusion in sport , Australian Human Rights Commission , (21 June 2018). This issues paper was released by the AHRC to help guide the consultation process with stakeholders in relation to the development of guidelines for trans and gender diverse inclusion in sport. It provides participants with: an overview of the Act, including the exemption provisions, and information regarding common barriers to inclusion faced by trans and intersex athletes.
• Policies seldom refer to LGBTQI violence. Awareness raising initiatives have been organised in a few countries at public, governmental level to sensitise different target groups about gender-based violence in and through sport.
• Over the last 20 years, policy recommendations specifically related to gender-based violence in sport have focused on prevention and protection actions. Within these policies, specific attention is paid to children and youth as well as to women. More recently, homophobic violence in sport has also begun to be considered, notably within the European Commission’s LGBTQI policies.
• Policies seldom refer to homophobic violence in sport. Instead, the focus seems to be on homophobic discrimination. Whereas violence towards individuals who identify as LGBTQI in sport settings is mentioned in the Polish policy, other countries – like Belgium, France, and Italy – have addressed this issue through awareness-raising campaigns.
• While only a few studies disaggregate their data by sexuality and/or sexual identity, all those that do clearly show higher levels of sexual violence perpetrated against LGBTQI athletes than against non-LGBTQI athletes.
• Writing Themselves in, 3 , Hillier L, Jones T, Monagle M, Overton N, Gahan L, Blackman J and Mitchell A, Australian Research Centre in Sex, Health and Society, La Trobe University, (2010). This is the third national study on the sexual health and well-being of same sex attracted young people in Australia. This research suggests that the biggest issue is the ongoing and persistent damage done by homophobia in the lives of same sex attracted and gender questioning (SSAGQ) young people. Several recommendations were made that involve the sporting environment: (1) public safety—SSAGQ young people continue to experience high levels of homophobic violence and abuse not just at school but also on the street, in sport and at public and private events. Police programs which liaise with the gay community and seek to make reporting easier should be protected and expanded, and: (2) education—schools should have a specific policy on homophobic bullying which offers well-publicised protection to SSAGQ students.
• Queering Indoor Swimming in the UK: Transgender and Non-binary wellbeing , Jayne Caudwell, Journal of Sport and Social Issues , (15 November 2021). This paper draws from a research project that was initiated in 2017 and continued in to 2020. It followed on from previous University-LGBT + community projects (e.g., football versus homophobia 2012–2018) and involved working with a local transgender social group, specifically, their engagement with once-a-month recreational swim sessions. The research findings that are discussed come from sixty-three research participant's ‘drawings’, three focus groups including a professionally drawn illustration of two of these focus groups, and nine semi-structured interviews. The analysis of the qualitative data demonstrates the significance of play and pleasure, feeling free, and transgender and non-binary imaginations to physical activity participation, and wellbeing. These three themes are presented through the lens of queer/queering and transfeminism. As such, the paper has two aims: to document the experiences of physical activity by an often-excluded group; and to evaluate the concept of queering to an understanding of indoor recreational swimming and wellbeing.
• Developing trans-athlete policy in Australian National Sport Organizations , L Stewart, P O’Halloran, J Oates, et.al., International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics , Volume 13(4), pp.565-585, (August 2021). The purpose of this study was to explore the way Australian national sport organisations (NSOs) create, develop and implement their policies relevant to trans athletes. Representatives of nine NSOs were interviewed utilising in-depth semi-structured interviews. Four key themes emerged from the organisation spokespersons’ accounts: a) finding the right policy, b) underfunded and under resourced, c) challenges of educating employees and the public, and lastly, d) communication between NSOs and the trans athletic community. Findings revealed that only two NSOs reported had specific policies directed at trans athlete’s sport participation. Several NSOs indicated that they had plans to develop separate policies for the different levels of competition to assist trans athletes to participate in their sport as their identified gender. This is the first study to explore the perspective and views of NSOs on the participation of trans athletes in sport.
• Sport Is for Everyone: A Legal Roadmap for Transgender Participation in Sport , Erin Buzuvis, Sarah Litwin, Warren Zola, Journal of Legal Aspects of Sport , Volume 31(1), (August 2021). In recent years, the public has paid greater attention to transgender athletes participating in sport at all levels—high school, collegiate, professional, and Olympic—despite the fact that transgender athletes have been competing in sports for decades. Backlash has arisen in general but also more specifically in response to several recent Supreme Court cases that have both solidified and extended rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and other gender and sexual minorities. In turn, state laws that seek to limit the rights of transgender students to participate in sports have been drafted around the country. To be sure, these laws are often built on erroneous data, a misunderstanding of facts, and ignorance, but their existence continues to fuel the public debate on whether transgender athletes should be allowed to participate based on their gender identity or their sex as determined at birth.
• The construction of categories in sport: Unfair advantages, equality of opportunity and strict attainability , Silvia Camporesi, Mika Hämäläinen, European Journal of Sport Science , Volume 21(11), pp.1477-1484, (July 2021). On 8 September 2020, the Swiss Federal Supreme Sport dismissed the double appeal by Caster Semenya against the decision of the Court for Arbitration of Sport to uphold the World Athletics regulations restricting testosterone levels in female runners. On 24 February 2021, Semenya appealed to the European Court of Human Rights. This is the most recent episode of an international legal case which was ignited at the 2009 Berlin World Track Championship, when Semenya was 18 years old. Semenya’s case has generated an intricate web of questions for classification in sport that are yet to be resolved. In this paper we aim to disentangle them. We proceed as follows: we describe the problem of binary classification related to Semenya’s case and introduce the concept of property advantage, and the fair equality of opportunity principle. We compare Semenya's case with Eero Mantyranta's case and fail to identify a way according to which the two cases could justifiably be treated differently. We then discuss three possible ways to organize sport categories based on the combination of Loland’s fair equality of opportunity principle and our strict attainability criterion, and outline the implications of each alternative for international sports law regulation. Finally, we summarize and outline the legacy of Semenya for the construction of categories in sport.
• How does hormone transition in transgender women change body composition, muscle strength and haemoglobin? Systematic review with a focus on the implications for sport participation , Joanna Harper, Emma O'Donnell, Behzad Sorouri Khorashad, et.al., British Journal of Sports Medicine , Volume 55(15), pp.865-872, (July 2021). Twenty-four studies were identified and reviewed. Transwomen experienced significant decreases in all parameters measured, with different time courses noted. After 4 months of hormone therapy, transwomen have Hgb/HCT levels equivalent to those of cisgender women. After 12 months of hormone therapy, significant decreases in measures of strength, LBM and muscle area are observed. The effects of longer duration therapy (36 months) in eliciting further decrements in these measures are unclear due to paucity of data. Notwithstanding, values for strength, LBM and muscle area in transwomen remain above those of cisgender women, even after 36 months of hormone therapy. In transwomen, hormone therapy rapidly reduces Hgb to levels seen in cisgender women. In contrast, hormone therapy decreases strength, LBM and muscle area, yet values remain above that observed in cisgender women, even after 36 months. These findings suggest that strength may be well preserved in transwomen during the first 3 years of hormone therapy.
• Integrating transwomen athletes into elite competition: The case of elite archery and shooting , Blair Hamilton, Fergus Guppy, James Barrett, et.al., European Journal of Sport Science , Volume 21(11), pp.1500-1509, (June 2021). ;The inclusion of transwomen into elite female sport has been brought into question recently with World Rugby banning transwomen from the elite female competition, aiming to prioritise safety over fairness and inclusion, citing the size, force and power-producing advantages conferred to transwomen. The same question is being asked of all Olympic sports including non-contact sports such as archery and shooting. As both these Olympic sports are the polar opposite to the contact sport of rugby in terms of the need to consider the safety of athletes, the IF of both archery and shooting should consider the other elements when deciding the integration of trans individuals in their sports. Studies on non-athletic transwomen have reported muscle mass and strength loss in the range of 5–10% after 1 year of their transition, with these differences no longer apparent after 2 years. Therefore, based on the current scientific literature, it would be justified for meaningful competition and to prioritise fairness, that transwomen be permitted to compete in elite archery after 2 years of GAT. Similarly, it would be justified in terms of shooting to prioritise inclusion and allow transwomen after 1 year of GAT given that the only negligible advantage that transwomen may have is superior visuospatial coordination. The impact of this considered integration of transwomen in elite sports such as archery and shooting could be monitored and lessons learned for other sports, especially where there are no safety concerns from contact with an opponent.
• Effect of gender affirming hormones on athletic performance in transwomen and transmen: implications for sporting organisations and legislators , Timothy Roberts, Joshua Smalley, Dale Ahrendt, British Journal of Sports Medicine , Volume 55(11), pp.577-583, (May 2021). We reviewed fitness test results and medical records of 29 transmen and 46 transwomen who started gender affirming hormones while in the United States Air Force. We compared pre- and post-hormone fitness test results of the transwomen and transmen with the average performance of all women and men under the age of 30 in the Air Force between 2004 and 2014. We also measured the rate of hormone associated changes in body composition and athletic performance. Participants were 26.2 years old (SD 5.5). Prior to gender affirming hormones, transwomen performed 31% more push-ups and 15% more sit-ups in 1 min and ran 1.5 miles 21% faster than their female counterparts. After 2 years of taking feminising hormones, the push-up and sit-up differences disappeared but transwomen were still 12% faster. Prior to gender affirming hormones, transmen performed 43% fewer push-ups and ran 1.5 miles 15% slower than their male counterparts. After 1 year of taking masculinising hormones, there was no longer a difference in push-ups or run times, and the number of sit-ups performed in 1 min by transmen exceeded the average performance of their male counterparts. The 15–31% athletic advantage that transwomen displayed over their female counterparts prior to starting gender affirming hormones declined with feminising therapy. However, transwomen still had a 9% faster mean run speed after the 1 year period of testosterone suppression that is recommended by World Athletics for inclusion in women’s events.
• Transgender Women in the Female Category of Sport: Perspectives on Testosterone Suppression and Performance Advantage , Emma Hilton, Tommy Lundberg, Sports Medicine , Volume 51, pp.199-214, (2021). The International Olympic Committee (IOC) determined criteria by which a transgender woman may be eligible to compete in the female category, requiring total serum testosterone levels to be suppressed below 10 nmol/L for at least 12 months prior to and during competition. Whether this regulation removes the male performance advantage has not been scrutinized. Here, we review how differences in biological characteristics between biological males and females affect sporting performance and assess whether evidence exists to support the assumption that testosterone suppression in transgender women removes the male performance advantage and thus delivers fair and safe competition.
• A Case Study Exploring the Experiences of a Transgender Athlete in Synchronized Skating, a Subdiscipline of Figure Skating , Shannon Herrick, Meredith Rocchi, A. Lauren Couture, Journal of Sport and Social Issues , Volume 44(5), pp.421-449, (October 2020). The inclusion of transgender athletes in sport challenges a number of long-standing cis-heteronormative beliefs within athletics at all levels of competition. There are limited studies examining the integration and experiences of transgender athletes within amateur sport. The following case study follows the experiences of a transgender synchronized figure skater, Mason, who was able to continue competing throughout his transition process. We conducted eight semi-structured one-on-one interviews with Mason, his teammates, his team manager, and his past and present coaches. All interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed verbatim, and subject to thematic analysis which resulted in four overarching themes: (a) building inclusivity: “promote a safe space,” (b) acknowledging stress, (c) disclosure: “I didn’t want to talk about my past,” and (d) celebration. Results are interpreted as recommendations for coaches on how to adopt inclusive practices to better support transgender athletes.
• Questioning representations of athletes with elevated testosterone levels in elite women’s sports: a critical policy analysis , Annette Brömdal, Rebecca Olive, Brooke Walker, International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics , Volume 12(4), pp.699-715, (October 2020). Sport sociologists are often required to interpret, question and respond to the ways in which fairness and eligibility concerns in elite sports are represented in policy frameworks produced by sports governing bodies. Drawing on Carol Bacchi’s critical policy analysis framework, ‘what is the problem represented to be?’, this paper explores the importance in developing a critical eye and reading about representations of women athletes with particular differences of sex development (DSD) with elevated testosterone levels and the idea of regulating their testosterone levels in the female classification. Through using the above critical policy analysis line of questioning, this analysis aims to consider what the problem of women athletes with relevant DSDs with elevated testosterone levels in female elite sports is represented to be; what the assumptions underlying these representations of the problem are; how these representations of the problem have come about; what is left unproblematic in this problem representation; what the lived effects produced by these representations of the problem are; and how these representations of the problem have been produced, disseminated, defended, questioned, disrupted and even could be replaced. The critical policy analysis argues that the continuing persistence of policies marking particular women with DSDs as a problem, is related in part to societal views defining particular bodies and athletic abilities in the female classification as either ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ and in need of fixing. In moving forward and redressing the problem, it requires the embodiment of biomedical ethics and human rights advocacy work by sports governing bodies.
• ‘Gender Verification Issues in Women’s Competitive Sports: An Ethical Critique of the IAAF DSD Regulation’ , Mizuho Takemura, Sport, Ethics and Philosophy , Volume 14, pp.449-460, (June 2020). In 2018 the World Heath Organization decided to re-examine the classification of gender identity disorder and exclude it from being defined as a mental illness. This re-examination means that sex and gender do not have a single meaning It can be argued that the WHO decision presents an ethical dilemma for competitive sports, since a more concrete definition of gender is required to determine the category in which an athlete will compete without the violation of basic human rights or the violation of fair play in sport. The example of Caster Semenya illustrates the ethical dilemma that arises in this situation. In what follows, I will discuss: 1) the circumstances and background of Semenya’s eligibility; 2) the conflict between moral values that arises here; 3) an ethical interpretation of the International Association of Athletics Federation (IAAF)’s claim regarding Semenya’s case; and lastly 4) the acceptable level of injustice in competitive sports. From these perspectives, I will offer a practical philosophical discussion of the IAAF’s new regulations using Semenya’s case as an illustrative example and clarifying the difference between ‘discrimination’ and ‘distinction’. This paper partially affirms the Differences of Sexual Development (DSD) regulations issued by the IAAF in 2018. Its intention is not to completely support the IAAF’s regulations, however, but rather to show that the paradigm of modern sports itself can be a target of criticism.
• Physical Activity and Sport in Trans Persons Before and After Gender Disclosure: Prevalence, Frequency, and Type of Activities , Elena López-Cañada, José Devís-Devís, Alexandra Valencia-Peris, et.al., Journal of Physical Activity and Health , Volume 17(6), pp.650-656, (May 2020). A face-to-face survey was administered to 212 Spanish trans persons, aged from 10 to 62 years old. McNemar and chi-square tests were used to determine significant differences. About 75.5% of the trans persons in this study engaged in PAS and more than 50% did so ≥3 times/week, which is similar as in the general Spanish population. Participation was higher in trans men (78.7%) than trans women (72%). However, GD emerges as a key issue in characterizing trans persons’ PAS participation. A group of 14.5% of them stopped activity after GD. Participation in nonorganized PAS was higher than in organized PAS, and this difference is greater after GD because most participants gave up organized PAS in favor of nonorganized PAS. Trans persons preferred individual sports and activities than team sports before and after GD, and the top 3 activities were jogging, walking, and bodybuilding. Trans men participation was higher than trans women in team PAS, whereas individual PAS were equally practiced before and after GD. Participation in football, swimming, basketball, dancing, and volleyball declined after GD, whereas bodybuilding increased in trans men. The results show that the high involvement of trans persons coincides with strategies used to hide or conceal their gender identities when participating in PAS. A decrease in PAS participation is observed after GD probably because it is an acute potential period of anxiety, discrimination, and victimization caused by trans persons’ body exposure.
• Transgender and Intersex Athletes and the Women’s Category in Sport , Pam Sailors, Sport, Ethics and Philosophy , Volume 14(4), pp.419-431, (May 2020). Issues surrounding the inclusion of transgender and intersex athletes in the women’s category in sport have spurred vigorous, and sometimes vicious, debate. The loudest voices on one edge of the debate warn that allowing transgender and intersex athletes to participate in women’s sport will push women out of sport entirely as it is equivalent to having men compete against women, while the other edge dismisses as a transphobic/racist/bigot anyone advocating for less than full and unconditional inclusion. Between the edges are more nuanced positions, offering arguments to support conclusions regarding competition, fairness, equality, and inclusion. This paper is an attempt to discover and elucidate the foundational commitments underlying the most common arguments, evaluate the arguments, and consider implications of the commitments.
• The journey of transitioning: Being a trans male athlete in college sport , Alexandra Klein, Amanda Paule-Koba, Vikki Krane, Sport Management Review, Volume 22(5), pp.626-639, (November 2019). This case study presents one transgender athlete’s journey during his social, hormonal, and athletic transition. Social support and financial resources can impact an athlete as he or she transitions and these are areas that athletic departments can influence. We recommend strategies to support transgender inclusion in athletics programs, including creating a culture of inclusion and respect for all.
• Experiences of trans persons in physical activity and sport: A qualitative meta-synthesis , Víctor Pérez-Samaniego, Jorge Fuentes-Miguel, Sofía Pereira-García, et.al., Sport Management Review , Volume 22(4), pp.439-451, (August 2019). The purpose of this paper was to map and provide new insights to existing qualitative research on experiences of trans people in physical activity and sport. Searches in international databases identified 604 documents related with those issues. Of these, the authors assessed 31 studies in accordance with a reading guide. Finally, 12 qualitative studies were selected. Key issues are condensed into four cross-cutting themes: (a) language; (b) facilities and spaces; (c) transgendering strategies; and (d) abjection. The identified issues show how trans persons diversely experience and manage situations of verbal discrimination, resistance, occupation of spaces, identification, and rejection. The paper concludes with insights based on the distinction between gender conformers and gender transformers, and implications for sport managers in order to enhance participation, enjoyment, and wellbeing of trans people in physical activity and sport.
• Transwomen in elite sport: scientific and ethical considerations , Knox T, Anderson LC, Heather A, Journal of Medical Ethics, Volume 45(6), pp.395-403, (July 2019). The inclusion of elite transwomen athletes in sport is controversial. The recent International Olympic Committee (IOC) (2015) guidelines allow transwomen to compete in the women’s division if (amongst other things) their testosterone is held below 10 nmol/L. This is significantly higher than that of cis-women. Science demonstrates that high testosterone and other male physiology provides a performance advantage in sport suggesting that transwomen retain some of that advantage. To determine whether the advantage is unfair necessitates an ethical analysis of the principles of inclusion and fairness. Particularly important is whether the advantage held by transwomen is a tolerable or intolerable unfairness. We conclude that the advantage to transwomen afforded by the IOC guidelines is an intolerable unfairness. This does not mean transwomen should be excluded from elite sport but that the existing male/female categories in sport should be abandoned in favour of a more nuanced approach satisfying both inclusion and fairness.
• Science, Sport, Sex, and the Case of Caster Semenya , Roger Pielke Jr., Madeleine Pape, Issues in Science and Technology, Volume 36(1), pp.56-63, (Fall 2019). A half-century ago, the sex categorization of female athletes was verified in some instances of elite competition via so-called naked parades, involving a visual inspection of their genitalia. When this demeaning practice was abandoned, sport organizations adopted methods that they believed held the promise of scientifically and objectively telling us what is, rather than what ought to be, when defining the eligible female athlete. However, the promise of objective science has proven far more illusory than real, as the complexities of human biology have defeated all medical tests proposed by sports organizations to reliably divide biological sex into two distinct categories.
• Beginning to Understand the Sport Experience of High Performance Female Transgender Athletes in Canada , Camille Michon, Guylaine Demers, Canadian Journal for Women in Coaching , Volume 19(1), (April 2019). In Canada, studies on the sport experience of transgender athletes are scarce, and this is especially the case within the high performance arena. To shed light on this topic, we interviewed three female transgender athletes. 1 Each has competed at the national, international, or professional level in three different sports, each with its own culture. While their respective sport backgrounds differ considerably, all three share similarities that help us to better understand the sport experiences of transgender athletes, whether before, during, or after their transition. These sport experiences provide guidance regarding what should be considered to make sport more inclusive and open to diversity, particularly with respect to transgender women at all levels of competition. Our aim is to give a voice to these athletes in order to promote greater awareness of their reality within the sport community, in particular among coaches. We want coaches to have a better understanding of the transgender athletes' sporting experience. We also want to equip coaches to work with transgender athletes and to educate their own athletes about the importance of allowing transgender athletes to compete at all levels of competition.
• ‘People have a knack of making you feel excluded if they catch on to your difference’: Transgender experiences of exclusion in sport , Owen Hargie, David Mitchell, Ian Somerville, International Review for the Sociology of Sport, Volume 52(2), pp.223-239, (March 2017). While there is a growing literature in the field of gender, sexuality and sport, there is a dearth of research into the lived experiences of transgender people in sport. The present study addresses this research gap by exploring and analysing the accounts of transgender people in relation to their experiences of sport and physical activity. These are examined within the theoretical rubrics of social exclusion and minority stress theory. The findings from in-depth interviews with 10 transgender persons are detailed. Four interconnected themes emerged from the interviewee accounts: the intimidating nature of the changing/locker room environment; the impact of alienating sports experiences at school; the fear of public space and how this drastically constrained their ability to engage in sport and physical activity; and the overall effects of being denied the social, health and wellbeing aspects of sport. The findings are discussed in relation to the distinctive quality of transgender exclusion, and the related distal and proximal stressors experienced by this particular minority group.
• Inclusive Spaces and Locker Rooms for Transgender Athletes , George B. Cunningham, Erin Buzuvis and Chris Mosier, Kinesiology Review , Volume 7(4), pp.365-374, (2017). The purpose of this article is to articulate the need for a strong commitment to transgender inclusion in sport and physical activity, including in locker rooms and team spaces. The authors begin by defining key constructs and offering a theoretical overview of stigma toward transgender individuals. The focus then shifts to the changing opportunities for transgender athletes at all participation levels, case law and rulings germane to the topic, and the psychological, physical, and social outcomes associated with inclusion and exclusion. Next, the authors present frequently voiced concerns about transgender inclusion, with an emphasis on safety and privacy. Given the review, the authors present the case for inclusive locker rooms, which permit access by transgender athletes to facilities that correspond to their gender identity. The authors conclude with the official AKA position statement—“The American Kinesiology Association endorses inclusive locker rooms, by which we mean sex-segregated facilities that are open to transgender athletes on the basis of their gender identity”—and implications for sport and physical activity.
• Sport and Transgender People: A Systematic Review of the Literature Relating to Sport Participation and Competitive Sport Policies , Bethany Alice Jones, Jon Arcelus, Walter Pierre Bouman, et.al., Sports Medicine , Volume 47, pp.701-716, (2017). In relation to sport-related physical activity, this review found the lack of inclusive and comfortable environments to be the primary barrier to participation for transgender people. This review also found transgender people had a mostly negative experience in competitive sports because of the restrictions the sport’s policy placed on them. The majority of transgender competitive sport policies that were reviewed were not evidence based. There are several areas of future research required to significantly improve our knowledge of transgender people’s experiences in sport, inform the development of more inclusive sport policies, and, most importantly, enhance the lives of transgender people, both physically and psychosocially.
• Sex in Sport , Doriane Lambelet Coleman, Law and Contemporary Problems, Volume 80, pp.63-126, (2017). The analysis focuses on competitive sport’s traditional sex classifications, and particularly on its commitment to setting aside the women’s category for biological females only. It returns in the end to the applicability of this methodological approach to other institutional settings in which the legal and policy question whether to erase sex also arises.
• Transgender and gender nonconforming athletes: Creating safe spaces for all , Morris J and Van Raalte J, Journal of Sport Psychology in Action , (2 June 2016). Transgender and gender nonconforming (TGNC) athletes face a number of challenges in a sport setting. This article provides information on how coaches can create more welcoming environments by using appropriate language, educating team members, and offering social support for TGNC athletes.
• Debating the testosterone ‘sex gap’ , Karkazis K and Jordan-Young R, Science Magazine , Volume 348(6237), (22 May 2015). Sexual dimorphism of testosterone in elite athletes was at the centre of a case before the Court of Arbitration for Sport in which teenage Indian sprinter Dutee Chand challenged a policy that regulates competition eligibility of women with naturally high testosterone levels. The idea of a ‘sex gap’ in testosterone is a cornerstone of this policy, which implies that men’s higher testosterone is a significant factor that makes a difference between men’s and women’s athletic performances. Therefore, women having naturally high testosterone may unfairly enjoy an ‘androgenic advantage’ over other female athletes. This article reports on the emerging scientific debate regarding the testosterone sex gap, as it applies to elite athletes.
• Race times for Transgender Athletes , Harper J, Journal of Sporting Cultures and Identities , Volume 6(1), (2015). Despite International Olympic Committee regulations that now allow athletes who have undergone gender reassignment to compete in their chosen gender, there is still a widespread belief that transgender female athletes have a performance advantage over 46XX female competitors. This study analysed race times for eight transgender female runners, who have competed in distance races as both male and female, using a mathematical model called age-grading. Collectively, the age graded scores for these eight runners are the same in both genders. The reduction of testosterone and hemoglobin levels of transgender women after transition would suggest that endurance capabilities of transgender women athletes should be similar to those of 46XX women. It should be noted that these results are only valid for distance running; transgender women are generally taller and somewhat larger, on average, than 46XX women and this may present some potential advantage in other sports. From this small sample of high performance (but not elite) distance runners the author concludes that transgender women race at approximately the same level, for their respective age and gender, both before and after gender transition.
• Serum androgen levels in elite female athletes , Bermon S, et.al., Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and Metabolism , (published online 19 August 2014). This research looked at the serum androgen levels among a large sample (N=849) of high-level female athletes as well as the prevalence of biochemical hyperandrogenism and some disorders of sex development. The study found that the prevalence of hyperandrogenic 46 XY in the athletic population was approximately 7 per 1000, which is 140 times higher than expected in the general population. This is the first study to establish normative serum androgens values in elite female athletes, while taking into account the possible influence of menstrual status, oral contraceptive use, type of athletic event, and ethnicity. These findings should help to develop the blood steroidal module of the Athlete Biological Passport and to refine more evidence-based fair policies and recommendations concerning hyperandrogenism in female athletes.
• [Transgender] young men: gendered subjectivities and the physically active body , Caudwell J, Sport, Education and Society , Volume 19, Number 4 (2014). This paper discusses the social, physical, and embodied experiences of transgender young men’s participation in sport. To date, much of the work on sport and gender has focused on lesbian's and gay men’s participation in sport and physical education. The general ignorance surrounding transgender participation perpetuates prejudice at both institutional and individual levels. Transgender people face multiple exclusions in sport, and these exclusions involve rejection of the transgender body and abjectification of transgender participants. This abjectification is evident at institutional and policy level as well as at the level of informal individual interactions between students.
• Endocrine profiles in 693 elite athletes in the post-competition setting , Healy M, Gibney J, Pentecost C, Wheeler M and Sonksen P, Clinical Endocrinology , Volume 81(2), (2014). This research measured the hormone profile of a group of retired elite athletes from 15 different sports. Hormone profiles showed significant differences in 19 of the 24 measured variables between sexes and between all of the 15 sporting disciplines in men; and 11 out of 24 measured variables in women. 16·5% of male elite athletes had low testosterone levels, whereas 13·7% of women had high levels, with complete overlap between the sexes. This study concluded that hormone profiles from elite athletes differ from non-athlete reference ranges. Individual results are dependent on a number of factors including age, gender and physique. Differences in profiles between sports suggest that an individual's profile may contribute to proficiency in a particular sport.
• Transgender Netballers: ethical issues and lived realities , Tagg B, Sociology of Sport Journal , Volume 29(2), (2012). This article discusses the specific case of transgender players in men’s netball in New Zealand as a case study example of emerging issues surrounding transgender athletes’ participation in sport more broadly. While netball is primarily considered a female’s sport, it is also played by New Zealand men and there are men’s leagues as well as mixed-gender competitions. This article explores the debate and ideology surrounding the ‘fairness’ of gender assignment and sports competition. Men’s netball in New Zealand has historically provided a safe space for transgender players to network and find social support. Immigration to New Zealand of people from the Pacific Islands during the 1970s drew groups of predominantly Maori and Pacific Island transgender, or ‘fa’afafine women’ to sport. The fa’afafine people in Samoan culture are those who are biologically male but who express a range of stereotypically feminine gender identities. During the 1980s many male netball competitions were dominated by Maori and Polynesian gay, transgender, and fa’afafine athletes. This article examines the lived experiences of players during that era.
• We shall never know the exact number of men who have competed in the Olympics posing as women: sport, gender verification and the Cold War , Wiederkehr S, International Journal of the History of Sport , Volume 26(4), pp.556-572, (2009). This paper analyses newspaper articles related to this topic mainly from the United States. It argues that in order to explain why gender verification was introduced at the Olympics, we have to combine different methodological approaches from the fields of gender studies, the history of international relations, media history and history of medicine that focus on the interdependency of society and technological innovation.
• Sex tested, gender verified: controlling female sexuality in the age of containment , Ritchie I, Sport History Review , Volume 34(1), pp.80-98, (2003). This paper traces the history of gender stereotyping in sport and provides background about the International Olympic Committee’s (IOC) decision to institute and then modify its gender verification policy for Olympic athletes.
• Resources for Creating Inclusive Environments for Trans Participants in Canadian Sport , Canadian Centre for Ethics in Sport , (accessed 12 January 2022). As an advocate for sport that is fair, safe and open, the CCES has developed resources for the Canadian sport community to provide information and guidance for the inclusion of trans athletes. The CCES is also an advocate for the rights of athletes with differences of sexual development (DSD), speaking up against exclusionary rules at the international level and providing information to the public.
• Canadian Sport Risk Registry . The Canadian Sport Risk Registry contains a list of common risks already identified by sport leaders including the risk of 'lack of inclusion'. The risks and solutions have been presented generically and anonymously, with a view to providing helpful insight to help sport leaders.
• Gender Equity in the Australian Football League: The Challenge for Hannah Mouncey , Dr Catherine Ordway, Dr Matt Nichol and Damien Parry, Griffith University, YouTube , (8 July 2021). This presentation will analyse how the Australian Football League (‘AFL’) implemented its gender diversity policy in the exclusion of transgender women Hannah Mouncey from its newly formed Australian Football League Women’s (‘AFLW’) in 2017 and 2018. The analysis will include the AFL’s revised gender diversity policy, which Mouncey was subjected to in 2021 in relation to her eligibility to play in a ‘second-tier’ state league. The presentation will then suggest how to not only improve the AFL’s regulation of gender diverse and transgender women but also ensure that it upholds and protects the human right to participate in all forms of sport.
• Bound by the binary? Towards an inclusive feminist politics of women’s sport , Griffith University, YouTube , (11 August 2020). Regulation of female athlete eligibility in international sport, particularly track and field, focus on women with naturally high testosterone.
• Well Played , Twenty10 inc GLCS NSW, Vimeo , (2020). Well Played is a new short film from Twenty10 inc GLCS NSW highlighting the importance of diversity and inclusion in sport and physical activity and the positive impact it has on young people's health and wellbeing.
• EP 1. This transgender volleyball player’s path leads to an NCAA women’s team . International Olympic Committee , (2016?). Follow Chloe Anderson as she heads to UC-Santa Cruz and meets her new team-mates for the first time.
• EP 2. Former Olympic boxing hopeful looks to make history as a trans fighter? International Olympic Committee , (2016?). Pat Manuel returned to competition after transitioning. Can he find challengers to return to the top?
• EP 3. First pro trans athlete faces a crossroads after coming out publicly . International Olympic Committee , (2016?). Harrison Browne is a transgender man and a leading forward for the Buffalo Beauts of the National Women’s Hockey League.
• EP 4. Meet the transgender swim star who’s earned a spot on the men’s team . International Olympic Committee , (2016?). Schuyler Bailar is a decorated swimmer who was recruited to Harvard as a female, but has found peace after transitioning to a male.
• EP 5. Team USA’s Chris Mosier continues to break barriers for trans athletes . International Olympic Committee , (2016?). The first amateur trans athlete representing Team USA is an advocate of key rule changes governing transgender athletes.
• Inclusion of transgender and intersex people in sport , Diversity and Inclusion in Sport Forum 2016 , (October 2016). Peter Hyndal from Tran-formative Solutions talks about the inclusion of transgender and intersex participants in sport.
• #OneTeam . Athletes share their stories in this powerful Public Service Announcement by Team Canada (Canadian Olympic Team) exploring and promoting LGBTQ inclusion in sport.

Competitive sport History of gender verification and eligibility to compete in sport competitions.

Competition structures

The segregation of men and women in sport competition has been justified on the bases of body size, strength, and any number of physical attributes (some favouring women). Sometimes these factors are significant only when growth and maturity create a natural distinction between male and female physical capabilities (i.e. puberty/adolescence).

In recent years there have also been an increasing number of researchers suggesting that there may be a need (or desire) to re-think gender and sport competition as more nuanced than a strict male/female segregation.

There are a number of sports that do not rely upon physical capabilities and, in theory, could provide equitable competition among men and women at all ages. There are many compelling reasons from a biological, ethical, and legal perspective to eliminate single gender competition whenever possible, particularly among pre-adolescent children.

The Australian Sex Discrimination Act 1984 specifically states that children aged under 12 years cannot be excluded on the basis of sex or gender identity from participating in competitive sporting activity. It also states that people of one gender aged 12 and over can be excluded from participating in competitive sporting activities in which the strength, stamina, and physique of competitors is relevant.

Although many sports have integrated their practices to include separate participation opportunities for males and females, and/or provide mixed gender competition, particularly at the junior level (i.e. usually under the age of 12 years), gender stereotypes often remain associated with sports participation.

Equestrian sport (i.e. dressage, show jumping, and eventing) is the only Olympic-level sport which is not organised around sex segregation. However, statistically men continue to hold a disproportionately greater number of the available places on international teams. This suggests that although sex integration may be part of the sport and an important step towards breaking down gender hierarchies, there may be wider cultural changes needed to achieve gender equality.

In the sport of bowls, the relaxation of rules by Bowls Australia to allow men and women to participate in one another’s Pennant Bowls competitions was welcomed by the majority of respondents in a major survey conducted by the Centre for Sport and Social Impact at La Trobe University. While some bowlers resented competing against the opposite sex, the benefits and flexibility afforded to small clubs that struggle to fill their team rosters was generally understood and accepted. Despite this, the preference (among those surveyed) was to maintain primarily same sex competitions, with the addition of a mixed gender competition stream.

Australian legislation

• Sex Discrimination Act 1984 , Australian Government (1984). This federal legislation states that people aged under 12 years cannot be excluded on the basis of sex or gender identity from participating in competitive sporting activity. Also, it states that people of one gender aged 12 and over can be excluded from participating in competitive sporting activities in which the strength, stamina, and physique of competitors is relevant.
• Equal opportunity in golf , Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission , (March 2018). The Commission was pleased to work with Golf Victoria and Golf Australia to develop this publication about what obligations golf clubs have under the Act, particularly with regard to sex discrimination. We hope it will provide guidance to clubs and act as a conversation starter within management committees about how they will prevent discrimination from occurring in their clubs.
• Why it might be time to eradicate sex segregation in sports , Roslyn Kerr, Senior Lecturer in Sociology of Sport, Lincoln University, New Zealand, The Conversation , (15 January 2018). In our research we argue that one way to move beyond problematic gender barriers is to eradicate sex segregation completely and replace it with a system similar to that used in Paralympic sport.
• Equal Opportunity in lawn bowls: what you need to know about holding single-sex competitions , Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission , (September 2012). Sport plays an important role in making our communities happier and healthier. Sport should be a safe, inclusive and fair environment for everyone.
• Non-Binary People, Sport and Physical Activity , Pride in Sports for Sport England , (2020). The word non-binary describes a wide array of different identities which fall outside of the gender binary, and can be related to, or completely separate from male and female gender identities. Whilst non-binary is often described as part of the trans umbrella, not all nonbinary people identify as trans. It is estimated that around 0.4% of the UK’s population identify as non-binary, although it is thought that non-binary identities may be on the rise, particularly amongst young people. Research conducted by the National LGBT Partnership in 2016 found that people who identified as something other than male or female were some of the most inactive people amongst LGBT+ populations. Sport England commissioned Pride Sports to devise policy guidance for non-binary inclusion in grassroots sport and physical activity. The following report reflects data and commentary gathered through desk research, as well as input from focus groups and individual discussions with nonbinary people. Key challenges are faced by non-binary people in the following areas: Gendered Spaces; Gendered Activity; Representation and Visibility; and, Language These barriers are addressed within the report through recommendations themed accordingly, whilst examples of existing adaptations made within mainstream grassroots sport to accommodate nonbinary people are also highlighted. Consideration is also given within the report to the specific challenge of school sport and PE and to the performance pathway.
• Building an evidence base to increase participation in Lawn Bowls , Hoye R, Brown K, Nicholson M, Sherry E and Clement T, La Trobe University, Centre for Sport and Social Impact (2012). Brief overview of project.
• Gender equality and (elite) sport , Pfister G, Council of Europe (2011). This report presents examples of gender influence in each of the interrelated fields of sports participation; leadership; coaching; and elite sport competition and uncovers common features and trends which are typical of most European countries. There is a trend towards greater inclusion of women in European sport, but there are still a considerable number of gendered hierarchies. This report cites a number of studies in European countries that indicate sport is still gendered, with male and female domains, where women seem more willing to enter male spheres of influence. The report speculates that it is doubtful whether a ‘de-gendering’ of sport is possible, not least because male and female participation in sport may have different meanings.
• Classification in sport: A question of fairness , Sigmund Loland, European Journal of Sport Science , Volume 21(11), pp.1477-1484, (June 2021). Competitor classification schemes have been a part of sport since its origins. Eligibility criteria have developed towards inclusion and increasing diversity. The pool of competitors has expanded from the ancient Olympic Games, eligible only to free Greek men, via nineteenth-century English sport favouring primarily the upper class of so-called gentlemen amateurs, to the current global and diverse pool of men, women, children, and able-bodied as well as disabled persons. Hence, the challenge of sound classification schemes has increased. This article examines the principles of fair classification of athletes. With the help of normative theory as well as practical examples, a fair equality of opportunity principle for sport (FEOPs) is formulated. It is demonstrated how sound classification schemes combine the normative backing from FEOPs with relevant scientific insights. Current classification challenges and possibilities for change are discussed. It is suggested that in several sports, biological sex classes can be abandoned, and that in some sports, sex classes can be replaced by body size classes. It is argued, too, that sports in which body height exerts a significant and systematic impact on performance should classify accordingly.
• Open Categories in Sport: One Way to Decrease Discrimination , Irena Martínková, Sport, Ethics and Philosophy , Volume 14, pp.461-477, (June 2020). Jane English, a pioneer in feminist sport philosophy, suggested that female athletes should be allowed to ‘move up’ to the male category and compete against male athletes if they wished to. She drew this strategy from boxing, in which boxers in lower weight categories can choose to ‘move up’—to compete in a higher category (although this is not permitted in reverse—boxers cannot ‘move down’). This strategy could be used in other sports and for other categories, but it is not often chosen. It would suggest that talented athletes do not always need ‘category protection’—they do not need to be protected more than necessary, which raises the question of the justification of the category in the first place. On investigation, some justifications may have less to do with sport-rationality, than with reasons such as paternalism, ableism, ageism or sexism, or organizational reasons. This paper advocates the wider use of open and semi-open or at least overlapping categories (where possible), and it argues against the excessive use of closed categories—those made by prescribing set limits. The benefit is clear: athletes who are skilled enough to compete in the higher category should be allowed to ‘move up’, if they wish. With respect to sex/gender, this strategy would partly help to diminish the strength of the binary distinction, and so it can be considered a first and easy step towards a more integrated sport.
• Transwomen in elite sport: scientific and ethical considerations , Taryn Knox, Lynley Anderson, Alison Heather, Journal of Medical Ethics , Volume 45(6), pp.395-403, (July 2019). The inclusion of elite transwomen athletes in sport is controversial. The recent International Olympic Committee (IOC) (2015) guidelines allow transwomen to compete in the women’s division if (amongst other things) their testosterone is held below 10 nmol/L. This is significantly higher than that of cis-women. Science demonstrates that high testosterone and other male physiology provides a performance advantage in sport suggesting that transwomen retain some of that advantage. To determine whether the advantage is unfair necessitates an ethical analysis of the principles of inclusion and fairness. Particularly important is whether the advantage held by transwomen is a tolerable or intolerable unfairness. We conclude that the advantage to transwomen afforded by the IOC guidelines is an intolerable unfairness. This does not mean transwomen should be excluded from elite sport but that the existing male/female categories in sport should be abandoned in favour of a more nuanced approach satisfying both inclusion and fairness.
• Sugar, spice and everything nice: how to end ‘sex testing’ in international athletics . Roger Pielke Jr., International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics , Volume 9(4), pp.649-665, (August 2017). For more than a half century, sports officials have looked to science to provide a clear distinction between men and women for purposes of determining who is eligible to participate in women’s athletic competitions. However, the science of sex provides overwhelming evidence that there is no such clear biological demarcation that differentiates men and women. Despite this evidence, the IOC and the IAAF in 2011 implemented a form of ‘sex testing’ based on androgens, and specifically, testosterone levels in females. This paper evaluates this policy, finding it contradictory to scientific understandings of sex and counter to widely held social norms about gender. The paper recommends an alternative approach to determining eligibility for participation in women’s sports events, one more consistent with the stated values of sports organisations, and more generally, with principles of human dignity.
• Together, yet still not equal? Sex integration in equestrian sport , Dashper K, Asia-Pacific Journal of Health, Sport and Physical Education , Volume 3(3), pp.213-225, (2012). The author explores one of the few Olympic-level sports which is not organised around sex segregation – equestrian sport – in order to consider the implications of sex integration for female participants.
• Time to re-evaluate gender segregation in athletics? Foddy B and Savulescu J, British Journal of Sports Medicine , Volume 45(15), pp.1184-1188, (2011). The case of Caster Semenya provides a vivid illustration of the ways in which natural genetic variation can generate large differences in athletic performance. Once we recognise that gender is not a binary quantity, sex segregation in competitive sport must be seen as an inconsistent and unjust policy, no matter what stance we take on the goals of sport.
• Girls playing in boys' teams , (accessed 25 January 2022). The Play by the Rules website has a number of information resources that explain anti-discrimination legislation and how it relates to girls playing in boys' teams and practical issues for coaches and administrators to consider.
• Mixed Gender Dispensation Procedure , Australian Rugby , (accessed 25 January 2022). Rugby Australia has created this procedure to ensure the suitability of mixed gender teams and the circumstances where girls should be permitted to play contact Rugby with boys. It takes into consideration the differences in physical and mental development of boys and girls at the various stages of progression through the established age-grade pathways within Australia. Males and females can participate in mixed gender rugby up to and including the calendar year in which they turn 12 years of age. A girl over 12 years of age may, subject to meeting the requirements of the dispensation procedure, play in a mixed gender team in the Under 13, Under 14 and Under 15 age groups where no other opportunity to play regular Rugby exists. A girl can participate in a mixed gender team in the calendar year up to and including the year in which they turn 15 (1 January to 31 December).
• Open Bowls Policy , Bowls Australia , (November 2018). Following a number of challenges relating to anti-discrimination legislation at club, regional and state/territory association level, Bowls Australia (BA) has undertaken detailed research and has formulated a position on Open Bowls in Australia. Open Bowls is defined as a competition that does not discriminate based on gender, age, religion, race, culture, disability or any other trait. For example, where a competition allows for both genders to participate in an event concurrently, open competition does not need to be staged.
• Equal opportunity in lawn bowls: What you need to know about holding single-sex competitions , Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission , (September 2012). Sport plays an important role in making our communities happier and healthier. Sport should be a safe, inclusive and fair environment for everyone. That’s why equal opportunity laws apply to sport – to ensure that we can all participate in the public life of our community free from discrimination. When you are thinking about running single-sex sporting competitions, you need to consider your obligations under state and federal anti-discrimination law.

Competition structures The segregation of men and women in sport competition has generally been justified based on physical attributes (some favouring women).

Sexual harassment and abuse

Sport organisations have a responsibility to ensure that anyone involved with their sport is treated with respect and dignity and protected from abuse, bullying, harassment, sexual misconduct, unlawful discrimination, victimisation, and vilification.

Sexual abuse, or actions that constitute criminal sexual behaviour, are offenses that must be referred to the criminal justice system for action.

In 2007 the International Olympic Committee (IOC) released its first Consensus Statement on Sexual Harassment and Abuse in Sport . An updated and extended edition was released in 2017.

The definition of sexual harassment may include a range of behaviours which might include sexually suggestive conversation, jokes, innuendo and similar acts that are offensive, degrading, or unwanted. Such actions may not always sit specifically into a legal context, but can be forms of sexual harassment and bullying.

Homophobic abuse

Homophobic inspired comments and actions are considered a form of harassment, and may also take the form of psychological or physical sexual abuse. Homophobia encompasses a range of negative attitudes and feelings toward homosexuality or people who are identified or perceived as being lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT). It can be expressed as antipathy, contempt, prejudice, aversion, or hatred, may be based on irrational fear, and is sometimes related to religious or cultural beliefs [source: Wikipedia ]. An international survey of lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) persons revealed prevailing attitudes of discrimination in a sporting environment, particularly targeting LGB youth and occurring frequently in team sports. Homophobic attitudes, actions, and language expressed by fellow participants, coaches, administrators and spectators made LGB persons feel 'unsafe' or unwelcome in many sporting environments.

Use of 'punishment'

The use of ‘punishment’, particularly in children’s sport, may have sexual abuse implications. Physical tasks and/or abusive language used as punishment in a sporting environment may (in some cases) be interpreted as abuse or harassment. While no one would sanction a coach’s striking an athlete, there is some uncertainty about what constitutes psychological punishment. A Statement by the Canadian Centre for Ethics in Sport implies that ‘forced physical exertion’ which is emotionally and psychologically harmful to a child or youth, can be interpreted as punishment. When the coach assigns extra push-ups or running or verbally abuses or degrades an athlete, this is ‘punishment’. The authority position of the coach can also make ‘punishment’ a form of sexual abuse. Two tests are generally applied to any specific situation; intent and consent; to determine whether an action is punishment or legitimate physical exertion as part of a training program.

More information about child protection legislation and practices in sport can be found in the Clearinghouse topic, Child Protection in Sport .

Prevalence in sport

It is difficult to determine the exact prevalence of sexual harassment and/or abuse in sport. Figures can range from less than 10% to over 50% depending on a range of factors including differences in definitions (i.e. what constitutes harassment, abuse or assault), research methodologies (e.g. interviews, surveys, choice of subjects), and reporting trends (many people do not report harassment or abuse, and reporting rates of gender and sexuality cohorts also differ).

Despite a lack of robust figures research and several high profile cases, both Australian and international (eg. the Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse or Larry Nasser and USA Gymnastics), have demonstrated that sexual harassment and abuse are issues which need to be addressed by sport at all levels.

Evidence does suggest that talented athletes at or around puberty are the most vulnerable to sexual harassment and abuse, especially by an authority figure. Risk factors include the acceptance of psychologically abusive coaching practices to achieve competitive success, and the unregulated power of authority figures. The causes and consequences of sexual harassment and violence in sport appear to have similar characteristics as in other environments (i.e. home, school, etc.).

More research is needed to provide a better understanding of who is likely to be a perpetrator and in what circumstances abuse is likely to occur. The factors of gender, age, race, ethnicity, culture, and religion may form part of the context of sexual harassment or abuse, and the interaction among these factors is not well understood.

The outcome of sexual harassment/abuse in sport can be psychological as well as physical. The post-trauma symptoms can exhibit themselves as—but are not limited to—eating disorders, problems forming relationships, and early dropout from sport.

Ethical codes of behaviour

Most professions have established codes of behaviour that provide boundaries or expectations for conduct, particularly relationships that involve authority, guidance, or decision making that may affect the welfare of another person. Coaching is no exception. Play by the Rules provides a Coach’s Code of Behaviour as a template that many sports have used to promulgate sport specific guidelines.

Codes of behaviour can also be included in member protection policies or policies adopted by professional organisations or associations. Examples of such policies or codes of behaviour include:

• The Member Protection Policy sets out expectations and behaviours to ensure everyone involved in your sport is treated with respect and dignity. The policy deals with prohibited conduct that is defined as abuse, bullying, harassment and sexual misconduct, and includes examples of what may constitute such conduct.
• The Child Safeguarding Policy sets out the process for responding to and reporting child abuse allegations. The policy also details child safe practices, including examples of breaches of these practices, and the process for the recruitment and screening of volunteers and employees, including working with children checks. Resources to assist with the process, including interview and reference check sample questions, are provided to assist NSOs and sporting organisations with the process.
• The Complaints, Disputes and Discipline Policy sets out the system for resolving complaints and administering disciplinary action arising from an individual or organisation engaging in prohibited conduct under the National Integrity Framework.
• Code of Ethics, Australian Track and Field Coaches Association , (accessed 25 January 2022). The coach’s primary role is to facilitate the process of individual development through achievement of Athletic potential. This role accepts the athletes’ long term interests as of greater importance than short term athletic considerations. To fulfil this role the coach must behave in an ethical manner. By becoming a member of the ATFCA, a coach agrees to be held accountable for any breach of the following points.
• NRL National Code of Conduct (January 2020). The National Rugby League (NRL) Code of Conduct provides all participants – players, parents, coaches, referees, spectators and officials with some simple rules that assist in delivering a safe and positive environment to everyone involved in the game. One of the guiding ‘general principles’ is for everyone to demonstrate the greatest levels of respect, protecting the rights, dignity and worth of every person regardless of their gender, ability or disability, sexual orientation, cultural background, or religion.

Sporting policies and codes of behaviour use terms such as ‘abuse’ and ‘harassment’, although specific definitions or interpretations may come from both law and social norms.

• Sexual violence in sport: American Medical Society for Sports Medicine Position Statement , Koontz JS, Mountjoy M, Abbott KE, et al., British Journal of Sports Medicine, Volume 55(3), pp.132-134, (2021). The objective of this Position Statement is to raise awareness of this critical issue among sports medicine physicians and to declare a commitment to engage in collaborative, multidisciplinary solutions to reduce sexual violence in sport. Sexual violence in this document encompasses the definitions of both sexual harassment and sexual abuse as previously defined. Sexual harassment is any unwanted and unwelcome conduct of a sexual nature, whether verbal, non-verbal or physical. Sexual abuse any conduct of a sexual nature, whether non-contact, contact or penetrative, where consent is coerced/manipulated or is not or cannot be given. AMSSM commits to reducing sexual violence in all levels of sport (youth, high school, collegiate, elite and professional).
• Universal Code of Conduct to Prevent and Address Maltreatment in Sport (UCCMS) , version 5.1, (2020). The UCCMS will provide the foundation for the development of a coordinated implementation strategy to prevent and address maltreatment across all levels of the Canadian sport system, and for all participants (athletes, coaches, officials, administrators, practitioners, etc.). The UCCMS is a result of an extensive consultation process that sought insight and expertise from within the sport system and from external subject matter experts.
• International Olympic Committee consensus statement: Harassment and abuse (non-accidental violence) in sport , Mountjoy M, Brackenridge C, Arrington M, et.al., British Journal of Sports Medicine , Volume 50(17), (2017). Despite the well-recognised benefits of sport, there are also negative influences on athlete health, well-being and integrity caused by non-accidental violence through harassment and abuse. This consensus statement extends the scope of the 2007 document by presenting additional evidence of several other types of harassment and abuse—psychological, physical and neglect. All ages and types of athletes are susceptible to these problems but science confirms that elite, disabled, child, and lesbian/gay/bisexual/trans-sexual (LGBT) athletes are at highest risk, that psychological abuse is at the core of all other forms of abuse and that athletes can also be perpetrators. Harassment and abuse arise from prejudices expressed through power differences. Perpetrators use a range of interpersonal mechanisms including contact, non-contact/verbal, cyber-based, negligence, bullying, and hazing. Attention is paid to the particular risks facing child athletes, athletes with a disability, and LGBT athletes. Impacts on the individual athlete and the organisation are discussed. Sport stakeholders are encouraged to consider the wider social parameters of these issues, including cultures of secrecy and deference that too often facilitate abuse, rather than focusing simply on psychopathological causes. The promotion of safe sport is an urgent task and part of the broader international imperative for good governance in sport. A systematic multiagency approach to prevention is most effective, involving athletes, entourage members, sport managers, medical and therapeutic practitioners, educators and criminal justice agencies. Structural and cultural remedies, as well as practical recommendations, are suggested for sport organisations, athletes, sports medicine and allied disciplines, sport scientists and researchers. The successful prevention and eradication of abuse and harassment against athletes rests on the effectiveness of leadership by the major international and national sport organisations.
• The use of physical punishment of children and youth in sport and recreation , Position Statement, Canadian Centre for Ethics in Sport (2013). The CCES defines physical punishment of children and youth in sport as any activity or behaviour required as a consequence of poor sport performance or some other undesirable behaviour that causes an athlete physical pain, discomfort, or humiliation and is: (1) disconnected from, or not logically related to, the sport performance or behaviour it is intended to change; or (2) disconnected from, or not logically related to, improving performance in the sport; and (3) not consented to by the athlete (and/or their parent or guardian) engaged in such activity or behaviour.
• Position Paper: Abuse, harassment, and bullying in sport , Stirling A, Bridges E, Laura Cruz E and Mountjoy M, Canadian Academy of Sport and Exercise Medicine (December 2010). It is essential that sport medicine specialists be educated on issues of abuse, harassment and bullying in sport, and be equipped with strategies to intervene if, or when, potential cases arise. This position statement seeks to provide the medical community with the knowledge to appropriately identify and address cases of abuse, harassment, and bullying, and proposes recommendations for the potential role of sport medicine professionals in athlete protection.
• Canadian Athletes Experience Maltreatment When Competing on National Teams [infographic], E-Alliance, based on Willson, E., Kerr, G., Stirling, A., et.al., 'Prevalence of Maltreatment Among Canadian National Team Athletes', Journal of Interpersonal Violence, (2021). Key Themes: Female athletes experience significantly higher rates of all forms of harm than male athletes; Coaches were the most common perpetrators of all harms except for sexual harm, which was most frequently perpetrated by peers; Racialized athletes reported more incidents of physical harm than non-racialized athletes; LGBTQ2I+ identifying athletes experienced significantly more sexual harm than non-LGBTQ2I+ athletes. Conclusion: Characteristics of elite Canadian sport environments can leave athletes vulnerable to potentially harmful experiences. Future research and applied work should address ways in which the elite sport environment can be more positive, free from harms, and exemplify evidence-based methods of coaching to develop talent.
• How to prevent sexual violence through and in sport , Zoe George, Fair Play/Radio New Zealand , (27 February 2019). Questions have been lobbed at sporting organisations of late about what they are doing to prevent sexual violence, but experts say it’s about the wider sporting community taking responsibility.
• Preventing sexual abuse in sport , Foundation for Global Sports Development, (2014). Within the context of sport there are several dynamics and situations which make young athletes vulnerable. It is typical for athletes and their parents to trust coaches and respect their authority; coaches often serve as ‘parental figures’ for many athletes. This level of trust may be stronger if an athlete is participating in elite sports. Risk factors are generally linked to the culture of a sport or community; some of the risk factors identified for potential sexual abuse of athletes include: (1) an autocratic system; (2) close personal contact between athletes and authority figures; (3) a power imbalance between athlete and coach; (4) separation (time and space) of an athlete from peers; (5) a culture of secrecy; (6) rewards linked to compliance with authority; (7) rules that exclude outside consultation; and (8) lack of formal procedures for screening, hiring and monitoring staff. This article also outlines the challenges faced by federations and sports clubs in implementing comprehensive policies that deal with sexual abuse issues.
• Sexual abuse of young people in sport , Parent S and Hlimi K, Government of Quebec, Canada, (November 2012). While sport is often considered to be a safe, healthy environment that contributes to the positive development of young people, it is also an area where violence can manifest itself in various ways, including sexual assault. The studies we currently have at our disposal show that between 2% and 8% of minor-age athletes are victims of sexual abuse within the context of sport.
• Physical punishment of children in sport and recreation , Ensom R and Durrant J, Coaches Plan , Volume 15(4), (2008-09). This article discusses what counts as physical punishment.
• Ending sexual violence in one generation: sports culture as an opportunity to prevent sexual violence , Center for Gender Equity and Health at the University of California, San Diego for Raliance , (2018). Argues that sports systems are uniquely positioned to reach youth and transmit values and behaviors to prevent sexual violence in America as both an avenue and platform for change. Provides highlights of relevant research and an overview of next steps.
• Pro Safe Sport , Council of Europe, European Union, (2017). The project entitled Pro Safe Sport +: Put an end to sexual harassment and abuse against children in sport (PSS+) was a nine-month project that commenced in April 2017, aimed at promoting a safe and healthy environment for young athletes. Sexual harassment, abuse and exploitation of children are widespread violations of the rights of the child, compromising the children’s social development and often having devastating mental and physical health consequences. Sport is an environment that encourages close relationships and trust between peers, coaches, team and support staff. Combating and preventing all forms of gender-based violence in the field of sport, and in particular sexual violence against children, is a priority for both the European Union (EU) and the Council of Europe (CoE). Progress has been made to implement policy standards that can help to effectively protect children; and prevent and respond to sexual and other forms of gender-based violence in sport. Despite the calls for reform and efforts to create standards that apply to sporting environments, progress is still slow and fragmented. A number of EU member states and sport organisations still have not prepared and adopted a national policy against sexual violence in sport.
• Study on gender-based violence in sport: Final Report , Mergaert L, Arnaut C, Vertommen T and Lang M, European Commission, Directorate for Education and Culture, (2016). This study provides an overview of legal and policy frameworks; describes initiatives promoted by sport and civil society organisations; identifies best practice in combatting gender-based violence in sport; and makes recommendations for future action. To establish a common understanding and to delimit the scope of the study, the definition of gender-based violence used was: “violence directed against a person because of that person's gender (including gender identity or expression) or violence that affects persons of a particular gender disproportionately”. Several forms of gender-based violence in sport were considered: verbal, non-verbal, physical abuse and sexual harassment. These forms are not mutually exclusive, but overlap. This study explicitly included violence against LGBTQ persons, and considered both male and female victims as well as perpetrators. Main findings from this study include: (1) The main focus of policies has been on prevention and protection actions. Other topics, such as assessment of any gender-based violence, measures to prosecute violence, and support programs for victims have received less attention. (2) The legal provisions in place across EU Member States use different terminology and vary greatly; there remains a general lack of clarity in legal contexts in relation to what a ‘sexual act’ entails. (3) Less than half of the EU Member States make explicit reference to forms of gender-based violence in sport in their policy frameworks. Policy implementation (in many cases) is neither mandatory, nor followed up. (4) Initiatives taken by the International Olympic Committee and the International Paralympic Committee are important because of their visibility and influence on national committees to comply. (5) Reliable data on gender-based violence is missing across the EU, and the problem may be underestimated; there is also a lack of research in this area. (6) Most of the identified prevention approaches target sports organisations and coaches. Efforts and resources to ensure a continuous implementation of activities and/or dissemination of materials appear to be scarce. Initiatives are generally not given enough visibility and are not easily accessible. The effectiveness of practices is rarely monitored or evaluated. (7) The concept of gender-based violence in sport brings together several concerns that tend to be addressed separately (rather than under a unified policy), such as: ethics; child protection; safe sport environments; and athletes’ welfare.
• 80% of all respondents said they have witnessed or experienced homophobia in sport. Young LGB persons (under the age of 22) were more likely to report personal experiences of homophobia.
• Language was the most common form witnessed by all participants, 80% of straight people who have witnessed homophobia have witnessed slurs such as ‘faggot’ and ‘dyke’
• While it is important to understand which kinds of homophobia and discrimination people personally experienced, participants, particularly straight people, were more likely to have witnessed others being targeted. One in four (26%) LGB people have witnessed others being bullied over a period of time
• Gay and bisexual men were more likely to be physically assaulted themselves than witness others being attacked, however, nearly 15% said they saw others being assaulted due to their sexuality
• Inclusive Sport Survey: The Sport Experiences of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex People in the Australian Capital Territory , Australian Capital Territory Government, Sport and Recreation Services (April 2014). This survey looked at attitudes and behaviours among the ACT’s lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex community groups and territory sporting associations. The main themes to emerge from participants’ best sporting experiences include a feeling of achievement, being part of a team or community, being accepted and welcomed, experiencing health benefits, having the opportunity to travel and broaden life experiences, having fun and friendship, gaining confidence and providing a positive contribution. Most people responding to the survey were ‘not out’ regarding their sexuality and/or being transgender. Key findings were that about 41% of respondents have felt unsafe in a sporting environment; 34% had experienced sexism in sport with women experiencing the most sexism, followed by transgender people and men; 32% had experienced verbal homophobia or bullying in a sporting environment, but 3.6% had experienced homophobic assault.
• Growing up queer: issues facing young Australians who are gender variant and sexuality diverse , Robinson K, Bansel P, Denson N and Ovenden G, Young and Well Cooperative Research Centre , (February 2014). Growing up queer investigates the issues facing young Australians who are gender variant and sexuality diverse. More than 1000 young Australians aged between 16–27 years participated in a research study, with almost two-thirds reporting homophobic or transphobic harassment or violence across different aspects of their lives. From the information acquired, the researchers hope to develop innovative, relevant and engaging educational resources that would contribute to increasing professional and community awareness of their experiences and needs.
• The experiences of children participating in organised sport in the UK , Kate Alexander, Anne Stafford, Ruth Lewis, Child Protection Research Centre, University of Edinburgh (October 2011). This study set out to investigate these issues and develop a greater understanding of the potential negative treatment of children in organised sport in the UK. Young people in this study reported emotionally harmful treatment and unacceptable levels of sexual harassment (29%). Peers were the most common perpetrators of all forms of harassment, with coaches sometimes failing to effectively challenge this behaviour. Coaches were the second most common perpetrators of harm with verbal abuse common, particularly as young athletes advanced through the competitive ranks.
• Addressing the Complexity of Violence Against Women in Sport: Using the World Café Method to Inform Organizational Response , Kirsty Forsdike, Simone Fullagar, Journal of Sport Management , (2 December 2021). In this article, we discuss the process and outcomes arising from a unique collaboration involving researchers and professionals to explore key gaps and challenges in sport organizations’ responses to violence against women. Using the World Café method in a 1-day research forum in Victoria, Australia, we brought together state sport organizations, violence against women organizations, and multidisciplinary researchers to reflect upon the multiple contexts that shape violence against women in community sport. Drawing together insights from feminist research and a socioecological perspective, this article contributes to sport management scholarship by using an innovative methodology for collaborative knowledge sharing and creation to explore the challenges and opportunities for organizational action to address violence against women. We advance a gendered lens for understanding how power relations shape sport management practice contexts as well as future research into organizational thinking, research, and responses to violence against women.
• Infographic. A guide to understanding athlete abuse , Tuakli-Wosornu YA, British Journal of Sports Medicine , Volume 55(24), pp.1439-1440, (December 2021). With increasing frequency, reports of interpersonal violence (eg, abuse) are emerging from sport settings, across a range of sports. Individual sports with female-dominated membership statistics, feminine gender culture and low clothing levels (gymnastics, swimming) seem especially vulnerable to systemic abuse, and team sports with male-dominated gender structure, masculine gender culture and high clothing levels (ice hockey, American football) are also affected. Thus, it is clear that interpersonal violence is prevalent across a range of sport settings. But it can be difficult to understand.
• Magnitude and Risk Factors for Interpersonal Violence Experienced by Canadian Teenagers in the Sport Context , Sylvie Parent, Marie-Pier Vaillancourt-Morel, Journal of Sport and Social Issues , Volume 45(6), pp.528-544, (December 2021). A total of 1,055 athletes, aged between 14 and 17 years, anonymously completed an online survey about their experiences of various types of interpersonal violence in sport. The sample consisted of 763 girls and 292 boys, with a mean age of 15.3 ± 1.1 years. Results showed that 79.2% of athletes reported at least one experience of psychological violence followed by 39.9% reporting physical violence, 35.7% reporting neglect, and 28.2% sexual violence. Being older, being a girl, having specialized in a sport early on, and a high number of hours of weekly practice were related to higher odds of reporting psychological violence or neglect. Being older, being a boy, reporting a nonheterosexual sexual preference, greater number of hours of weekly practice, being in an interregional or provincial sport level, and practicing only team sports were related to higher odds of reporting physical violence. Reporting a nonheterosexual sexual preference and being in an interregional or international sport level were associated with higher odds of reporting sexual violence. In conclusion, this study shows that violence towards athletes (VTA), particularly psychological violence and neglect, is a serious problem in youth sport in Canada. These results may help to influence public decision makers to intervene and develop and implement strategies to prevent VTA.
• Beneath the Surface: Mental Health and Harassment and Abuse of Athletes Participating in the FINA (Aquatics) World Championships, 2019 , Mountjoy, Margo, Junge, Astrid, Magnusson, Christer, et.al., Clinical Journal of Sport Medicine , (September 2021). The objective of this article was to assess the mental health and experience of sport-related harassment and abuse of elite aquatic athletes and to analyze it in relation to gender and discipline. A quarter (24.6%) of the 377 responding athletes were classified as depressed and 2.5% as having an eating disorder. More than 40% of the athletes stated that they wanted or needed psychotherapeutic support. Fifty-one athletes (14.9%) had experienced harassment/abuse in sport themselves, and 31 (9%) had witnessed it in another athlete. The experiences of harassment and abuse ranged from unwanted comments about body or appearance (40.2%) to rewards in sport for sexual favors (2.5%) and rape (0.3%). Athletes who had experienced harassment/abuse in sport themselves had higher average scores for depression and eating disorders, and more of them felt they needed psychotherapeutic support. Up to a third would not talk or report to anybody if they saw or experienced harassment/abuse, and less than 20% would talk to an official for help.
• Prevalence of Maltreatment Among Canadian National Team Athletes , Erin Willson, Gretchen Kerr, Ashley Stirling, et.al., Journal of Interpersonal Violence , (September 2021). 995 athletes participated in this study, including current athletes and athletes who had retired in the past 10 years. An anonymous online survey was administered, consisting of questions about experiences of psychological, physical, and sexual harm, and neglect, as well as questions about identity characteristics, when the harm was experienced, and who perpetrated the harm. Neglect and psychological harm were most frequently reported, followed by sexual harm and physical harm. Female athletes reported significantly more experiences of all forms of harm. Retired athletes reported significantly more neglect and physical harm. Athletes reportedly experienced more harmful behaviors during their time on the national team than before joining a national team. Coaches were the most common perpetrators of all harms except for sexual harm, which was most frequently perpetrated by peers. This study highlighted the prevalence with which Canadian National Team athletes reportedly experience harmful behaviors in sport, suggesting the need for preventative and intervention initiatives.
• Lifetime Prevalence of Verbal, Physical, and Sexual Abuses in Young Elite Athletics Athletes , Stéphane Bermon, Paolo Emilio Adami, Örjan Dahlström, et.al., Frontiers in Sports and Active Living , (31 May 2021). o examine prevalence of verbal, physical, and sexual abuses in young elite athletes, a cross sectional questionnaire-based survey was conducted during the World Athletics under 20 World Championships. This questionnaire aimed at distinguishing between abuses perpetrated in the context of Athletics from those which were unrelated to Athletics. Four hundred and eighty athletes (52.3%, male) from North America, South America, Europe, Africa, Asia, and Oceania took part in the electronic anonymous survey. Outside Athletics setting, no gender difference was found for the prevalence of verbal, physical, and sexual abuses. However, 45 males (18% of the male population) and 34 females (15% of the female population) athletes reported sexual abuse. Asian athletes reported a slightly higher rate of sexual abuse; three quarters of them being non-touching abuses. Inside Athletics setting, no gender difference was found for the prevalence of verbal, physical, and non-touching sexual abuses. However, 58 males (23%) and 47 females (21%) reported verbal abuses. Thirty-one males (12%) and 20 females (9%) reported physical abuses, whereas 30 males (12%) and 17 females (7%) reported sexual abuses. Physical abuses were slightly more frequent in Asia and in Africa and less frequent in South America. Sexual abuses inside Athletics also differed over regions, and were unexpectedly twice more frequent than expected in Asia and slightly less frequent than expected in Europe. Friends and partners were identified as the more frequent (>50%) abusers outside or inside the Athletics settings, whereas outside Athletics and inside Athletics, coaches were identified as sexual abuse perpetrators in 8 and 25% of cases, respectively. The prevalence of verbal, physical, or sexual abuses is high but consistent with what has been reported in United Kingdom, Norway, Canada, and Sweden at national level in recreational or elite athletes. Sexual abuse, including touching or penetrative abuses, occurred significantly more often in male athletes when compared to female athletes. This finding invites healthcare and social workers, and policymakers to also consider the risk of sexual abuse of young male athletes in Athletics. These results also call for longitudinal studies on young elite athletes.
• Sexual Violence and the Coach–Athlete Relationship—a Scoping Review From Sport Sociological and Sport Psychological Perspectives , Sonja Gaedicke, Alina Schäfer, Brit Hoffmann, et.al., Frontiers in Sports and Active Living , (13 May 2021). In line with social media initiatives such as #SportToo and #CoachDontTouchMe and a rise in general media coverage, research in this field indicates an urgent need for action. These recent developments occasionally have led to no-touch policies, which may result in moral panic, uncertainty, and fear of unjustified suspicion among coaches. However, the role of closeness and distance in the development of sexual violence within the coach–athlete relationship has not yet been researched systematically. In this scoping review, the authors focus on the coach–athlete relationship, particularly its predispositions to sexual violence and how to prevent abusive relationships. Some characteristics typical of elite sport may predispose coaches to commit abuse, such as gender and power relations, the need for physical touch, hierarchical structures in sport, and trust and closeness between coaches and athletes.
• A review of emotional and sexual abuse of elite child athletes by their coaches , Charlotte Wilinsky, Allyssa McCabe, Sports Coaching Review , Volume 10(1), pp.84-109, (2021). Emotional abuse and sexual abuse are often co-occurring forms of child maltreatment that can have numerous negative effects on development. This narrative review synthesises research on emotional and sexual abuse of elite child athletes by their coaches to examine the dynamics and consequences of abuse in the elite sport context and to investigate characteristics of this context – in which the coach-athlete relationship is central – that make these athletes especially vulnerable to abuse. This paper contributes to the literature through using a developmental perspective to identify these characteristics, which are the intensity and one-dimensionality of child athletes’ experiences at the elite level. These characteristics are dangerous because they lead to the normalisation of the abuse and isolation of the still-developing athlete. Critical issues related to both emotional and sexual abuse of elite child athletes are also discussed, including internalisation and rationalisation of the abuse, disruption of identity, and dynamics surrounding disclosure.
• Cases of Sexual Assault Prevented in an Athletic Coach-Delivered Gender Violence Prevention Program , Kelley Jones, Daniel Tancredi, Kaleab Abebe, et.al., Prevention Science , Volume 22, pp.504-508, (2021). Coaching Boys into Men (CBIM) is an evidence-based dating abuse and SV prevention program found to reduce dating abuse and SV perpetration among male high school athletes and dating abuse among middle school athletes. This secondary data analysis of CBIM’s high school (N = 1520) and middle school (N = 973) RCTs estimated the incidence of dating abuse, sexual harassment, and sexual assault that CBIM could prevent as well as the potential cost savings. Based on the reduction of sexual assaults among high school athletes alone, CBIM may have resulted in $2.4 million reduction in costs per 1000 athletes exposed. CBIM may be associated with significant sexual assault-related cost reductions. Given the low costs and time needed to implement the program, sexual and dating violence prevention programs like CBIM may result in substantial economic benefits.
• Elite athletes’ experiences of interpersonal violence in organized sport in Germany, the Netherlands, and Belgium , Jeannine Ohlert, Tine Vertommen, Bettina Rulofs, et.al., European Journal of Sport Science , Volume 21(4), pp.604-613, (2021). Interpersonal violence in sport occurs in different forms, from emotional abuse, overtraining, bullying, physical aggression and pressuring to punishment and sexual abuse. Due to the use of different definitions, a comparison of prevalence estimates between studies in different countries has not been possible to date. The aim of the current study was thus to present the prevalence estimates of interpersonal violence in elite sport for the Netherlands, Belgium (Flanders), and Germany and to examine the overlap of three types of interpersonal violence. In general, lifetime prevalence estimates for all three types of interpersonal violence are more than 24% in elite athletes, with the highest numbers for psychological violence. Compared to representative population samples the prevalence rate of psychological violence seems to be particularly high. Gender differences were only evident for sexual violence, with female athletes showing higher prevalence estimates than male athletes. Furthermore, a high overlap of experiences of the three different forms of interpersonal violence was found for all three countries. The differences in prevalence estimates between the three countries are discussed.
• Raising the Bar: Increasing Protection for Athletes in the Olympic Movement from Sexual Harassment and Abuse , Anne Marie Burke, Journal of Legal Aspects of Sport , Volume 31(1), (2021). After the Larry Nassar and USA Gymnastics scandal surfaced in 2016, the United States enacted a federal act titled “Protecting Victims from Sexual Abuse and Safe Sport Authorization Act of 2017.” This Act requires immediate mandatory reporting to the U.S. Center for SafeSport for any alleged child abuse of an amateur athlete who is a minor. An increasing amount of legislation is being passed to address sexual harassment and abuse in sports in the United States; however, the International Olympic Committee (IOC), which governs the Olympic Movement, is lacking in its sexual harassment and abuse policies. This article will address how the IOC’s sexual harassment and abuse policies are not as robust as they should be. The amount of attention that the Olympics receives worldwide gives the IOC a global platform to be a leader in taking a stance on sexual harassment and abuse policies.
• Responding to Violence Against Women in Sport: Challenges Facing Sport Organizations in Victoria, Australia , Kirsty Forsdike, Alex Donaldson, Emma Seal, Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport , (9 December 2020). Despite sport being identified as having a role in preventing violence against women, little is known about how sport organizations respond to violence against adult women in community sport. Twenty-two individual participants from 12 sports organizations based in Victoria, Australia participated in this empirical and applied Concept Mapping study to explore the perceived challenges sports organizations face in responding to violence against women. Sports administrators considered training-related challenges as the most important but most difficult to address. Challenges related to organizational capacity/social environment were perceived as easier but less important to address. Key initiatives can be developed to support sport organizations to respond to violence against women in sport, but they will need assistance to prioritize initiatives addressing the most important challenges given a perceived lack of capacity to do so.
• U.S. Center for SafeSport: Preventing Abuse in Sports ,Nicole Johnson, Katie Hanna, Julie Novak, et.al., Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal , Volume 28(1), pp.66-71, (March 2020). While society at large recognizes the many benefits of sport, it is important to also recognize and prevent factors that can lead to an abusive environment. This paper seeks to combine the current research on abuse in the sport environment with the work of the U.S. Center for SafeSport. The inclusion of risk factors unique to sport and evidence-informed practices provides framing for the scope and response to sexual abuse in sport organizations in the United States. The paper then explores the creation and mission of the U.S. Center for SafeSport, including the role of education in prevention and of policy, procedures, audit, and compliance as important aspects of a comprehensive safeguarding strategy. This paper provides preliminary data on the reach of the Center, established in 2017. This data captures the scope of education and training and the increase in reports to the Center from within the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Movement.
• Organisational factors and non-accidental violence in sport: A systematic review , Victoria Roberts, Victor Sojo, Felix Grant, Sport Management Review , Volume 23(1), pp.8-27, (February 2020). The objective of the current systematic review was to investigate the organisational factors that enable and motivate non-accidental violence towards athletes in the sport context. The authors identified and reviewed 43 qualitative studies investigating psychological, physical, and sexual abuse of athletes, and developed a framework of organisational factors (i.e., structural, social, and stress factors) related to non-accidental violence. Athletes were the key informants, yet some studies included athletes’ entourages. The authors independently coded the findings sections of the primary research, using the developed framework. Organisational tolerance for abuse and conformity to dominant values within sports were related to all three types of non-accidental violence. Power imbalance appeared as a relevant factor in both psychological and sexual abuse, while isolation was also relevant in sexual abuse. Believing that non-accidental violence had instrumental effects appeared related to both psychological and physical abuse, whereas a winner-take-all reward system was related to physical abuse. Based on this systematic review, the authors proposed an integrated perspective of the organisational factors driving non-accidental violence in sport and conclude by proposing a whole-of-system approach to the prevention and management of non-accidental violence.
• An Athletic Coach–Delivered Middle School Gender Violence Prevention Program: A Cluster Randomized Clinical Trial , Elizabeth Miller, Kelley Jones, Lisa Ripper, et.al., JAMA Pediatrics , Volume 174(3), pp.341-349, (January 2020). Coaching Boys Into Men (CBIM) is a prevention program that trains athletic coaches to talk to male athletes about (1) respectful relationship behaviors, (2) promoting more gender-equitable attitudes, and (3) positive bystander intervention when harmful behaviors among peers are witnessed. In this cluster randomized clinical trial including 973 male athletes, athletes in schools with sports teams receiving the Coaching Boys Into Men program had greater increases in positive bystander behaviors. In schools implementing the program, athletes who had ever dated were less likely to perpetrate abuse against a partner. This athletic coach–delivered program is one prevention strategy to consider for increasing positive bystander behaviors and reducing relationship abuse and sexual violence.
• Non-accidental harms (‘abuse’) in athletes with impairment (‘para athletes’): a state-of-the-art review , Tuakli-Wosornu YA, Sun Q, Gentry M, et al, British Journal of Sports Medicine, Volume 54(3), pp.129-138, (January 2020). Para athletes reap significant health benefits from sport but are vulnerable to non-accidental harms. Little is known about the types and impacts of non-accidental harms Para athletes face. In this literature review, we summarise current knowledge and suggest priorities for future research related to non-accidental harms in Para athletes. Most studies focused on young, visually impaired athletes and approximately half of all studies described high rates of bullying and its social implications. One study confirmed remarkably high rates of psychological, physical and sexual harms in Para athletes, compared with able-bodied peers.
• Child maltreatment in sport: smashing the wall of silence: a narrative review of physical, sexual, psychological abuses and neglect , Fortier K, Parent S, Lessard G, British Journal of Sports Medicine , Volume 54(1), pp.4-7, (2020). Child maltreatment in sport is an undeniable problem. High-profile cases of sexual abuse of child athletes are obvious examples of child maltreatment in this context. Young athletes also face physical and psychological maltreatment, as well as neglect, although these types of child maltreatment are understudied in sport and receive less public attention. Little is known as to how to define physical and psychological maltreatment and neglect in sport and their diverse manifestations. The aim of this paper is to propose concrete manifestations of each type of child maltreatment in sport. We aim to help practitioners better understand and researchers better measure this problem.
• Recommendations for Preventing Child Sexual Abuse in Youth-Serving Organizations: Implications From an Australian Royal Commission Review of the Literature , Keith Kaufman, Marcus Erooga, Benjamin Mathews, et.al., Journal of Interpersonal Violence , Volume 34(20), pp.4199-4224, (October 2019). Children’s involvement with YSOs clearly offers a broad array of emotional, social, and personal development benefits. This involvement can, however, also be associated with a variety of safety risks, including the potential for child sexual abuse (CSA) victimization and the myriad short- and long-term consequences to its victims and their families. Recognizing the significance of CSA within YSOs, the Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse funded a comprehensive review of the literature on risk and protective factors related to CSA in institutions. This yielded more than 400 primarily research articles from the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia, examining institutional CSA victims, perpetrators, and settings. Findings were provided regarding six specific types of institutional settings, including faith-based, early childhood education, childcare and schools, health care, out-of-home/foster care, and sport. This article provides a brief review of critical risks associated with CSA victims, perpetrators, and organizational settings, as well as highlights risks particular to specific types of YSOs and risks that are present across these organizations. Optimal prevention directions and strategies are outlined in response to identified patterns of organizational risk. Recommendations for YSO policy enhancements are also provided to complement the article’s prevention focus. Finally, suggestions are offered for future research directions to foster the development of an evidence-based foundation for work in this area.
• #MeToo: Uncovering Sexual Harassment and Assault in Sport , Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology , Volume 13(2), (June 2019). This special issue strives to shed light on sexual assault and harassment to begin a larger dialogue to transform our sport culture. It is our hope this collection of papers will ignite a passion in professionals—both researchers and clinicians—in the field of sport and exercise psychology. It is imperative to address this critically important topic on a regular basis and not just as a one time, special issue.
• Sexual Violence Against Children in Sports and Exercise: A Systematic Literature Review , Ingunn Bjørnseth, Attila Szabo, Journal of Child Sexual Abuse , Volume 27(4), pp.365-385, (June 2018). The literature search yielded seven eligible studies for inclusion. Their key outcomes suggest that sexual violence against children in sports is prevalent. Girls are more often the victims than boys, but gender appears to mediate the disclosure. Minority groups are at higher risk for sexual violence, and athletes at higher levels of competition seem to be more vulnerable for grooming. While the coach is often seen as the perpetrator, new research suggests that peer-athletes may precede the coach. Disclosure is a problem, due to personal and interpersonal concerns, which deters scholastic research in this area. In the final section of the review, a “what we know” and “what we need to know” list of highlights is offered as the concluding summary of the review. These factual points could raise the awareness of parents and/or guardians about the vulnerability of their children to sexual abuse if they are involved in sports. They could also attract the attention of the policy makers to the urgent need of developing and implementing preventive measures to make sports and exercise environments pleasurable and safe for children.
• Profiling perpetrators of interpersonal violence against children in sport based on a victim survey , Tine Vertommen, Jarl Kampen, Nicolette Schipper-van Veldhoven, et.al., Child Abuse and Neglect , Volume 63, pp.172-182, (January 2017). The current article reports on perpetrator characteristics gathered in the first large-scale prevalence study on interpersonal violence against children in sport in the Netherlands and Belgium. Using retrospective web survey design, 4043 adults answered questions on their experiences in youth sport. The study looks at the number of perpetrators as well as individual descriptive characteristics (sex, age, and role in the sport organization) of perpetrators of psychological, physical and sexual violence as reported retrospectively by victim-respondents. This information was then clustered to provide an overview of the most common perpetrator profiles. Results show that in all types of interpersonal violence in sport, perpetrators are predominantly male peer athletes who frequently operate together in (impromptu) groups. Several differences between the three types of interpersonal violence are highlighted. While incidents of physical violence perpetrated by coaches tend to be less severe compared to those by other perpetrators, acts of sexual violence committed by a coach are significantly more severe. The presented findings shed new light on perpetrators of interpersonal violence in sport, nuancing the predominant belief that the male coach is the main perpetrator while providing nuanced information that can be utilized to improve prevention and child protection measures and other safeguarding initiatives in sport.
• Children’s experience of sport in Australia , Lynne McPherson, Maureen Long, Matthew Nicholson, et.al., International Review for the Sociology of Sport , Volume 52(5), pp.551-569, (2017). Australia is known as a ‘sporting nation’ and sport is central to its cultural identity. Children’s participation in leisure activities, including sport, is considered to be of such importance that it is enshrined as an international human right. There is a growing awareness, however, that children’s experience of sport is not always positive and that abuse and harm may occur in organised sport. This paper reports on a study designed to explore children’s experiences of organised sport, as recounted by young adults between the ages of 18 and 25 years. A mixed methods study design was implemented, which resulted in 107 survey responses and 10 follow-up interviews with young adults. Overwhelmingly, young people reported the lasting developmental benefits of participation in organised sport as children. More than 50% also reported negative experiences, including emotional and physical harm and sexual harassment. The reasons for these apparently contradictory findings are explored. The role of coaches, peers, parents and the wider sporting association ethos are investigated and suggestions made for future research.
• Safe Sport Training module developed by the Coaching Association of Canada (CAC) will help anyone involved in sport identify and prevent situations of maltreatment.
• Coaching Boys Into Men , Futures Without Violence , (accessed 31 January 2022). Athletic coaches play an extremely influential and unique role in the lives of young men. Because of these relationships, coaches are poised to positively influence how young men think and behave, both on and off the field. Coaching Boys Into Men (CBIM) is the only evidence-based prevention program that trains and motivates high school coaches to teach their young male athletes healthy relationship skills and that violence never equals strength.
• Harassment and abuse in sport , International Olympic Committee , (accessed 25 January 2022). The IOC website provides information on what behaviours constitute sexual harassment and abuse, homophobia, hazing, bystanding, and gender harassment, and what to do if these behaviours take place.
• Safe Sport webinar series for NOCs . Hear from local safeguarding experts on the latest statistics, best practices and recommended measures relevant to your region for the prevention of harassment and abuse in sport.
• Sexual Harassment and Abuse in Sport . Hear 9 real-life examples of what harassment and abuse in sport means, the forms it can take; how you can identify and prevent it; and ultimately how you can protect yourself and others.
• Safe Sport Directory . Witnessing harassment and abuse and not saying anything can give the impression that the behaviour is OK. If you’re experiencing or if you suspect someone else is suffering from harassment and abuse, it is important that you feel supported and know how and where to report. Find the details of your IF’s and/or NOC’s safeguarding policy and reporting process through our online directory below.
• Safeguarding athletes from harassment and abuse . Join Dr Margo Mountjoy and former ice hockey player Sheldon Kennedy in strengthening your knowledge on safeguarding athletes. Margo and Sheldon, who was abused for years by his junior coach as a teenager, offer vital education on harassment and abuse in sport.
• Sport, Children’s Rights and Violence Prevention: a sourcebook on global issues and local programmes , Brackenridge C, Kay T and Rhind D (Editors), Brunel University (2012). This book provides an expanded set of evidence and resources to back up the 2010 UNICEF report Protecting Children from Violence in Sport: A review with a focus on industrialized countries. Article 19 of UNICEF’s Convention on the Rights of the Child states that all children have the right to be protected from violence, calling on governments to take all appropriate measures for the protection of children, including while in the care of others. Measures include strengthening child protection systems; increasing awareness and strengthening the protective role of parents, teachers, coaches and others caregivers as well as the media; developing and implementing standards for the protection and well-being of children in sports; implementing sport for development and other international programmes and initiatives; and improving data collection and research to develop an evidence-base of ‘what works’. The protection of young athletes starts by ensuring that those around children regard them in a way that is appropriate to their needs and that is respectful of their rights.

Sexual harassment and abuse Sexual abuse, or actions that constitute criminal sexual behaviour, are offenses that must be referred to the criminal justice system for action.

Sexploitation in sport

Sexploitation applies to marketing, sponsorship, and promotion, or attempts to gain media coverage, on the basis of the sexual attributes of an athlete, especially the visibility of their body. This most frequently impacts female athletes with their implied value being measured in terms of their body type and attractiveness, rather than for any qualities that define them as an athlete (i.e. talent, physical capacity, skill).

As female athletes gain recognition, some media, broadcasting and advertising products have used their image in a sexually provocative manner. Since sexuality is pervasive in a wider social context, to sell everything from food to automobiles, some people see this as a legitimate means of exposure for a sport and/or self-promotion of the athlete. Other people have different views regarding how female athletes should market themselves and their sport(s).

Female athletes are also exposed to more sexualised commentary from sports fans, particularly evident on social media. Research in 2019 by Plan International analysed a selection of social media commentary on Facebook posts shared by major sports news broadcasters in Australia over a 12 month period. They found that sportswomen received three times as many negative comments as men (27% versus 9%) and that over a quarter of all comments towards sportswomen were negative, sexist, sexualised, or belittled women's sports. Although gender stereotypes (such as that men shouldn't display weakness or emotion) were apparent in 15% of negative comments towards male athletes, none were sexualised. For female athletes 14% of all negative comments were sexualised.

More information about the representation of women in sport media is available in the Clearinghouse Women in Sport topic.

• JOC to introduce measures aimed at protecting female athletes from sexualised photos , Michael Pavitt, Inside the Games , (14 October 2020). The Japanese Olympic Committee (JOC) are to introduce measures aimed at preventing female athletes from being photographed in a sexualised manner when competing in their events.
• Photo Series Explores 'Sexploitation' in Athletic Uniforms , Julie Compton, NBC News , (22 August 2016). The 2016 Rio Olympics were a reminder of the often striking differences in how male and female athletes dress. In sports like beach volleyball and tennis, for example, women wore scanty sports bikinis and skirts, and the men shirts and shorts.
• These Male Olympic Athletes Are Getting “Magic Miked” , Hayley Halverson, Endsexualexploitation.org , (22 August 2016). Instead of focusing on the athletic accomplishments of swimmers, cyclists, or gymnasts, Cosmo has once again returned to one of its favorite recreational activities: sexual objectification.
• Aesthetics or athletics? Cambridge University Press , (1 August 2016). As athletes around the world descend on Rio for the 2016 Olympics Games, the pinnacle of the global sporting calendar, a new study of English language reveals wide discrepancies in how the media and fans alike talk about men and women in sport.
• Australia's elite female athletes express concern that they can only win if they look sexy , Jessica Halloran, Daily Telegraph , (26 October 2013). Athletes don't sell clothes, models do. Women don't sell bikes, men do. This was the conversation Australia's world champion BMX rider Caroline Buchanan had with some of the country's top advertising executives and it still leaves her frustrated.
• Playing the (wo)man: why women’s sport is still all about sex appeal , Hughes A, Lecturer, Research School of Management, Australian National University, The Conversation (21 July 2011). The marketing of women in sport in Australia in 2011 is simple – sex sells. Should Australian women focus on sex appeal to market themselves, or is it time to really start developing women’s sport in this country where the focus is on the sport and not the athlete?
• Sportswomen face three times as many negative comments as men, at 27% compared to 9%
• Social media abuse of sportswomen is overwhelmingly sexist – 23% of all negative comments towards sportswomen were sexist in nature, referring to traditional gender stereotypes, while 20% belittled women’s sports, their athletic abilities and skills.
• Sexualised comments are only aimed at sportswomen – 14% of all negative comments towards sportswomen were sexualised, compared to 0% for male athletes.
• Whilst the majority of negative comments towards men focused on cheating or drugs, some sportsmen were also subjected to sexist abuse towards men: 15% of negative comments towards men referred to traditional gender stereotypes, which deem that they must not display weakness or emotion.
• Sexualized and Athletic: Viewers’ Attitudes toward Sexualized Performance Images of Female Athletes , Elizabeth Daniels, Amanda Hood, Nicole LaVoi, et.al., Sex Roles , Volume 84, pp.112-124, (2021). Using an experimental methodology, the present study investigated college students’ attitudes toward media images of female athletes. We are particularly focused on how viewers perceive media images of female athletes that have both an appearance and athleticism focus, such as those found in ESPN’s The Body Issue. U.S. college students (n = 563) viewed one of four types of images of the same athletes including: (a) sexualized athletes, (b) sexualized performance athletes (in which both athleticism and sexualization are present), (c) sport performance athletes (in which athletes are depicted playing their sport), or (d) non-sexualized athletes. They then rated the athletes’ competence, esteem, and sexual appeal. Overall, sexualized performance athletes were rated more positively than sexualized athletes, but less positively than sport performance athletes. These results have implications for advocacy efforts calling for more media coverage in which women are depicted as athletes rather than as sexual objects.
• Jocks versus jockettes: An analysis of the visual portrayal of male and female cover models on sports magazines , Ben Wasike. Journalism , Volume 21(10), pp.1432-1449, (October 2020). There are known gender-based disparities in sports news coverage. However, few have examined how these disparities manifest in sports news visuals such as sports magazine covers. Therefore, this study examined pertinent dynamics among all covers published to date for both Sports Illustrated and ESPN The Magazine. The study examined sexualization, camera angle, and nonverbal communication cues and their interplay with gender. Women appearing on the covers were likelier than men to be portrayed in a sexualized manner, in terms of skin exposure and suggestive poses. Men were likelier to be portrayed in active poses, and the cover lines emphasized gender over athletic achievement for women. The results also indicate that women were more likely to be portrayed smiling, as well as being portrayed in more positive camera angle shots. The author discusses the ramifications of gendered portrayal regarding sports magazines.
• Elite Women Athletes and Feminist Narrative in Sport , Colleen English, Sport, Ethics and Philosophy , Volume 14(4), pp.537-550, (2020). This essay focuses on the marginalization of women athletes, in particular elite women athletes, in the narrative of sport. The most common athletic narratives serve to exclude women and remind female athletes of their secondary status. First, I establish the role of narrative and storytelling in sport. Secondly, I argue that gendered narratives pose a problem for women athletes—including both narratives intended to empower female athletes and narratives intended to compare male and female athletes.
• Sporting Women and Social Media: Sexualization, Misogyny, and Gender-Based Violence in Online Spaces , Emma Kavanagh, Chelsea Litchfield, Jaquelyn Osborne, International Journal of Sport Communication , Volume 12(4), pp.552-572, (2019). This study investigated gender-based violence targeting high-profile women in virtual environments through the case of women’s tennis. 2 popular social media platforms (Facebook and Twitter) were analyzed to examine social commentary and fan interaction surrounding the top-5-seeded female tennis players during the Wimbledon Tennis Championships. Athletes were exposed to violent interactions in a number of ways. Four themes were identified through data analysis: threats of physical violence, sexualization that focused on the female physical appearance, sexualization that expressed desire and/or proposed physical or sexual contact, and sexualization that was vile, explicit, and threateningly violent in a sexual or misogynistic manner. Findings demonstrate how social media provides a space for unregulated gender-based cyberhate targeting high-profile women in their workplace in a way that traditional sport media does not.
• Twitter, Team GB and the Australian Olympic Team: representations of gender in social media spaces , Chelsea Litchfield and Emma Kavanagh, Sport in Society , Volume 22(7), pp.1148-1164, (2018). Unlike traditional forms of sports media, online sports media offers the potential for diverse representations of athletes. The current study examined gender in social media coverage of the 2016 Olympic Games using a third wave feminist lens. The analysis focused on the Twitter pages of ‘Team GB’ and the ‘Australian Olympic team’ and the sports stories and images posted during the Rio Olympic Games. Despite a number of traditional differences in the ways that male and females were represented being present, such as the presence of ‘active’ images of male athletes accompanying sports stories and the presence of infantalization in the language used to represent female performers, this analysis demonstrated significant strides forward in terms of the quantity of coverage received by women in online spaces. It further highlights virtual platforms as dynamic spaces for the representation of women athletes.
• Female athletes, women's sport, and the sport media commercial complex: Have we really “come a long way, baby”? Fink J, Sport Management Review , Volume 18(3), pp.331-342, (2015). The 2012 London Olympic Games were heralded as the ‘Year of the Woman’ as every delegation sent a female athlete to compete. However, female athletes and women's sport still receive disparate treatment by the sport media commercial complex, compared to male athletes and men's sport. This review documents the qualitative and quantitative differences and discusses the negative impact this differential coverage has on consumer perceptions of women's sport and female athletes.
• Reimagining athletic nudity: the sexualization of sport as a sign of a ‘porno-ization’ of culture , Jirasek I, Kohe G and Hurych E, Sport in Society: Cultures, Commerce, Media, Politics , Volume 16(6), (2013). To satisfy society's insatiable consumer needs and desires, sporting bodies have been sexualized to the extreme. This overt sexualization is symptomatic of a wider porno-ization of western culture. The authors contend that bodies that are sexualized in, through, and around sporting contexts are disempowering and constraining of the athlete, fulfilling societies' collective voyeuristic and sexually needs.
• The Media's Sexualization of Female Athletes: A Bad Call for the Modern Game , Emily Liang, Inquiries Journal , Volume 3(10), (2011). One of the most important issues today is the media’s sexualization of female athletes. Unlike male athletes, female athletes do not have the luxury of being primarily portrayed as performance athletes, as coverage of their beauty and sex appeal usually overshadow highlights of their on-field endeavors.
• Portrayal Guidelines: gender-equal, fair and inclusive representation in sport , International Olympic Committee , (July 2021). The updated guidelines underline the importance of gender-balanced portrayal and provide new examples, best practices and tips from the various sectors, from the language (words and expressions) and imagery used to the quality, quantity and prominence of coverage. A newly added section includes practical checklists and advice to support media in the implementation of balanced reporting and communication – notably in the areas of print, digital, radio and broadcast.
• Women in sport and recreation communication and marketing strategies , Change Our Game developed in conjunction with Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission and Victorian State Government , (2019). The Change Our Game Women in Sport and Recreation Communication and Marketing Guidelines have been developed in conjunction with the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission (VEOHRC) to assist community sport and recreation organisations looking to develop inclusive communication and marketing practices. These guidelines focus on four key areas: Smart strategies for marketing to women; Smart strategies for selecting imagery; Smart strategies for using social media; Smart strategies to using inclusive language and terminology.
• Changing the visual landscape of women's sport , Women's Sport Trust , Insight to Action series, (October 2016). Our panel and audience made compelling arguments for how the sports, media and branding sectors can make changes in the representation of women’s sport. Suggestions include: 1. Focus on ability, not appearance; 2. Beware of 'cliches'; 3. Sex doesn't sell sport; 4. Present the full diversity and breadth of women and sports; 5. Respond to demand; 6. Everyone needs to take responsibility; and, 7. Women photographers matter.

Sexploitation in sport Various terms can be used to describe the sexualising of athletes (particularly female athletes), ‘sexploitation’ is one of the most common.

Policies, guidelines, programs and supporting structures

Following is a non-exhaustive list of government and non-government policies, guidelines, programs and services with a focus on gender equality and LGBTQI+ inclusion in sport.

Australian resources

Australian human rights commission.

The Australian Human Rights Commission is an independent statutory organisation, established by an act of Federal Parliament. We protect and promote human rights in Australia and internationally.

Equality and freedom from discrimination are fundamental human rights that belong to all people, irrespective of sexual orientation, gender identity, or because they are intersex. Under Australian law, the Sex Discrimination Amendment (Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity and Intersex Status) Bill Act 2013, and the Sex Discrimination Act 1984, ensure these rights.

• Sex Discrimination Act 1984 , Australian Government.
• Australian Human Rights Commission Act 1986 , Australian Government .
• Sex Discrimination Amendment (Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity and Intersex Status) Act 2013 , Australian Government .

In June 2019 the Australian Human Rights Commission (ARHC), the Australian Sports Commission, and the Coalition of Major Professional and Participation Sports (COMPPS) published guidelines to provide clarity on the law, particularly the Sex Discrimination Act 1984, and to help promote the inclusion and participation of trans, gender diverse and intersex people in sport. The guidelines are relevant to both elite and non-elite organisations and individuals.

• Guidelines for the inclusion of transgender and gender diverse people in sport , Australian Human Rights Commission in partnership with Sport Australia and the Coalition of Major Professional and Participation Sports , (June 2019). These Guidelines have been developed to provide guidance to sporting organisations on promoting the inclusion and participation of transgender and gender diverse people in sport. The Guidelines provide information about the operation of the Sex Discrimination Act 1984 (Cth) (the Act) in relation to unlawful and permissible discrimination on the basis of sex and gender identity, sexual harassment, and victimisation as well as practical guidance for promoting inclusion in line with fundamental human rights-based principles.
• Reflective Practice Framework , Australian Human Rights Commission , (June 2019). The Commission has also developed this Reflective Practice Framework to assist Sport Australia and COMPPS to monitor the implementation and impact of the 2019 Guidelines for the inclusion of transgender and gender diverse people in sport .
• Australian Sports Commission

The Australian Sports Commission (ASC) is the Australian Government agency responsible for supporting and investing in sport. The ASC comprises; Sport Australia — responsible for driving the broader sport sector including participation, supporting activities linked to sport and sport industry growth, and the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS) — leading Australia's high-performance sport system.

As well as being a key partner in the development of the 'Guidelines for the inclusion of transgender and gender diverse people in sport' the ASC provides a number of resources and programs:

• Trans and Gender Diverse Inclusion . Sport Australia's website provides a number of resources, FAQs and Case studies to help support sporting clubs and organisations to create more inclusive and welcoming sporting environments for everyone.
• Thrive with Pride Program . The AIS Thrive with Pride Program provides an opportunity for athletes and coaches to connect, learn, and respectfully engage Australian sporting communities in fostering safe and inclusive environments for athletes to thrive in sport. The Program will consist of three pillars:
• EMPOWER: Equipping ambassadors with the knowledge, experience, and confidence to create change within their specific sporting environment.
• EDUCATE: The ambassadors, supported by Pride in Sport, will deliver presentations in their local sporting environments on LGBTQ awareness, active allyship, and creating inclusive sporting environments.
• ENGAGE: In partnership with Proud 2 Play, ambassadors will support the LGBTIQ+ community by engaging in key LGBTIQ+ days of significance throughout the year.

Sport Integrity Australia

Sport Integrity Australia (SIA) is the agency responsible for addressing all sport integrity issues. The organisation incorporates the functions previously performed by the Australian Sports Anti-doping Authority (ASADA), the National Integrity Unit (NISU), and the national sports integrity functions of the Australian Sports Commission (ASC).

SIA's role is to provide advice and assistance to counter the:

• use of prohibited substances and methods in sport.
• abuse of children and other persons in a sporting environment.
• manipulation of sporting competitions.
• failure to protect members of sporting organisations and other persons in a sporting environment from bullying, intimidation, discrimination or harassment.

The agency focusses on policy development, intelligence, investigations (primarily of doping cases), education, outreach and capability building

Recognised National Sporting Organisations (NSOs) in Australia are required to put in place practices to enable them to manage the application and implementation of the National Integrity Framework. This includes appointing an Integrity Unit or Integrity Manager, and Complaints Manager (as per the Complaints, Disputes and Discipline Policy). It also sets out requirements and responsibilities of the NSO in relation to binding members, volunteers and contractors to the framework, the recruitment of employees, contractors and volunteers, education and promotion of the framework, and reporting policy breaches to Sport Integrity Australia and other agencies.

For more information and policy templates go to the SIA, National Integrity Framework webpage .

Australian Capital Territory (ACT)

Everyone Can Play: Guidelines for local clubs on best practice for inclusion of transgender and intersex participants , Australian Capital Territory (ACT) Human Rights Commission (2017). This publication is aimed at local, state/territory and national sporting organisations and clubs involved in non-elite sporting activities. It can also help individuals and players to understand their rights within a non-elite sporting context. It offers practical information about intersex and transgender issues within a non-elite sporting context where the focus is on facilitating participation of all people.

South Australia (SA)

Active Inclusion , including Inclusive Sport South Australia, works to support the South Australian community, individuals and families by delivering best practice inclusion and diversity programs and advice to local government, peak body organisations, businesses, local sporting clubs and recreation groups. Their aim is to create effective engagement opportunities and strategies between organisations, marginalised groups (including people living with disability, new migrant groups, the LGBTIQ+ community and other marginalised/disadvantaged groups) and the community to ensure a welcoming and inclusive environment for all.

Rainbow Roadmap , Vicsport , (accessed 14 January 2022). In partnership with Proud 2 Play, Vicsport has created the Rainbow Roadmap to assist sport organisations in achieving rainbow ready status. Our vision is that all Victorian sport associations provide safe, inclusive and affirming opportunities for LGBTIQ+ people to enjoy the benefits of sport and active recreation. Our goal is that by 2023, all Victorian sport organisations will achieve rainbow ready status, meaning LGBTIQ+ practices, processes and policies are embedded into core business. Three key objectives underpin the roadmap:

• To increase and attract LGBTIQ+ people to your sport
• To ensure that LGBTIQ+ people haver safe and positive experiences in your sport
• To address and combat LGBTIQ+ discrimination (including homophobia, biphobia, transphobia, intersexism)

Guideline: Trans and gender diverse inclusion in sport – complying with the Equal Opportunity Act 2010 , Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission (2017). This guideline outlines obligations under the Equal Opportunity Act regarding discrimination against trans and gender diverse people in sport. It provides practical guidance for sporting clubs and organisations about promoting an inclusive environment, being proactive in preventing discrimination and responding appropriately if it occurs.

Play by the Rules

Play by the Rules is a unique collaboration between Sport Integrity Australia, Sport Australia, the Australian Human Rights Commission, all state and territory departments of sport and recreation, all state and territory anti-discrimination and human rights agencies, the Office of the Children's Guardian (NSW) and the Anti-Discrimination Board of NSW. These partners promote Play by the Rules through their networks, along with their own child safety, anti-discrimination and inclusion programs. Play by the Rules provides information, resources, tools and free online training to increase the capacity and capability of administrators, coaches, officials, players, parents and spectators to assist them in preventing and dealing with discrimination, harassment, child safety, inclusion and integrity issues in sport.

Some relevant resources include:

• Creating an LGBTI+ Inclusive Club , (accessed 18 January 2022). The Play by the Rules and Proud 2 Play Creating an LGBTI+ Inclusive Club is a free, interactive online training course suitable for coaches, administrators, officials, players and volunteers. It was developed in partnership with South West Sport and VicHealth. The course is short, user-friendly and features the latest interactive technology, including case studies, practical scenarios and examples, and a quiz. You can save your progress and come back to the course at a later date so it's all at your own pace. Users who successfully finish the course and the assessment quizzes can print a certificate of completion. All Play by the Rules certificates are valid for two years.
• Girls Playing in Boys Teams , (accessed 18 January 2022). The issue of girls and boys wanting to play in each other’s teams may arise occasionally. This isn’t a concern when children are young, but it can become more complex as players approach adolescence and differences in physiology and ability begin to emerge. To explore some of the issues associated with having girls playing with boys, read and listen to the interactive scenario. The scenario also includes links to interviews with an Australian and New Zealand Sports Law Association lawyer discussing clubs’ duty of care and what clubs should consider when deciding whether to allow a girl to play on a boys’ team.
• Interactive scenario: Homophobia and Sexuality Discrimination , (accessed 18 January 2022). Welcome to this short scenario where a club responds to concerns that one of their coaches is gay. The following scenario explores issues that can arise when dealing with questions relating to homosexuality in sport. As you read through the material think about what you would do in this situation. If you would like more information click on the resources menu item at the top of the page.
• Inclusion and diversity , (accessed 18 January 2022). It's important that sport and recreation organisations reflect the diversity of the communities in which they operate, and have practices in place to help them achieve their inclusion goals. In this section, you will get a good understanding of what inclusion and diversity is, what you can do to achieve best practice through using the 7 Pillars of Inclusion framework, and access some practical resources, tools and videos.
• The Story of You Can Play (accessed 21 January 2022). The You Can Play anti-homophobia in sport campaign started in the US and came to Australia in 2013. The story of You Can Play is an interesting and powerful story. You Can Play is now supported by many sporting stars and organisations nationally and internationally.

Proud 2 Play focuses on increasing LGBTIQ+ engagement in sport, exercise and active recreation. To do this, we work with all levels of the sporting community, from individual participants and grassroots communities, to state and national sporting organisations. We seek to encourage LGBTIQ+ people (as well as their allies, friends and families) to participate and engage in sport and exercise by providing structured opportunities and pathways for them to do so. Engagement is not limited to just actively participating in sport; the physical, mental and social benefits of sport should be experienced by active participants, volunteers, coaches and officials. Proud2Play focusses on Education, Policy, Events, Research and Partnerships.

• Proud2Play resources include: Posters, templates, checklists and tip sheets to help organisations and individuals to better support LGBTI+ inclusion.

Pride in Sport

ACON Pride in Diversity is a not-for-profit organisation that supports all aspects of LGBTI inclusion. Pride in Diversity’s mandate is to reduce stigma, homophobia, and discrimination in the workplace and set a national benchmark for leading workplace practice in LGBTI inclusion. This is currently being realised via the national employer support program (Pride in Diversity) and the Australian Workplace Equality Index (AWEI), Australia’s national benchmarking instrument for LGBTI workplace inclusion. An extension of the benchmarking program into the Australian sport sector is the Pride in Sport Index (PSI) that was launched in 2016.

• The Pride in Sport Index (PSI) is a joint initiative of the Australian Human Rights Commission and the Australian Sports Commission, as a legacy of the Bingham Cup staged in 2014 in Sydney. The PSI is the first and only benchmarking instrument specifically designed to assess the inclusion of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex (LGBTI) people within Australian sport and sporting organisations. Australian sporting organisations will be able to assess their own practice as well as determine what constitutes good practice and benchmark their initiatives against other sporting organisations.
• Current members , (accessed 2 February 2022). Lists Foundation partners (6); Current members (58); Principle and Corporate partners (10).
• Resources , (accessed 2 February 2022). Provides access to Pride in Sport documents, videos, and related resources and links.
• Pride in Sport Infographic: LGBTQ Inclusion in Sport , Pride in Sport , (November 2020). Key statistics and information relating to inclusion in the sport sector.

Pride Cup works with all levels of sport to build a world where every LGBTI+ person feels included, accepted and proud to be who they are. When Jason Ball publicly came out as gay in 2012, his teammates from the Yarra Glen Football Netball Club wanted to show him they had his back. The team came up with the idea to stage a Pride Cup, with players wearing rainbow jumpers, and 50 metre lines painted in rainbow colours. It was an event that galvanised the entire community and became the inspiration for the now annual AFL Pride Game, first played between St Kilda FC and Sydney Swans in 2016. Since hitting the national stage, communities across Australia have joined the movement, with Pride Cups being expanded into other sporting codes nationally.

Anti-Homophobia & Inclusion Framework for Australian Sports

Anti-Homophobia & Inclusion Framework for Australian Sports , Sydney Convicts Rugby Club (2016). This Framework provides a foundation for the development of a more inclusive and diverse sporting culture in Australia. The Chief Executive Officers of peak representative bodies: Australian Rugby; National Rugby League; Australian Football League; Football Federation Australia; and Cricket Australia have committed their organisations to the development and implementation of policies and international best practices to eradicate homophobia from these sports.

Sporting organisations

National and state sporting organisation may have specific policies addressing gender and inclusion topics, such as mixed competitions, LGB+ inclusion, or transgender and gender diverse athlete (particularly in regard to competitive events), or they may be covered under more comprehensive policies, such as an integrity framework or member protection policy. This is not a comprehensive list of all such policies, however, examples of how some sports have incorporated these issues into their policy documents are provided below.

• Transgender Policy , Archery Australia , (June 2018). Archery Australia adopts the International Olympic Committee (IOC) Transgender Policy currently in place or which can be amended from time to time by the IOC.
• Inclusion of Transgender and Gender Diverse People in Athletics Competition Policy (version 4.5.2) , Athletics Australia , (20 August 2021). The key policy document that sets out the eligibility requirements for the participation of transgender and gender diverse people in athletics competitions in Australia.
• Community Guidelines (version 3.1.2) , Athletics Australia , (20 August 2021). This document has been developed to work alongside the competition policy and provides guidance to the athletics community regarding transgender and gender diverse inclusion at the community levels of the sport.
• Rule C3.5: Eligibility regulations for transgender athletes , World Athletics , (effective 1 October 2019). These Regulations establish the conditions enabling Transgender athletes to compete in International Competition, or to be eligible to set a World Record in a competition that is not an International Competition, in the competition category that is consistent with their gender identity.
• Rule C3.6: Eligibility regulations for the female classification (athletes with differences of sex development) , World Athletics , (effective 10 December 2021). To be eligible to compete in the female classification in a Restricted Event at an International Competition, or to set a World Record in a competition that is not an International Competition, a Relevant Athlete must meet each of the following conditions.

Australian Football

• Gender Diversity Policy: Elite Football , Australian Football League , (1 October 2020). This Policy outlines the AFL’s position in respect to the participation of transgender and non-binary people in elite Australian Football competitions.
• Gender Diversity Policy: Community Football , Australian Football League , (1 October 2020). This Policy outlines the AFL’s position in respect to the participation of transgender and non-binary people in community Australian Football competitions.
• Gender Diversity Policy: Companion Guide , Australian Football League , (1 October 2020). It is the AFL’s view that in community football social inclusion has a greater priority than concerns about possible competitive advantages if gender diverse players participate. The AFL is committed to an inclusive culture and encouraging the participation of gender diverse people at all ages, levels and all roles within the game, including players, supporters, umpires, coaches and other team and league officials.
• Diversity and Inclusion Framework 2021-2025 , Basketball Australia , (2021). Basketball Australia leads the way in promoting and supporting diversity through our voice, our actions and by working with our stakeholders in increasing the appeal of basketball as a safe, fair, and inclusive sport at all levels and in all ways. Basketball Australia acknowledges there are many aspects of diversity which need to be addressed. We will be implementing an overall approach as well as focusing on specific aspects including: First Nations Recognition; Disability; Cultural and Linguistic Diversity; Gender/Women and Girls; Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity; Age' and, Religion.
• Basketball Australia Member Protection By-Law , Basketball Australia (June 2018). Item 6.6 of this policy covers ‘Gender Identity’. In general, Basketball Australia (BA) will facilitate transgender persons participating in the gender with which they identify. If issues of performance advantage arise, we will consider whether the established discrimination exceptions for participation in sport are relevant in the circumstances. For transgender persons intending to compete at an elite level BA will encourage these athletes to obtain advice about the IOC’s, Commonwealth Games Federation and FIBA's criteria which may differ from BA's.
• Australian fights homophobia in sport with World Gay Boxing Championships , Emma Kemp, The Guardian , (28 October 2020). The world’s first LGBTQ+ boxing tournament is set to be staged in Sydney after the nation’s governing body threw its support behind the proposal. Boxing Australia has endorsed efforts by World Gay Boxing Championships (WGBC), a not-for-profit founded by local boxer Martin Stark to build inclusivity and combat homophobia and transphobia in the sport, to launch the first such LGBTQ+-friendly tournament.
• The CA inclusion of transgender and gender diverse players in elite cricket aligns closely with the International Cricket Council’s Eligibility on the Basis of Gender Recognition and provides transgender and gender diverse cricketers guidance on how they can compete at the highest levels of the sport, consistent with their gender identity. As an additional measure, a referral process to an Expert Panel has been established to ensure fair and meaningful competition.
• The Guidelines for the inclusion of transgender and gender diverse people in community cricket will assist clubs, players, administrators, coaches and other volunteers deliver a safe, welcoming and inclusive environment, free of harassment and discrimination for gender diverse players at the game’s grassroots.
• Inclusion of transgender and gender diverse people in Australian Cricket , Cricket Australia, YouTube , (7 August 2019). Alex Blackwell (Australian Cricketer and former Australian Captain) and Erica James (transgender cricketer from Universities Women’s Cricket Club in Sydney, NSW) explain the Elite Cricket Policy and Community Cricket Guidelines.
• Sydney Sixers LGBT Inclusion Strategy (2020?)
• The International Cricket Council Gender Recognition Policy , International Cricket Council , (February 2017).
• The key findings from this research include: * Discrimination and prejudice towards LGBT+ people involved in football is common, and this has a negative impact on their experiences within sport and their continued involvement over the course of their lives. * 75% of LGBT+ and 50% of heterosexual people have witnessed or experienced homophobia or discrimination based on sexuality or gender identity. * While 70% of people feel that transgender or gender diverse people would be welcome in their club, around half of all people held a neutral opinion or disagreed with transgender or gender diverse people playing based on their gender identity. * Homophobia manifests overtly through behaviours such as discriminatory language use, while transphobia manifests less visibly through attitudes. * Despite homophobic behaviour being commonplace in football in Victoria, most people believe a player coming out as LGBT+ would have a positive impact on the game and would be very comfortable if their favourite player did. * There is an attitude that LGBT+ inclusion is neither a problem nor a priority in football * There is a distinct lack of education and knowledge about LGBT+ inclusion. * Most people think more should be done to support LGBT+ inclusion.
• The main recommendations from this research include: * Acknowledge that there is an issue of LGBT+ inclusion within football in Victoria * Receive commitment from the FV leadership team to proactively pursue the recommendations from this research * Develop a short- and long-term LGBT+ inclusion strategy to guide future work at FV in this space. * Incorporation of this strategy into the FV Strategic Plan * Embedding LGBT+ inclusion work into the job responsibility of a staff member, or multiple staff members * Maintaining a steering group for LGBT+ inclusion work in football in Victoria.
• the Player has declared to GA that her gender identity is female. The declaration cannot be changed, for sporting purposes, for a minimum of four years;
• the Player must demonstrate to GA that her total testosterone level in serum has been below 10 nmol/L for at least 12 months prior to participation in her first female Competition (with the requirement for any longer period to be based on a confidential case-by-case evaluation, considering whether or not 12 months is a sufficient length of time to minimise any advantage in women's Competition);
• the Player's total testosterone level in serum must remain below 10 nmol/L throughout the period of desired eligibility to compete in the female category; o compliance with these conditions may be monitored periodically by testing by GA. In the event of non-compliance, the Player's eligibility for female Competition will be suspended for 12 months.
• If the gender of a Player is questioned by any party, the Medical Delegate of GA shall have the authority to take all appropriate measures for the determination of the gender of a Player as set out in the Clauses below. A confidential case-by-case evaluation will occur.
• Guidelines for the Inclusion of Transgender and Gender Diverse People in Community Hockey , Hockey Australia , (accessed 18 January 2022). For all Community Hockey competitions (i.e. non representative competitions delivered and managed by local clubs or associations) an individual can participate in the competition which best reflects their Gender Identity. For the purpose of clarity, Community Hockey competitions applies to any competition, league or event outside of an FIH sanctioned event or an elite or sub-elite competition as specified.
• Explantory Memorandum: Inclusion of Transgender and Gender Diverse Athletes in Elite Netball Competitions Policy , Nadine Cohen, Netball Australia, (February 2020).
• Gender Regulation , Netball Victoria , (January 2019). NV supports participation in netball on the basis of the gender with which a person identifies. If issues arise, NV and its Affiliates will seek advice on the application of the applicable Victorian discrimination laws for the particular circumstances. NV is committed to providing a safe, fair and inclusive sporting environment where all people can contribute and participate.
• Transgender-Inclusive Community Sports Guideline , Rowing Australia , (May 2020). Rowing is a sport for everyone. At Rowing Australia (RA), we value inclusion and believe that participation in sport is valuable to an individual’s physical, intellectual, social, and character development. Rowers, administrators, coaches, officials, support staff no matter what their background should feel included and free to participate. Guided by this principle, this guideline permits participation in a manner consistent with a person’s gender identity.

Rugby Union

• Mixed Gender Dispensation , Rugby Australia , (accessed 25 January 2022). Rugby Australia supports boys and girls playing rugby together up to and including the year in which they turn 12 years of age. Rugby Australia is constantly seeking to grow the number of girls’ competitions throughout Australia so that both boys and girls have access to regular rugby. However, where that opportunity for regular rugby is not available, Rugby Australia wishes to ensure that these girls are afforded the opportunity to continue their participation in our game, so long as it is safe for them to do so, through the Mixed Gender Dispensation Procedure.
• Gender Identity Dispensation Procedure , Rugby Australia , (accessed 25 January 2022). Rugby Australia recognises that encouraging people to participate in sporting events and activities is beneficial for their health, wellbeing and involvement in community life. Rugby Australia is committed to supporting a player’s participation in the gender with which they identify, provided that it is safe for them and all other participants. In order to ensure safe participation in a gender competition that differs from the gender identified on a player’s birth certificate, this ‘Gender Identity Dispensation Procedure’ must be followed.
• Community Guidelines: Transgender and Gender Diverse People in Rugby , Rugby Australia , (2019?). The “Community Guidelines for the inclusion of transgender and gender diverse people in Rugby” (The Guidelines) have been based on the industry guidelines and are designed to support the existing Rugby Australia Gender Identity Dispensation Procedure. Additionally, these guidelines were developed through a consultation process with past and present Trans players and members of the Trans community, Rugby Australia Member Unions and stakeholders, other sporting bodies, Pride in Sport, and internal individuals including the Chief Medical Officer, Legal and Integrity representatives, Coaching staff, and the Head of Diversity and Inclusion.
• Rugby Australia signs "significant" MOU with Aussie gay and inclusive clubs , AAP, Rugby.com.au, (16 September 2019). Rugby Australia has struck a formal alliance with Australia’s four gay and inclusive Rugby Clubs, and International Gay Rugby (IGR), with the aim of growing participation in rugby among the LGBTIQA+ community in Australia
• World Rugby approves updated transgender participation guidelines , (October 2020). The new guidelines cover the participation of transgender athletes in men’s and women’s contact rugby where it is possible to do so safely and fairly. World Rugby is committed to regularly reviewing the guidance to monitor and consider any new evidence or research in an inclusive and collaborative manner. This commitment includes the funding and support of more rugby-specific transgender research to further inform injury risk.
• Mixed Gender Rugby Guideline , World Rugby , (June 2020). This guideline advises on the suitability of mixed gender teams and the circumstances where girls should be permitted to play contact Rugby with boys.
• Gender Diversity Policy: Companion Guide , Surfing Australia , (14 December 2021). Policy for the Inclusion of Transgender and Gender Diverse People in Community Surfing confirms that transgender people are eligible to participate in community competitions that are consistent with their gender identity and non-binary persons may play in the community competition of their choice. This companion document is subject to Surfing Australia ·s - Policy for the Inclusion of Transgender and Gender Diverse People in Community Surfing, which sets out further detail in relation to eligibility. It is Surfing Australia's view that in community surfing social inclusion has a greater priority than concerns about possible competitive advantages if gender diverse players participate.
• Transgender Inclusion Guidelines for community tennis , Tennis Australia , (October 2020). The purpose of the guidelines is to create awareness and inform clubs, coaches, participants and volunteers on how they can be supportive of people who identify as transgender. This resource also includes tips on how to foster positive experiences for all.
• Diversity is an advantage at Loton Park Tennis Club , Tennis Australia, YouTube , (21 December 2018). Award-winning Loton Park Tennis Club, based in Perth, Western Australia openly welcomes all participants who identify as LGBTQ+. Their motto is “Diversity is our advantage”. Members of the club have the opportunity to participate in league competitions, social play, Come and Try Days and many other events. Loton Park Tennis Club has strong relationships with other local sports organisations, sharing resources and events.
• VicTennis is proud to be one of the largest and longest standing GLBTI sporting associations in Victoria. They coordinate tennis and social activities in a GLBTI+  friendly environment and to provide opportunities for social and competitive tennis for all skill levels.

Touch Football

• FAQS on Touch Football Australia's Participation Guidelines for the Inclusion of Transgender and Gender Diverse People in Touch Football Affiliates , (2020).
• Social Inclusion Policy , UniSport Australia , (February 2021). UniSport Australia (UniSport) is committed to providing a safe and inclusive environment for all studentathletes, regardless of ethnicity, location, religious or political beliefs, cultural background, sexuality or gender.
• UniSport Australia Guideline: Inclusion and diversity , UniSport Australia , (March 2019). In line with the objectives of UniSport, the organisation aims to provide equal opportunity for all. This includes those that identify as men, women, or other, people with all abilities as well as students from multicultural and Indigenous backgrounds having the same rights to access opportunities to participate in university sport
• FAQs Water Polo Australia transgender and gender diverse people guidelines - community sport , (2020).
• Transgender Policy , Wrestling Australia , (30 October 2019). Wrestling Australia (WAL) believes in the rights of transgender people to take part in and achieve their potential in the sport of Wrestling. This policy has been adopted to clarify the rules that relate to the participation of Transgender people in Wrestling and to create a clear framework for participating in WAL sanctioned event. This policy is based on the United World Wrestling (UWW) Transgender Policy.

International practice

International olympic committee (ioc).

IOC Framework on Fairness, Inclusion and Non-Discrimination on the Basis of Gender Identity and Sex Variations , International Olympic Committee, (November 2021). The document is issued as part of the IOC’s commitment to respecting human rights (as expressed in Olympic Agenda 2020+5), and as part of the action taken to foster gender equality and inclusion. In issuing this Framework, the IOC recognises that it must be within the remit of each sport and its governing body to determine how an athlete may be at a disproportionate advantage compared with their peers, taking into consideration the nature of each sport. The IOC is therefore not in a position to issue regulations that define eligibility criteria for every sport, discipline or event across the very different national jurisdictions and sport systems. The aim of this Framework is to offer sporting bodies – particularly those in charge of organising elite-level competition – a 10-principle approach to help them develop the criteria that are applicable to their sport. Sports bodies will also need to consider particular ethical, social, cultural and legal aspects that may be relevant in their context. The ten principles are:

Previous guidelines:

• IOC Consensus Meeting on Sex Reassignment and Hyperandrogenism , Medical and Scientific Commission, International Olympic Committee, (November 2015). The Medical and Scientific Commission of the International Olympic Committee met in 2015 to create updated guidelines that international sport governing bodies could adopt regarding transgender athletes competing internationally. The new policy removed the need to undergo gender-reassignment surgery to compete (as per the 2003 Stockholm Consensus Statement on Sex Reassignment in Sports ).
• IOC Stockholm Consensus Statement on sex reassignment in sports , (November 2003). On 28 October 2003, an ad-hoc committee convened by the IOC Medical Commission met in Stockholm to discuss and issue recommendations on the participation of individuals who have undergone sex reassignment (male to female and converse) in sport.

Other research

• The LGBTQI2S+ Sport Inclusion Task Force is a flexible and informal coalition to end LGBTQI2S+ bias in sport through education for and promotion of LGBTQI2S+ inclusion in Canadian sport. The LGBTQI2S+ Sport Inclusion Task Force Coordinating Committee is responsible for coordinating and leading meetings and overseeing the implementation of action items. The Coordinating Committee is comprised of Canadian Women and Sport, PGA of Canada, the Canadian Olympic Committee, the Faculty of Kinesiology at the University of Calgary and Challenge Accepted Collective.
• Position Statement: Trans Inclusion in Sport , Canadian Women and Sport , (June 2017). Consistent with existing human rights legislation and Canadian Women and Sport’s ongoing commitment to achieving equity for girls and women, Canadian Women and Sport supports the full participation of all individuals in sport and physical activity in the gender in which they identify.
• Leading the Way: Working with LGBT Athletes and Coaches (2nd ed.), Jennifer Birch-Jones, Canadian Women and Sport , (2017). A comprehensive resource designed for coaches, and is based on the lived experiences of Canadian athletes and coaches. The resource highlights current issues in Canadian sport, from playground to podium, and aims to make sport a more welcoming place for those who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans (transgender), two-spirited, queer or questioning (LGBTQ). Leading the Way provides information to help coaches understand LBGTQphobia and the negative impact it has on everyone in their sport. It suggests best practices for creating a sport environment that is safe and respectful for all.
• Creating inclusive environments for Trans participants in Canadian sport: Guidance for Sport Organizations , Canadian Centre for Ethics in Sport (2016). This document is organised into four sections: (1) background knowledge and definitions; (2) practice and policy guidance for grassroots sport organisations; (3) issues that are unique to high performance sport environments, and; (4) examples of best practice and additional resources.
• Canadian Sport Risk Registry . The Canadian Sport Risk Registry contains a list of common risks already identified by sport leaders including the risk of 'lack of inclusion', the risk that all who want to participate in a sport activity do not feel safe or welcome. Solutions suggested include:
• Develop and implement policies for gender (e.g., girls on boys’ teams), transgender, and LGBTQ2S inclusion.
• Connect with CAAWS to see what resources could be used to educate coaches and athletes on this issue.
• Explore a campaign to sensitize coaches about the power of language and acceptable conduct.
• Have effective code of conduct in place, and ability to implement disciplinary measures in a professional manner.
• Be clear that the organization does not discriminate and welcomes of diversity.
• Explore funding opportunities for athletes with financial challenges.

European Union (EU)

• 7 out of 10 respondents suppose the coming out of famous sports stars and high profile and antihomophobia/ transphobia campaigns to be helpful to tackle homo-/transphobic discrimination.
• 82% have witnessed homo-/ transphobic language in sport in the last 12 months.
• 33% remain completely closeted in their sports context.
• 20% refrain from participating in a sport of interest due to their sexual orientation and/or gender identity.
• 16% report at least one negative personal experience in a sports context related to their sexual orientation and/or gender identity.
• Of those with negative experiences: 82% Verbal insults, slurs 75% structural discrimination 36% physically crossing the line 20% physical violence.
• Most common perpetrators: 53% other sport participants 49% team members.
• 5% of (previously active) respondents quit their sports participation because they have had negative personal experiences due to their sexual orientation and/or gender identity.
• 53% do not react to incidents of homo-/ transphobic discrimination.
• 8% officially report those incidents.
• 38% do not know an organisation or individual to contact in instances of being discriminated against in a sports context.
• OUTSPORT Toolkit: Supporting sport educators in creating and maintaining an inclusive sport community based on diversity of gender identities and sexual orientations , Laszlo Foldi, Outsport project , (2019). This training toolkit is designed to assist sport operators (including educators and managers) in innovatively preventing and tackling anti-LGBTI hate crime and discrimination and their causes, by fostering capacity building and education. The Toolkit consists of 5 thematic sections, including a chapter presenting the main findings of the European research into the experiences of LGBTI people in sport; a chapter on specific empowering pedagogic approach with high potentials; a collection of concrete educational tools that support coaches and teachers in the creation of SOGI inclusive sport communities; and a collection of existing examples of non-discriminative organisational best practices.

United Kingdom (UK)

• Guidance for Transgender Inclusion in Domestic Sport (September 2021). Over the past 18 months we, the five Sports Councils responsible for supporting and investing in sport across England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, have been working together to develop new guidance to support the inclusion of transgender people in sport, recognising that the existing guidance from 2013 was out of date and no longer fit for purpose. While our consultation found that there was widespread support for ensuring that sport was a welcoming place for everyone in society, including for transgender people, it also highlighted that there were concerns relating to safety and fairness in relation to transgender inclusion, particularly in female sport, and that there was no consensus on a single solution as to how this should be addressed. The overarching recommendation is that NGBs and SGBs are encouraged to enter a decision-making process, set out below, in which they can best accommodate transgender inclusion, fairness, and safety in their sport.
• Equality and Sport Research 2020: Technical report for sportscotland , Counsel-ltd , (November 2020). The equality and sport research project 2020 explored ways to help improve work within the sport sector in Scotland, to advance equality, eliminate discrimination and foster good relations. The project aims were to: Update and extend existing equalities and sport evidence resources; Engage directly with the Scottish sport sector to understand whether and how equalities are embedded; Identify practical recommendations to progress and help prioritise improvement in this area in Scotland. As well as the broader research there are several chapters that focus specifically on gender and sexuality including: Chapter 6: Gender and Sport; Chapter 7: Gender reassignment and sport; and, Chapter 12 Sexual orientation and sport.
• Sexual Orientation, Gender Identiy and Sport: selected findings and recommendations for action Scotland , Ilse Hartmann-Tews, Dr. Birgit, Braumüller, Tobias Menzel, et.al., Out Sport , (November 2019). In 2018, an EU-wide online survey on the experiences of LGBTI* people was carried out, involving more than 5,500 respondents from all 28 EU member states. In addition, four representatives of Scottish sports federations/ organisations were interviewed about their strategies in the fight against homo-/transphobic discrimination in sport.
• Summary of Conclusions and Recommendations .
• Sport, physical activity and LGBT: A study by Pride Sports for Sport England , Englefield L, Cunningham D, Mahoney A, Stone T and Torrance H, Sport England (2016). This report reviews the existing research and reports on the issues affecting LGBT participation in sport and physical activity. Evidence regarding the impact and success of projects that address LGBT opportunities in sport are provided, with reference to the Government’s sports strategy – Sporting Future: A New Strategy for an Active Nation. This report summarises the work undertaken and points out good practice in three distinct areas: (1) initiatives aimed at improving sports participation by lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people; (2) volunteering; and (3) spectating.
• Using Major Sports Events to Further LGBTIQ+ Equality , (2019). Toolkit produced as part of the Narrowing the Margins project
• Swimming in Glasgow for the transgender community: community consultation , (2015). A report on the swimming experiences of transgender people in the Glasgow area.
• LGBTIQ+ 101 , (2020). A resource for sports coaches, P.E Teachers, and peers to learn how to best support and include LGBTIQ+ people in their teams. Developed by Iain French and Thomas Chaney for the LEAP Sports Scotland Youth Activist Academy.
• British Swimming Equality and Diversity Action plan: 2017-2021 .

United States of America (USA)

• The SafeSport Code governs all participants in the Movement, and our oversight authority helps us ensure all Olympic and Paralympic national governing bodies (NGBs) adhere to Minor Athlete Abuse Prevention Policies (MAAPP) that support athlete safety.
• U.S. Center for SafeSport: Preventing Abuse in Sports ,Nicole Johnson, Katie Hanna, Julie Novak, et.al., Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal , Volume 28(1), pp.66-71, (March 2020). While society at large recognizes the many benefits of sport, it is important to also recognize and prevent factors that can lead to an abusive environment. This paper seeks to combine the current research on abuse in the sport environment with the work of the U.S. Center for SafeSport. The inclusion of risk factors unique to sport and evidence-informed practices provides framing for the scope and response to sexual abuse in sport organizations in the United States. The paper then explores the creation and mission of the U.S. Center for SafeSport, including the role of education in prevention and of policy, procedures, audit, and compliance as important aspects of a comprehensive safeguarding strategy. This paper provides preliminary data on the reach of the Center, established in 2017. This data captures the scope of education and training and the increase in reports to the Center from within the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Movement.
• A Philly swimmer likely inspired the NCAA’s unexpected mid-season policy change on trans athletes , Michaela Winberg, BillyPenn , (25 January 2022). A surprising mid-season rule change by the National Collegiate Athletic Association likely happened because of a student competing at the University of Pennsylvania.
• NCAA Gender Identity and Student-Athlete Participation Summit Meeting: Summary , (5-6 October 2020). The purpose of the summit was to solicit feedback toward the creation of a consensus framework that might inform policy and practice development in the area of gender identity and participation in collegiate sport, more specifically through the lenses of inclusion, fairness, student-athlete well-being, health, and safety.
• NCAA Champions of Respect: LGBTQ Inclusion Best Practices , (2012). This resource was commissioned by the LGBTQ Subcommittee of the NCAA association-wide Committee on Women’s Athletics and the Minority Opportunities and Interests Committee in 2012. The subcommittee’s charge is to provide leadership and advocacy, raising awareness of and providing resources to address issues related to equitable opportunities, fair treatment and respect for LGBTQ student-athletes, coaches, administrators and all others associated with intercollegiate athletics.
• Five ways to have an LGBTQ-inclusive athletics department , (accessed 25 January 2021). This resource serves as a guide to ensure athletics departments are providing an environment that is inclusive of all student-athletes, especially those who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and/or questioning. Included in this resource are samples of policies and codes of conduct; additional resources for coaches, players and staff; and LGBTQ inclusion training best practices.
• Division III LGBTQ OneTeam Program , (accessed 25 January 2021). In 2016, the Division III Management Council endorsed the creation of a Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Questioning (LGBTQ) Working Group. The working group’s charge is to examine the current LGBTQ landscape in Division III. Examination and research may lead to potential programming, resources, and recognition of the LGBTQ community and its allies as well as increasing the engagement and collaboration at the institutional, conference and national levels.
• Transathlete . This website provides a comprehensive overview of available policies for schools (K-12), College, Recreation leagues, by organisation (which includes international), and Professional sports leagues. There is significant variation in the requirements - from self-identification to requiring surgical intervention across the various jurisdictions and individual organisations.
• Athlete Equality Index (AEI). Launched in 2017 and updated in 2019, this first-of-its-kind report provides a comprehensive look at how NCAA athletic departments are supporting their LGBTQ student-athletes, coaches, administrators, staff, and fans.
• Athlete Inclusion, Competitive Equity and Eligibility Policy , USA Swimming , (1 February 2022). This Policy, effective immediately, is applicable only to USA Swimming athlete members and approved elite events as defined in the policy and will remain in place until the release of an elite policy by FINA.

Case studies

Australian football league (afl) and hannah mouncey.

Hannah Mouncey [ Wikipedia ], a transgender female, was blocked from entering the AFL Women’s (AFLW) Draft to compete in the 2018 season. The decision—taken by a subcommittee established only shortly before the Draft—determined that due to the early stage of maturity of the AFLW competition (i.e. only the second season), and Mouncey’s individual circumstances she would not be allowed to nominate for the 2018 competition. The ‘personal circumstances’ appeared to be related to her physique, being 190cm tall and weighing 100kg, and potential strength/stamina advantages from prior to transition, although her testosterone levels were also reported to be below the IOC’s recommended thresholds. The decision referenced the Victorian Equal Opportunity Act, which states that athletes can be discriminated against based on their sex or gender "if strength, stamina or physique is relevant".

Despite this decision in regards to the national AFLW competition Mouncey was allowed to continue playing in the state based ACT and Victorian AFLW competitions in 2018. The AFL also stated that the decision did not mean that she could not apply for future AFLW drafts.

The decision elicited widespread commentary in the media and community, with many arguing both for and against the decision.

• AFL blocks transgender footballer from AFLW , Marc McGowan, AFL.com.au , (17 October 2017).
• Statement: Hannah Mouncey’s Draft Eligibility , AFL Players Association , (17 October 2017).
• AFL cannot play equality card when denying transgender footballer Hannah Mouncey , Kate O'Halloran, The Guardian , (17 October 2017).
• Ainslie coach Chris Rourke surprised at AFL barring transgender player Hannah Mouncey from AFLW draft , The Age , (18 October 2017).
• AFL right to ban Hannah Mouncey, says transgender advocate [paywall] ,Chip Le Grand, The Australian , (18 October 2017).
• By excluding Hannah Mouncey, the AFL’s inclusion policy has failed a key test , Catherine Ordway, and Allistair Twigg, The Conversation , (19 October 2017).
• AFLW's decision on transgender footballer Hannah Mouncey for 2018 draft full of contradictions , David Mark, ABC , (19 October 2017).
• Why the AFL is right about Hannah Mouncey [op-ed], Kris Hateley, The Roar , (24 October 2017).

In August 2018 the first AFL released their Gender Diversity Policy - AFLW & AFL to provide a framework for the inclusion of gender diverse players at the elite level of Australian Rules Football. The policy required elite transgender and/or non-binary players to show that their testosterone levels are below 5 nanomoles per litre of blood at the time they apply and have been so for at least the previous 2 years before the date of their application. They must also must provide a range of data about their physical characteristics and athletic output that will be compared to data from cis-gendered AFLW players [cis-gender describes a person whose personal identity and gender are the same as their birth sex]. The policy was due to be reviewed every two years and a new policy and guideline for community AFL was published in 2019.

• Gender Diversity Policy - AFLW & AFL , Australian Football League , (2018).
• Gender Diversity Policy - AFLW & AFL - FAQs , Australian Football League , (31 August 2018).
• Gender Diversity Policy for AFLW and AFL , Australian Football League media , (31 August 2018).

In September 2018 Mouncey announced that she would not nominate for the 2018 AFLW draft, despite meeting the new medical conditions, citing poor treatment by the AFL behind the scenes and the ongoing toll on both herself and her loved ones. The Policy was also met with criticism (including from Mouncey) for using weight as one of the key physical measures for potential exclusion of transgender women. Some commentators argued that this factor of the policy was potentially damaging and stigmatising for larger women (both cis and trans-gender) at all levels of the game.

• Trans women in the AFLW: The Hannah Mouncey controversy , Sib Hare Breidahl, Independent Australia , (23 September 2018).
• Transgender footballer Hannah Mouncey withdraws from AFLW draft , Dan Harrison, ABC , (10 September 2018).
• AFL's trans participation policy sets a dangerous precedent for women , Hannah Mouncey, The Guardian , (3 September 2018).

After withdrawing from playing Australian football Mouncey was selected as a member of the Australian Women's Handball team.

• Hannah Mouncey helps Australia qualify for Women's World Handball Championships , WWOS staff , (11 December 2018).

This case clearly demonstrates the importance of having clear gender and inclusion policies, guidelines, and pathways for all levels of competition, and particularly at the elite level. The AFLW is a professional league where players can earn a living. Unclear or unequal application of guidelines could potentially lead to a discrimination case in court.

Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse

On Friday 11 January 2013, The Honourable Dame Quentin Bryce AD CVO, then Governor-General of the Commonwealth of Australia, appointed a six-member Royal Commission to investigate Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse.

The Royal Commission investigated how institutions such as schools, churches, sporting bodies, and Government organisations have responded to allegations and instances of child abuse.

A public hearing into sporting clubs and institutions was held in April 2016.

The scope and purpose of the public hearing was to inquire into:

• The experiences of men and women who were sexually abused as children in sporting clubs.
• The response of Tennis Australia, Tennis NSW, and the New South Wales Institute of Sport to allegations of child sexual abuse by a tennis coach.
• The response of Football NSW to allegations of child sexual abuse by a soccer coach.
• Australian Olympic Committee
• Australian Paralympic Committee
• New South Wales Institute of Sport
• Netball Australia
• Little Athletics Australia
• Surf Life Saving Australia
• Football Federation Australia
• Football NSW
• Tennis Australia
• Cricket Australia
• Queensland Cricket
• A local Queensland cricket club
• Other related matters.

The role of the Royal Commission was to uncover where systems had failed to protect children and make recommendations on how to improve laws, policies, and practices.

• The Royal Commission’s report into Case Study 39 - The response of certain football (soccer) and tennis and cricket organisations to allegations of child sexual abuse , has been released. The report follows a public hearing held in Sydney in April 2016, where men and women shared their experience of sexual abuse as children at sporting clubs. The hearing also examined the responses of a number of sporting organisations to allegations of child sexual abuse.
• Royal Commission Public Case Study 15 (Swimming Australia). The Royal Commission held a public hearing in Sydney from Monday 7 to Wednesday 16 July 2014. The public hearing examined the response of Swimming Australia Ltd to allegations of child sexual abuse.
• Report - Royal Commission: Working With Children Checks , (August 2015). This report contains the Royal Commission’s final recommendations on Working with Children Checks. It is based on laws, policies and information current as at 1 May 2015. It contains recommendations that aim to strengthen the protection children receive through Working With Children Checks.

Final Report

On 15 December 2017 the Royal Commission officially ended with the publication of the Final Report.

• Volume 14: Sport, recreation, arts, culture, community and hobby groups , Final Report, Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse, (December 2017). This volume examines what was learned about institutional responses to child sexual abuse in sport and recreation institutions. It describes children’s sport and recreation in Australia, child sexual abuse in this context, and the nature and adequacy of institutional responses to that abuse. This volume makes recommendations to prevent child sexual abuse from occurring in sport and recreation environments and, if it does occur, to help ensure effective responses.

Recommendations for sport and recreation organisations included:

• Recommendation 14.1 - Child Safe Standards. All sport and recreation institutions, including arts, culture, community, and hobby groups, that engage with or provide services to children should implement the Child Safe Standards identified by the Royal Commission.
• Recommendation 14.2 - A representative voice for the sector. The National Office for Child Safety should establish a child safety advisory committee for the sport and recreation sector with membership from government and non-government peak bodies to advise the national office on sector-specific child safety issues.
• Recommendation 14.3 - Expanding Play by the Rules. The education and information website known as Play by the Rules should be expanded and funded to develop resources – in partnership with the National Office for Child Safety – that are relevant to the broader sport and recreation sector.
• Recommendation 14.4 - Improving Communication. The independent state and territory oversight bodies that implement the Child Safe Standards should establish a free email subscription function for the sport and recreation sector so that all providers of these services to children can subscribe to receive relevant child safe information and links to resources.

With the end of the Royal Commission process, Royal Commission CEO Philip Reed, stated that:

"We have now completed our work. It's up to governments and institutions to take the next steps and implement the Royal Commission's recommendations". 'Final Report released', media release , Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse, (15 December 2017)

On 13 June 2018, the Australian Government tabled its response to the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. The Government accepted all four recommendations in principle and identified that it had already announced in the 2018 Budget the intention to create a grass roots child safe sport initiative across Australia called ’Safe Sport Australia’.

"Safe Sport Australia will lead specifically on generating awareness of positive child safe sport practices and the exchange of child safe information and resources. A social change initiative, Safe Sport Australia will digitally connect to the millions of Australians in the grass roots sport community, targeting parents, adults and children. It will also incorporate the National Principles, based on the 10 Child Safe Standards identified by the Royal Commission. Safe Sport Australia, guided by an industry advisory committee that reflects the voice of the sport sector, will also use insights from the uptake of its resources to continue to build its knowledge base and identify areas of risk and relevant trends to inform further action around child abuse prevention and promotion of child safe sport. The Safe Sport Australia initiative and recent child safe sport work led by the Australian Sport Commission combine to address Recommendations 14.1-14.4". Australian Government Response to the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse, p.47, 2018

Surf Life Saving

In August 2015 Surf Life Saving Australia (SLSA) announced that they were working with the Australian Childhood Foundation (ACF) to develop a comprehensive safeguarding children policy and strategy to enhance the safety and protection of children and young people across surf life saving organisations in Australia.

• Surf Life Saving Australia - Recommendations for the Safeguarding of Children and Young People , Australian Childhood Foundation , (February 2016). The premise for ACF’s engagement with SLSA has been founded on recent national exploration into the impact of child abuse. The Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse is a critical step in addressing the past trauma suffered by so many children caused by trusted adults in apparently trusted organisations. The report made 15 key recommendations with associated actions and priority time frames for each.
• Surf Life Saving Australia Child Safe policy and resources , Surf Life Saving Australia , (accessed 25 January 2022). Surf Life Saving (SLS) is committed to ensuring the safety and wellbeing of all Children and Young People (CYP) who are involved in SLS. Our policies and procedures seek to address risks to child safety and to establish child safe culture and practices in line with the National Principles for Child Safe Organisations.
• Tennis Australia Safeguarding Children Code of Conduct , Tennis Australia , (6 October 2021). As outlined in the Tennis Australia Member Protection Policy (MPP), Tennis Australia (TA) and all Australian Tennis Organisations (ATOs) aim to provide children and young people with a welcoming, safe and inclusive tennis experience and an environment that promotes their physical, social and emotional wellbeing consistent with the National Principles for Child Safe Organisations.
• Tennis Australia strengthens safeguarding children measures . Tennis Australia media release , (19 June 2017). The head of Tennis Australia’s Integrity and Compliance Unit, Ann West – a leading sports administrator and former law enforcement officer, has been tasked with implementing the new measures which include a 24-hour telephone reporting and assistance service, online form for lodging complaints, and a dedicated child-safety section on the Tennis Australia website. “The Royal Commission identified that we needed to improve our procedures and process in relation to child safety within the tennis family. We want to do everything we can to ensure what has happened in the past will never happen again,” Ms West said.
• Tennis Australia criticised for lack of action after abuse claims , Mary Gearin, ABC news , (2 February 2017). Tennis Australia has been criticised for not adequately responding to last year's royal commission hearing into the alleged sexual abuse of young tennis players by a coach.

USA Gymnastics and Larry Nassar

In one of the most high profile sex abuse scandals in years Larry Nassar, former doctor for USA Gymnastics and Michigan State University, was sentenced in early 2018 to more than 360 years in prison. Over 250 women, including several Olympic champions, accused Nassar of sexual abuse, with incidents occurring over decades under the guise of ‘medical treatment’. The scandal led the United States Olympic and Paralympic Committee (USOPC) to demand the resignation of the entire USA Gymnastics board. USOPC also committed to launching an independent investigation into whether anyone in USA Gymnastics knew of the abuse and the systematic failures that led to the abuse being unchecked for so long. These, and some other stipulations, were required to be met or the organisation would be decertified. Additionally, a number of high profile sponsors withdrew support from USA Gymnastics.

• USA Gymnastics and USOPC reach $380m settlement with Nassar abuse survivors , The Guardian , (14 December 2021). Survivors of disgraced former USA Gymnastics doctor Larry Nassar have reached a $380m settlement with USA Gymnastics, the US Olympic and Paralympic Committee and their insurers after a five-year legal battle. The settlement was confirmed during a hearing in a federal bankruptcy court in Indianapolis on Monday.
• USA Gymnastics sexual abuse documentary "Athlete A" receives plaudits , Michael Houston, Inside the Games , (29 June 2020). A Netflix documentary film detailing the abuse scandal in USA Gymnastics, Athlete A, has been well received by audiences after its release on the streaming service on June 24.
• Report of the Independent Investigation: the constellation of factors underlying Larry Nassar's abuse of athletes , Joan McPhee, James P. Dowden, Ropes and Gray, (10 December 2018). Ropes and Gray conducted an independent investigation into the abuse of hundreds of elite and Olympic gymnasts and other children by Larry Nassar. The scope of our investigation extended not only to “who knew what when” and what was and was not done in response, but also to any systemic deficiencies, failures of oversight, cultural conditions or other factors contributing to Nassar’s serial sexual abuse of young athletes over an extended period of time. The independent investigation also looked across elite athletics and Olympic sports to identify any relevant facts and circumstances or patterns across the National Governing Bodies for Olympic sports to more broadly inform our assessment of contributing factors and conditions.
• How Larry Nassar Got Away With It , Rebecca Schuman, Slate , (29 November 2017).
• Who is Larry Nassar? USA Today, (2018). A timeline of his decades-long career, sexual assault convictions and prison sentences.
• USOC gives USA Gymnastics board six days to resign or federation will be decertified , Nancy Armour and Rachel Axon, USA Today , (25 January 2018).
• Sponsors Flee Scandal-Ridden USA Gymnastics , Post & Courier/Athletic Business , (January 2018).

USA Swimming

• 100s of USA swimmers were sexually abused for decades and the people in charge knew and ignored it, investigation finds , Scott M. Reid, Orange County Register, (16 February 2018).
• USA Swimming leaders Susan Woessner and Pat Hogan forced out following reporting on sexual abuse , Scott M. Reid, Orange County Register , (22 February 2018).
• Everett Uchiyama whistle blowers go public for first time, say USA Swimming failed to protect athletes , Scott M. Reid, Orange County Register , (23 February 2018).
• Top USA Swimming officials under fire for alleged culture of abuse , Scott McLean and Sara Weisfeldt, CNN , (26 February 2018).

World Athletics Hyperandrogenism regulations

Dutee Chand challenge to the IAAF Hyperandrogenism Regulations (2014)

After being ruled ineligible to compete as a female athlete at the 2014 Glasgow Commonwealth Games Indian athlete Dutee Chand challenged the validity of the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF now World Athletics) to have a ‘hyperandrogenism’ (e.g. a naturally occurring condition in which a female has an abnormally high level of testosterone) regulation that excludes female athletes from competing. In hearing the evidence, the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) determined that the regulation unlawfully discriminated against female athletes who possess a particular natural physical characteristic. CAS also determined that the regulation may be flawed in its factual assumptions saying that the relationship between testosterone and improved athletic performance was unclear, particularly when the relationship is naturally occurring. The case raised complex legal, scientific and ethical issues regarding the naturally occurring variation in human physiology. In its decision, CAS suspended the IAAF regulation for a period of two years, allowing the IAAF and the scientific community time to study the complex nature of naturally occurring human variation.

In July 2017 the IAAF announced the release of new research funded by the IAAF and the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA). The study, Serum androgen levels and their relation to performance in track and field: mass spectrometry results from 2127 observations in male and female elite athletes , describes and characterises serum androgen levels and their potential influence on athletic performance in both male and female elite athletes who participated at the 2011 and 2013 IAAF World Championships. It found that female athletes with high testosterone levels performed better in 400m, 400m hurdles, 800m, hammer throw, and pole vault. The margins of competitive benefit were between 1.8% and 4.5% better than female athletes with lower testosterone levels. This pattern was not found in male athletic events, or other female athletic events. The study formed part of the IAAF's evidence presented to the CAS in July. However, the IAAF confirmed that it would not have any effect on the World Championship in July 2017.

On 28 July 2017 the CAS panel extended the suspension of the IAAF regulations for a further 2 months (until end September 2017). The decision noted that if the IAAF did not file any scientific evidence within the additional two-month period the Hyperandrogenism Regulations would be declared void. No further evidence was provided so these guidelines ceased to apply in athletics.

• Levelling The Playing Field In Female Sport: New Research Published In The British Journal Of Sports Medicine . IAAF , (3 July 2017). New research has been published today in support of the International Association of Athletics Federations’ (IAAF) currently suspended Hyperandrogenism Regulations.
• Serum androgen levels and their relation to performance in track and field: mass spectrometry results from 2127 observations in male and female elite athletes . Bermon S., Garnier P., British Journal of Sports Medicine , Volume 51(17), pp.1309-1314, (July 2017). The study describes and characterises serum androgen levels and their potential influence on athletic performance in both male and female elite athletes who participated at the 2011 and 2013 IAAF World Championships. It found that female athletes with high testosterone levels performed better in 400 m, 400 m hurdles, 800 m, hammer throw, and pole vault. The margins of competitive benefit were between 1.8% and 4.5% better than female athletes with lower testosterone levels. This pattern was not found in male athletic events, or other female athletic events.
• Serum androgen profile and physical performance in women Olympic athletes . Eklund E., Berglund B., Labrie F., et.al., British Journal of Sports Medicine , Volume 51(17), pp.1301-1308, (June 2017). This study examined the serum androgen profile in relation to body composition and physical performance in women Olympic athletes and to compare endocrine variables and body composition to controls. The results suggest that endogenous androgens are associated with a more anabolic body composition and enhanced performance in women athletes. These results are of importance for the current discussion regarding hyperandrogenism in women athletes.

IAAF Eligibility Regulations for the Female Classification (Athletes with Differences of Sex Development) (2018)

In April 2018 the IAAF introduced new eligibility regulations for female classification, which took effect from November 2018. These regulations required athletes with a Difference of Sexual Development (DSD) which increase serum testosterone levels to reduce and maintain a level of blood testosterone to below 5 nmol/L in order to be able to compete in 'Restricted Events'. These events include: 400m, hurdles races, 800m, 1500m, one mile races, and combined events over the same distances.

In June 2018 Caster Semenya and Athletics South Africa filed a request for arbitration with the CAS to have the new Regulations ruled invalid.

• IAAF introduces new eligibility regulations for female classification , IAAF media release , (26 April 2018).

• Stay of regulations to suppress testosterone levels agreed by IAAF in exchange for expedited CAS hearing , IAAF media release , (16 October 2018). The IAAF has agreed to delay the implementation of its Eligibility Regulations for the Female Classification (Athletes with differences of sex development (DSD)) from November to March, to avoid further delay in the proceedings brought by Mokgadi Caster Semenya and Athletics South Africa (ASA) challenging their legality.

On 1 May 2019 the CAS ruled that the joint requests of Caster Semenya and Athletics South Africa had failed to establish that the DSD Regulations were 'invalid'. The Panel found that the DSD Regulations are discriminatory but the majority of the Panel found that, on the basis of the evidence submitted by the parties, such discrimination is a necessary, reasonable and proportionate means of achieving the IAAF’s aim of preserving the integrity of female athletics in the Restricted Events. However, the Panel also expressed some concerns about the regulations including the difficulties of implementing the DSD Regulations, the limited amount of reliable evidence of significant athletic advantage in some events (suggesting that the IAAF should defer applying the regulations in the 1500m and 1 mile events until sufficient evidence was produced), and concerns about potential side effects for the athletes which might, in future, lead to a different conclusion regarding the DSD Regulations. Following the Ruling Caster Semenya stated that she would not take hormonal treatment to reduce her testosterone levels, and the World Medical Association strongly advocated for doctors to not implement the new regulations, citing ethical and individual health concerns.

• CAS Arbitration: Caster Semenya, Athletics South Africa (ASA) and International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) - Decision , CAS Media Release , (1 May 2019). By majority, the CAS Panel has dismissed the requests for arbitration considering that the Claimants were unable to establish that the DSD Regulations were “invalid”. The Panel found that the DSD Regulations are discriminatory but the majority of the Panel found that, on the basis of the evidence submitted by the parties, such discrimination is a necessary, reasonable and proportionate means of achieving the IAAF’s aim of preserving the integrity of female athletics in the Restricted Events. However, in a 165-page award, the CAS Panel expressed some serious concerns as to the future practical application of these DSD Regulations.
• CAS Arbitration: Caster Semenya, Athletics South Africa (ASA) and International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) - Executive Summary , CAS , (1 May 2019). Executive summary of the full award. The CAS award may be appealed at the Swiss Federal Tribunal within 30 days.
• CAS Arbitration: Caster Semenya, Athletics South Africa (ASA) and International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) - Full Arbitral Award [redacted], CAS , (30 April 2019). The CAS award may be appealed at the Swiss Federal Tribunal within 30 days.
• CAS tried to provide a clear verdict on Caster Semenya but left a tangled mess , Andy Bull, The Guardian , (2 May 2019). The court of arbitration for sport may have come down on one side of the debate over the athlete but its ruling contained enough holes and caveats to mean the dispute will continue.
• Caster Semenya says she will not take medication to lower testosterone after CAS ruling , ABC News/Wires , (4 May 2019). The competitive future of Olympic champion Caster Semenya is in doubt after she said she would not take medication to lower her testosterone levels to comply with new rules for the 800 metres.
• World Medical Association warns doctors not to enforce IAAF testosterone rule affecting Caster Semenya , Tracey Holmes, ABC News , (5 May 2019). Doctors around the world have been urged to refrain from implementing controversial new athletics regulations given the go-ahead by the Court of Arbitration for Sport in the past week.
• Caster Semenya: IWG, WSI & IAPESGW write to IAAF , The International Working Group (IWG) on Women & Sport, WomenSport International and International Association of Physical Education for Girls and Women , combined media statement, (30 May 2019). IWG, WSI and IAPESGW have today written to the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) to express our great disappointment in the decision taken by IAAF to restrict testosterone levels in female runners. It is the collective view of the IWG, WSI and IAPESGW that this is discriminatory and in no way do we support a ruling that forces an athlete to take medication that alters their natural state.
• Ten ethical flaws in the Caster Semenya decision on intersex in sport , Julian Savulescu,  The Conversation, (10 May 2019). The Court of Arbitration in Sport (CAS) decided last week to uphold a rule requiring athletes with certain forms of what they call “disorders of sex development” (DSD) – more commonly called “intersex” conditions – to lower their testosterone levels in order to still be eligible to compete as women in certain elite races. This ruling is flawed. On the basis of science and ethical reasoning, there are ten reasons CAS’s decision does not stand up.

Temporary suspension of IAAF Eligibility Regulations for the Female Classification (Athletes with Differences of Sex Development) (June 2019)

On 3 June 2019, following an appeal against the CAS decision filed by Caster Semenya and Athletics South Africa, the Swiss Federal Tribunal issued a temporary suspension of the IAAF Regulations until 25 June 2019. The IAAF has stated that they will respond to the appeal submission by this time. During the suspension Caster Semenya is able to continue competing in middle distance events, but the 'superprovisional order' does not apply to any other athlete.

In September 2020 the Swiss Federal Court dismissed Semenya's appeal saying that the discrimination against Semenya was "necessary" to maintain fairness in women's athletics and that they did not violate the principles of public order.

• Caster Semenya - Swiss Federal Tribunal suspends IAAF regulations , Richard Gardiner and Robert Dickfos, Lexology , (7 June 2019).
• IAAF Response to Swiss Federal Tribunal Order regarding DSD Regulations , International Association of Athletics Federations , (4 June 2019). The IAAF will seek a swift reversion of the superprovisional order moving forwards so that the DSD Regulations apply to all affected athletes in order (among other things) to avoid serious confusion amongst athletes and event organisers and to protect the integrity of the sport.
• Semenya accuses IAAF of using her as "guinea pig" as CAS publish full award , Liam Morgan, Inside the Games , (18 June 2019). Caster Semenya has continued her war of words with the IAAF as she accused the worldwide governing body of using her as a "guinea pig" to test the effects of testosterone-reducing medication.
• UN report calls for revoking of regulations requiring "medically unnecessary assessments" , Michael Pavitt, Inside the Games , (3 July 2020). A United Nations Human Rights Council report has called on sporting bodies to "review, revise and revoke" eligibility rules which have a negative impact on athletes’ rights, with the document highlighting the case of Caster Semenya.
• Athletics: Semenya loses appeal against CAS ruling over testosterone regulations , Reuters , (9 September 2020). Double Olympic 800 metres champion Caster Semenya has lost her appeal to the Swiss Federal Tribunal (SFT) to set aside a 2019 Court of Arbitration (CAS) ruling that female athletes with high natural testosterone levels must take medication to reduce it.

Appeal to the European Court of Human Rights

In November 2020 it was confirmed that Semenya would take her case to the European Court of Human Rights and the application was lodged on 18 February 2021. In May 2021 a statement of facts, with ten questions to be considered in deciding if World Athletics’ ‘DSD Regulations’ contravene Caster Semenya’s human rights.

• Caster Semenya takes World Athletics to European Court of Human Rights over testosterone rule , ABC/Reuters , (18 November 2020). South African double Olympic 800m champion Caster Semenya is taking her fight with World Athletics to the European Court of Human Rights.
• Notification of Semenya v. Switzerland , European Court of Human Rights , (17 May 2021). The European Court of Human Rights has communicated1 to the Government of Switzerland the application Semenya v. Switzerland (application no. 10934/21) and requested that they submit observations after the non-contentious phase. The application was lodged on 18 February 2021 by Mokgadi Caster Semenya, an international athlete specialising in middle-distance races (800 to 3,000 metres), who complains about regulations issued by the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF), requiring her to lower her natural testosterone levels through hormone treatment in order to be eligible to compete as a woman in international sporting events.
• ECHR’s questions on whether DSD Rules contravene Semenya’s human rights , Andy Brown, Sports Integrity Initiative , (7 June 2021). The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has published ten questions that parties will be asked to consider in deciding if World Athletics’ ‘DSD Regulations’ contravene Caster Semenya’s human rights. In November last year, the South African 800m Olympic Champion began an appeal to the ECHR, arguing that the Eligibility Regulations for the Female Classification (Athletes with Differences of Sex Development) contravened Articles 3, 6, 8, 13 and 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

Related Topics

Participation in sport

Women in Sport

Reviewed by: Australasian Sport Information Network Last updated: 02 February 2022 Content disclaimer: See Clearinghouse for Sport disclaimer

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Achieving gender equity in sports

Gender parity has been a problem since the dawn of society. Numerous historical records show women encountering inequalities in their careers, education, homes, etc., and sports is not an exemption. The perceptions of dominance, physical strength, and power typically portrayed by men manifest in violence against women, exploitation, non-inclusion, and discrimination. This narrative needs to stop.

Sports has always been associated with men and their interests. This has alienated other genders who wish to participate in sports. There are several ways to encourage gender equity in the sporting world, and the following must be put into practice for a more inclusive future.

Work to reduce the investment/financing gap in women's sport

Insufficient finance is one of the issues many sports teams face. Men’s teams most times receive the majority of sponsorships and television deals. 

Most companies are hesitant to support women's sports, and those that do view it as a moral obligation rather than an investment. Women's sports are developing and can reach greater levels with the appropriate financial assistance.

The economic gap can be closed by increasing funding for women's sports. Women can then have more options to participate in sports as a result.

Boost media exposure

Media representations of sports and athletes contribute to the construction of harmful gender stereotypes, as the media tends to represent women athletes as women first and athletes second. 

The media is a powerful tool, if strategically engaged to address the gender disparity in sports. It is also a source of hidden power, affecting societies, influencing and reinforcing attitudes, beliefs, and practices, without realizing it.

Together, collaborating organizations and the media can use their power and voice, take action, and show leadership in increasing visibility for women in sports by addressing the inequality in sports and journalism.

The training and recruitment of female reporters into the sports industry can also contribute to promoting women's sports and addressing gender inequalities in sports.

Stop assuming that men are superior athletes

Another way to promote gender equity in sports is to stop assuming and portraying men as superior athletes. Men are often perceived to be stronger, better, and faster at sports than other genders due to the build of their body. This is not always true, as women have unique strengths and weaknesses. For example, they tend to be less likely to injure themselves and perform better than men in sports.

Create policies for gender equality

The gender equity goal needs to be pursued strategically by sports groups. Women who put in an equivalent amount of effort should be entitled to the same participation possibilities, financial support, pay, and perks as men.

Establish a whistleblower program

An easy-to-use, secure, and anonymous whistleblowing platform can capture discrimination and harassment complaints in sports organizations. Coming forward to expose unfair practices can be daunting, so maintaining the whistleblower’s security and privacy is essential.

Encourage female-led sports team

It is essential to support women's teams the same way as you would men's teams. This is a great strategy to encourage female athletes and advance gender equality in sports.

This can be done by paying women the same attention given to men's sports. You may also consider joining a club, going to games, and attending sports events for all genders as a strategy to promote gender equality.

To promote equity in sports, equal opportunities must be provided for all genders. Promoting gender equality in sports requires the participation of everyone. As an individual, be mindful of your words and actions, as you may inadvertently support gender inequality. When discussing gender equality on social media, exercise caution and use inclusive language. It is also important to try to find materials and information on how other people are promoting gender equity in sports.

As Nelson Mandela said, “Sport has the power to change the world. It has the power to inspire. It has the power to unite people in a way that little else does. It speaks to youth in a language they understand. Sport can create hope where once there was only despair.”

_____________________________________________________________________________

Anna Mambula is the Programme Manager at FAME Foundation , a gender not-for-profit organization using sports as a tool to advocate for the SDGs.

Emma Abasiekong is the Assistant Project Officer at FAME Foundation.

• Read more: Reshaping sport and development
• Related article: Implementing sports governance and fostering social development
• Visit the FAME Foundation website

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Sports play a vital role in promoting gender equality, says Olympic medallist, basketball star and IOC Member​,​ Pau Gasol

Sport reflects society. But it can also lead, setting a powerful and very visible example for behaviours, standards and values. As Gender Equality month wraps up, Spanish basketball star Pau Gasol reflects on the ability of sport to promote equality, break stereotypes and help girls pursue their dreams and goals.

“Sport is the mirror through which so many people look at themselves,” he says.

“Thus, it must function as a tool to promote equality, diversity and inclusion, and the Olympic Games are the perfect place to do so,” says the three-time Olympic medallist and winner of two NBA championships with the Los Angeles Lakers (2009 and 2010).

Addressing stereotypes and unconscious bias

Stereotypes and unconscious biases are a major obstacle that often prevents our societies from becoming more equal and inclusive.

“From a young age, we receive inputs of information and generalisations that create a distorted image of reality in our minds. It gives rise to the creation of stereotypes or unconscious prejudices that are present in all aspects of our lives,” Gasol says.

“These stereotypes often become stones in the road for many people, especially vulnerable groups and minorities,” he adds. “(But) values such as empathy, tolerance, respect, and embracing and enhancing diversity can help us to overcome these prejudices.”

One of the greatest European basketball players of all time, Gasol says his own journey on gender equality began with his parents, since his mother was a doctor and his father was a nurse.

“I remember how people would often mistake my father as the doctor and my mum as the nurse — it happened more often than it should have,” Gasol says. “I’ve never once thought of my mum as a ‘female’ doctor. To me, she has always just been a doctor.”

An amazing coach, who happens to be a phenomenal woman

This perspective on gender equality stayed with Gasol throughout his sports career.

“We need to give an equal path and opportunity to everyone, based on merits and not gender,” he says.

During three seasons at the San Antonio Spurs, Gasol benefitted from the skills and abilities of his assistant coach, Becky Hammon.

“I have had the great fortune to be coached by an amazing coach and person, who also happens to be a phenomenal woman,” he says. “Her exceptional professional career, full of successes and many challenges and obstacles, is an inspiration to me and many others. It was great to have her as a coaching staff member,” Gasol adds.

While men and women now compete in equal numbers at the Olympic Games, the number of female coaches is still extremely low. At Tokyo 2020, just 13 per cent of the coaches were women, for example.

To increase the number of female coaches, the IOC has been accelerating its Women in Sport High-performance pathway programme (WISH) . Backed by USD 1 million in Olympic Solidarity funding, the programme will prepare over 100 women for coaching at the elite level.

Showing younger generations they can be whatever they want to be

Gasol says there are many possible reasons for the lack of female coaches.

“I don’t think you can say it’s because of just one thing. Definitely the lack of visibility of that 13 per cent is one of the reasons, and the fact that it’s not discussed enough is another,” he says.

“All of us in the world of sports have a responsibility toward the younger generations: to show them that they can be whatever they want to be,” Gasol says. “T his begins by shedding light on the journey of all those who have achieved their dreams , and what we can do to improve the present and work for a better future. ”

In recent months, the IOC has launched an online series highlighting elite female coaches , who, despite the obstacles, have made it to the top and are carving a path for others to follow. It aims to inspire young women at the start of their careers.

Gender is not a determining factor

Elected by his peers in Tokyo to become a member of the IOC Athletes’ Commission, Gasol also became an IOC Member in August 2021. Asked what improvements could be made to get more female coaches into international sporting events, Gasol says that attitudes need to change.

“I think it all starts with the respect of male colleagues, and the recognition by everyone that gender is not a determining factor when it comes to being a good coach. If we want more girls to aspire to be coaches, events must include women coaches who can describe their experience and contribute their vision in the sector,” he says.

Gasol, who recently received the Kobe and Gigi Bryant WNBA Advocacy Award for his significant contribution to the advancement of girls’ and women’s basketball, encourages girls to strive for their goals, no matter what: “Girls should pursue their dreams and goals, whatever those are. I want them to focus on their abilities and develop them without letting anyone limit their potential.”

Female Coaches

The IOC is committed to addressing the challenge and to supporting Olympic Movement stakeholders to find pathways for more women to reach the highest levels of coaching. Increasing the visibility of elite coaches who have broken those barriers and who are role models for more women to follow their lead is itself a goal.

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Race, Class, and Gender

The Race to Gender Equality in Sports

Although women are increasingly becoming involved in sports, there is still a discrepancy between the way society treats male and female athletes. There is a long history of privileging men in athletic competitions. For example, although the Olympic games have been around since 776 B.C., women were not permitted to compete until the 1900 games in Paris ( Frantz, 2016 ). At that time, women made up only 2% of total athletes. This ratio has increased over time with women comprising of 44% of the total athletes competing at the 2012 London games. However, even this number can be improved. And that’s just the Olympics.

The gender divide in sports begins at an early age and widens over time. After the age of six, there is a lasting gender gap in athletics, with more males involved in sports than women ( Tinsley, 2015 ). There are many factors that contribute to this divide. Boys are often more encouraged to play sports than girls. Boys begin to receive sports related toys at age two ( Women’s Sports Foundation, 2011 ), and generally enter athletics two years earlier than girls. This causes many girls involved in organized sports to feel inferior to boys who have already developed the practice skills required to perform well in sports ( Women’s Sports Foundation, 2011 ).

Although in recent years young girls have become increasingly involved in athletics, statistics show that “teenage girls drop out of sports at a rate that is six times higher than that of boys” ( Hardin and Greer, 2009 ). During their teenage years, girls become more concerned with their body images. Since sports cause people to look sweaty and red-faced, many girls decide to stop engaging in athletics ( Tinsley, 2015 ). As boys mature, they are respected and envied if they are particularly skilled at sports.

While girls are not necessarily discouraged from participating in sports, they do not receive the same incentives encouraging them to continue athletic involvement. While this pattern begins in childhood, it persists at all life stages for female athletes. Even at professional levels, female athletes competing on national sports teams in the United States receive less recognition compared to their male counterparts. The Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) contains 12 teams compared to the 30 in the National Basketball Association (NBA). In 2015, the United States women’s soccer team won the World Cup, while the men’s team did not win. Yet, as of 2016, female soccer players still receive smaller salaries for winning all of their games ($99,000) than male soccer players who lose all of their games ($100,000) ( Yourish, Ward and Almukhtar, 2016 ). Without the same resources and encouragement, girls are less likely to pursue athletic endeavors.

Gender inequality extends to the broadcasting of sports. Women’s events receive less coverage than those of their male counterparts. Gymnastics and figure skating, which portray women as graceful, delicate, beautiful creatures ( Harding and Greer, 2009 ) receive the most broadcasting.

Women who appear strong and powerful in athletics often receive less media coverage because society continues to place large importance on a woman’s appearance. Leading up to the 2000 Olympic games in Sydney, the very muscular, track athlete Marion Jones confidently expressed her chances of winning multiple gold medals. Yet, Jones received little media coverage compared to her teammate, Amy Acuff, a part-time model whose chances at winning a medal were slim. When interviewed, reporters rarely asked about Acuff’s athletic endeavors. They instead focused mostly on questions relating to her upcoming Sports Illustrated swimsuit issue ( Bernstein, 2002 ). Not only did Acuff receive more media coverage than Jones because of her traditionally “feminine” appearance, but also the attention Acuff received did not focus on her athletic ability at all.

Society is happy to allow women to prance around in leotards and sparkles, but it does not want to see women dripping with sweat or developing large muscles. Such displays compromise a person’s ability to appropriately “do” gender as public audiences would expect. Candace West and Don Zimmerman (1987) explain, “doing gender consists of managing such occasions so that, whatever the particulars, the outcome is seen and seeable in context as gender appropriate or, as the case may be, gender inappropriate, that is, accountable.” If a woman does not present herself in a way that is “physically appealing,” she is not playing into her gender role and is more likely to receive criticism. Society has taught females that participation in sports goes against feminine performance norms, and thus, women receive little praise for their involvement in athletics.

If a female decides to participate in athletics, especially in male-dominated sports, she is often subject to harsh criticism. After tennis powerhouse Serena Williams, won her 21 st Grand Slam title, reporters were quick to judge her for her deviant portrayal of femininity. Rather than asking her about her athletic achievement, reporters questioned why she was not sitting, smiling and acting as if she had not just completed an exhausting athletic feat.

When girls decide to opt out of sports, they miss out on many of the benefits that physical exercise offer. Girls who participate in athletics tend to lead healthier lifestyles and perform better in school compared to girls who do not regularly participate in athletics. They are also less likely to consume alcohol, use drugs, or become pregnant as a teenager. Female athletes report higher levels of contentment with their lives than girls who do not participate in physical activities.

Girls should not lose out on all the benefits that physical exercise provides because of concern with their appearance—something they would not be conscientious about if society did not place such a large importance on it. Rather than imposing standards of beauty that discourage girls from participating in athletics, women and society would be better off focusing on the elimination of the inequality gaps between the genders in sports.

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Gender inclusive sporting environments: the proportion of women in non-player roles over recent years

1 School of Science, Psychology and Sport, Federation University, Ballarat, Australia

2 Institute for Health and Sport, Victoria University, Footscray, Australia

3 Charles Perkins Centre, School of Public Health, Faculty of Medicine and Health, SPRINTER, Prevention Research Collaboration, The University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia

Associated Data

The data were provided by Sport Australia and access to the data would need to be sought from Sport Australia. The research team have a data agreement with Sport Australia to conduct analysis and reporting of AusPlay data.

Throughout the ecosystem of sport, women have been and continue to be underrepresented at all levels compared to men. The capacity of community-level sport is heavily reliant on the many non-player roles including governance, as well as administration, coaching and officiating. Recently there has been increased attention to improving the gender balance in sport. The aim of this study is to investigate the proportions of women engaged in non-playing roles in sport (2016–2018).

This study involved secondary analysis of the AusPlay survey, a national population survey, funded by Sport Australia. This study utilised data from people aged 15-years or older about their involvement in non-playing roles in sport, and their demographic data. Survey respondents were asked “During the last 12 months, have you been involved with any sports in a nonplaying role, such as official, coach, referee, administrator, etc?” Analysis of non-player role responses focussed specifically on the top four non-player role categories; coach, official, administrator and manager. Frequency analysis concentrated on the distribution of men and women involvement in a non-player capacity for the three years, with detailed analysis of the most recent year (2018).

In this study of 61,578 Australians there was a higher proportion of men in non-player roles in sport compared to women, across each of the three years (2018: men 55 %, women 46 %). Involvement of women in coaching increased significantly from 38 % to 2016 to 44 % in 2018 ( p  < 0.001). The proportion of women involved in administration roles significantly decreased from a peak of 51 % in 2017 to 46 % in 2018 ( p  < 0.001).

Conclusions

Aligned with strategic policy and investment strategies, there are gradual increased representation of women in non-playing sport, coaching roles. Women are still underrepresented in terms of coaches, officials and administrators, but are more likely to be managers. It is recommended that there is continued mentoring, identification and emphasising of female role models, and further strategies to increase female presence in non-playing roles. We recommend that future research, in line with appropriate gender and cultural-change theories, investigates and discusses the progress of gender equality throughout playing and non-playing role in sport.

Inclusion throughout all layers of the sport ecosystem, where people have the opportunity to participate to their desired capacity without discrimination, is an important part of a fair society. Participation in sport in both playing (athlete/participant) and non-playing (coaches/officials/ administration/governance) roles are associated with positive individual, social, strategic and economic benefits [ 1 , 2 ]. However, women and girls have historically been, and continues to be, an underrepresented throughout sport, [ 3 , 4 ] in both playing and non-playing roles such as coaches and board members [ 5 ].

In terms of participation in community sport, males participate at twice the rate of females [ 3 ]. In general, it is argued that gender is a highly visible position of inequality in sport [ 6 ], and historically this disparity in participation across gender reflects the societal perceptions that sport participation is part of a typical male domain [ 7 ]. Further the negative stereotypes about women playing sport affects the sports activities that women and girls participate in and specifically for those sports that at traditionally male dominated or considered suited to males [ 7 ]. These negative stereotypes are also amplified with a lack of female representation in sport media, and specifically in traditionally male dominated sports [ 8 ].

An international study of gender diversity in sport governance reports that across 45 countries women remain underrepresented as board directors (global average 20 %), board chairs (11 %) and chief executives (16 %). Few countries achieved a critical mass of women in leadership roles [ 9 ]. There is strong evidence that gender diversity on corporate boards has a positive impact through a range of processes and business outcomes as well as being important role models for other women [ 10 ].

In Australia, grass-roots sports are often community run, not for profit organisations. Across grass-roots sports there are over 2.3 million people [ 11 ] involved in non-playing roles, paid or unpaid roles, who collectively contribute to the capacity of the organisation and deliver their sport [ 12 , 13 ]. The majority of research to date which has focused on the sport workforce refers to them as ‘volunteers’, however, this insinuates that they are not paid for their time, when in fact roles such as coaches, officials and administrators may be paid. As such, in this study will use the collective term ‘non-playing’ roles for both paid and voluntary roles which enable players to participate throughout the sport ecosystem including sport governance, sport administration, coaching and officiating as well as playing.

Within community grass-roots sport, the motivations for involvement in non-playing roles include networking, having a child playing the sport, as well as other extrinsic benefits such as awards and recognition from others [ 14 – 17 ]. Other key drivers to their involvement include a general interest in the sport, and a desire to help others or to give back to a club or community [ 14 , 15 ]. In addition to the benefits of people in non-playing roles to run sports clubs, their participation can positively impact individuals. For example their involvement can provide a sense of belonging, sense of satisfaction, work-related experience, new relationships and an increased sense of self [ 14 , 18 , 19 ].

Involvement in non-playing roles in sport has historically been dominated by men (aged 35–54 years) with few women involved [ 11 ]. The masculine hegemony in sport can influence how gender operates as an organising principle in leadership in sports organisations [ 5 ]. As a result women are often overlooked for sports coaching, officiating and governance roles [ 20 – 23 ]. This is sometimes due to a presumption that women sports coaches do not have the same skillset and attributes as male coaches such as toughness, strength, competitiveness, aggressiveness and loudness, and opinions that women are incapable of coaching sport [ 21 , 24 ]. Even within women’s sport, men are often the head coaches [ 20 ]. A lack of role models for women in non-playing sports roles can hinder their involvement [ 25 ].

Recently, the importance of gender diversity in non-playing roles in sport from chief executive officers, board members through to coaches and officials has been highlighted by government and as such various policies and strategies have been developed and implemented [ 26 – 28 ]. For example, in Victoria, Australia there are numerous programs aimed at sports organisations tackling gender inequality on and off the playing field. This includes a Five Year Game Plan, which aims to encourage the sports sector to challenge gender stereotypes and encourage more women and girls to reach their full potential, and includes a range of initiatives including funding for female friendly sports infrastructure and quotas for women on boards [ 28 ]. Another example of commitment to gender equality in sport policy is in New Zealand, which focuses on.

increasing female participation at all levels, in sport and recreation in addition to recognising the power that gender balance has to positively change social, economic and culture future of countries [ 29 ].

Given these recent government initiatives which focus on gender inclusive sports environments, the aim of this study is to investigate the proportions of women engaged in non-playing roles in sport over recent years.

This study involved secondary analysis of the AusPlay survey, a national population survey, funded by Sport Australia [ 30 ]. It has been conducted annually from 2015 by computer assisted telephone interviewing to find out about participation in sport and other physical activities in Australia. The survey invites adults (15 + years old) to provide participation behaviours, motivations, barriers, use of technology, involvement in non-playing roles and demographic data.

Randomly selected Australians aged 15 and over were interviewed, with additional questions for children being asked of the main respondent when they were parents or guardians of at least one child in their household. The adult (15 plus) with the most recent birthday was selected for interview when a landline telephone was called. For mobile phone contact, the owner of the mobile was selected. The Sample Pages database was used to produce sampling frames for the random generation of phone numbers to call. Weights for the adult (15 plus) data were determined by geographic strata, age, gender and corresponding Estimated Residential Population (ERP) [ 30 ].

Survey respondents were asked “During the last 12 months, have you been involved with any sports in a nonplaying role, such as official, coach, referee, administrator, etc?” Each they responded “Yes”, subsequent questions asked them to describe up to three sports they were involved with, and the non-player role or capacity they fulfilled in each sport. Analysis of non-player role responses focussed specifically on popular non-player role categories; namely coach, official, administrator and manager. The definitions of each role are: ‘coach’ refers to coaches, instructors, trainers or teachers; ‘official’ includes roles such as referees, umpires, scorers, timekeeper and line judge; ‘administrator’ consists of committee members and sport administrators; ‘manager’ comprises of team managers and coordinators. If an individual performed in more than one role, these were counted separately.

Frequency analysis concentrated on the distribution of men and women involvement in a non-player capacity for the three years 2016, 2017 and 2018, with detailed analysis of the most recent year (2018). In line with international and national recommendations, 50 % was considered acceptable representation of women and men in sport [ 27 , 31 ]. Additional testing examined if having children under 15 years of age, being physically active yourself (at least once in past 12 months), or living in different States/Territories of Australia changed this distribution. Being physically active was defined from the question: In the last 12 months did you participate in any physical activities for sport, for exercise, or for recreation.

All analyses were weighted as per AusPlay method instructions and run in STATA 13.

Table  1 summarises the demographics of the survey participants who indicated that they participated in a non-player role within sport (Table  1 ). The numbers presented are weighted numbers. There was a total of 61,578 study participants and 8,016 who reported that they were involved in at least one non-player sport roles. Nearly all the non-player role people also had participated in physical activity at least once in the previous year, and this increased from 95.8 to 2016 to 97.1 in 2018. There were more males than females across each of the three years, however the proportion of females increased, whilst the proportion of males decreased from 2016 to 2018. Under half of those in non-player roles had children aged under 15 years. Due to the large, weighted numbers, most significance testing has resulted in significant differences.

Demographics for those undertaking any non-player role

Figure  1 shows the proportion of women involved in sport in non-playing roles across 2016, 2017 and 2018. Involvement of women in coaching increased significantly from 38 % to 2016 to 39 % in 2017 and 44 % in 2018 ( p  < 0.001). Additionally, proportion of women involved in administration roles significantly decreased from 51 % to 2017 to 46 % in 2018 ( p  < 0.001).

Australian females fulfilling non-player roles in sport: by year

Further analysis of non-playing roles by gender in 2018 found that managers are most likely to be female (64 %), whereas coaches, officials and administrators are most likely males (56 %, 61 and 54 % respectively) ( p  < 0.001) (Fig.  2 ).

Non-playing roles, 2018: by gender

Table  2 shows the percentage breakdown of men and women in the roles of administrator, coach, official and manager by Australian States/Territories. Most States and Territories in Australia display gender equitable representation in Administration, coaching and officials’ roles in sport. Women were underrepresented as Administrators in Western Australia (38.5 %), Coaches in Victoria (37.9 %), Official’s in Queensland (30.8 %) and Managers in the Northern Territory (27.7 %). Managers were predominantly women in six jurisdictions, with less than one in five managers in Western Australia and Tasmania being men.

Non-playing roles, 2018: by state and gender

There are different patterns of gender diversity in non-player roles according to having children aged under 15 years. Among people who had children aged 15 years or younger, 72 % of team manager or coordinator roles were fulfilled by women. Whereas 40 % of coaching or officiating roles were fulfilled by women with children, compared to 60 % of men with children. Administrative or committee member roles, were fulfilled by 59 % women and 41 % men, with children.

In all non-playing roles, women had higher participation when they were also a player in the sport. Whereas for men, their participation in non-player roles was higher when they were not a player in the sport.

Historically, men have dominated sport at all levels including as board directors, chief executive officers, officials, coaches as well as players. The aim of this study was to investigate the proportions of women engaged in non-playing roles in sport over recent years. Given the recent policy and strategic developments aimed at achieving gender equity in sport [ 27 , 28 ], this study provides further insights into the roles available in sport beyond playing, with a focus on gender. Individuals in non-playing roles are critical in building sustainable sporting communities [ 32 ]. Additionally, having diversity among roles can improve sport through acceptance and changing traditional values and practises [ 9 ].

This current study demonstrates that there has been an increase in involvement of women in coaching over a short period from 2016 to 2018 with 38 % of coaches being women in 2016 compared to 44 % in 2018. The earlier, 2016 figure is similar to that reported in an American study of intercollegiate sports teams, with 35 % of coaches being women [ 33 ]. Whilst the proportion of women coaches increasing in Australia is a positive, it is also positive that other cultural and societal acceptance of female coaches seems to be improving. A recent study of male college athletes reported that the gender of their coach was not important, as long as they were a competent coach [ 22 ]. However, there are a range of barriers for women in coaching roles including a lack of support, inadequate salary, job insecurity, as well as difficulties in working with parents/spectators and coaching at weekends and evenings [ 34 ]. There is growing body of evidence that females in sport benefit from other female role models, both in participation and in coaching or non-player roles, and that female players often prefer female coaches [ 8 , 35 ].

This current study shows that women’s involvement in administrative roles has decreased from 50 % to 2016 compared to 46 % in 2018, although this shift may not be cause for concern. These roles include committee members as well as sports administrators. The increased proportion of men in administrative roles may suggest a change in historical societal norms. It is not clear why there would be a change in the proportion of women in administrative roles in sport, however it may be that there has been a redistribution of women across the sports, moving from administration to other non-player roles. A study of sport administrators at a higher level national governing bodies, investigated female development in sport administration, and found that interpersonal relationships with supervisors, mentors and access to professional development helped them to progress [ 36 ]. Similar strategies which foster female development in administrative and other non-players roles should be implemented to enhance gender equity throughout the sport sector.

Many people involved in non-playing roles, particularly in youth sport, are parents [ 18 ]. This study demonstrated that males and females with children (aged under 15) take on different roles. For those with children, females were much more likely to be team managers or coordinates and administrators or committee members and much less likely to be coaches or officials, compared to males. This may be reflected by the societal gender expectations and norms where females are generally the primary care-giver [ 37 ]. It may be that coaching roles are more time pertinent especially with structured times for training and competition, whereas other non-playing roles are less structured time dependent, and more flexible and preferred by females.

The results of this study also highlight that the proportion of women in non-player roles in sport do differ across the States and Territories of Australia. This could be related to different policies and strategic priorities across the different jurisdictions. Future research should investigate specific reasons for these state-based differences and what facilitates gender equity in the national sport sector.

Participation in sport in the capacity as a player can also have an indirect influence on the transition of players to coaches and officials for females. We found that for females, their participation in non-playing roles was higher when they were active themselves. It may be that females are more confident to be involved in non-playing roles if they themselves are active too.

Culture in sport has traditionally been masculine and this does influence the number of women in both playing and non-playing roles in sport [ 5 ]. The results of this study demonstrate that with an international and Australian specific strategic focus on more women in leadership or non-playing roles in sport, we can see gradual changes, but cultural change does take time. Having said that, because men still hold most of the senior management positions in sport, they therefore still possess most of the power [ 38 ]. Recent research suggests that a culture that promotes inclusion of women in sport at all levels can enhance visibility and encourage role models in non-player roles to support female participation [ 8 ]. This is supported by other international sport management research which discusses the role of sport in shaping cultural discourse and processes that drive and facilitate change [ 39 ]. However, the culture of sport still perpetuates sexism including diminishing and objectifying women’s capabilities [ 40 ]. Another example is sexist language towards women and girls which often reinforces the position of men dominating the sporting landscape [ 41 ]. We need continued sport policy and strategies utilising a top-down and bottom-up approach that supports women and girls in non-playing roles within sport for increased diversity in decision making.

There are some limitation in this study to be acknowledged. Firstly, the survey was limited to persons aged 15 years or more. However, non-playing roles as presented in this study are most likely adults. Further, the survey like all survey-based research is likely to include a response bias. Those people engaged in sport are probably more likely to agree to participate in a survey related to participation in sport [ 42 ].

In conclusion, aligned with strategic policy and investment strategies, representation of women in non-playing sport roles have gradual increased. However, women are still underrepresented in terms of coaches, officials and administrators compared to males, but are more likely to be managers. This study highlights that women are more likely to be involved in non-playing roles if they themselves are active or have young children who participate in sport. It is recommended that there is continued mentoring, identification and emphasising of female role models, and other strategies to increase female presence in non-playing roles. This is important for not only the non-playing roles, but also for women and girls to participate throughout the sport ecosystem. Change can occur, but it takes time. Further, we recommend that future research, in line with appropriate gender and cultural-change theories, investigates and discusses the progress of gender equality throughout playing and non-playing role in sport.

Acknowledgements

The authors thank Sport Australia for providing access to AusPlay data.

Authors' contributions

In collaboration, all authors conceptualised the study and developed the initial research plan. MJC, contributed to the study design, conducted the data analysis and results and critically reviewed the manuscript. RE, BCF, JF and LJR contributed to the study design, interpretation of the results and drafted of the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final version of the manuscript for publication.

No external funding was received for this study. The SPRINTER research group receive funding from Sport Australia for research and evaluation of their Move it AUS grant program.

Availability of data and materials

Declarations.

Ethics approval was granted by the Human Research Ethics Committee of the Federation University, Australia [C13–007], for secondary data analysis of de-identified data which had been collected by the primary data custodians. Verbal informed consent to the questionnaire was indicated by respondents’ agreement to participate in the telephone survey. In this government conducted national survey children were defined as aged less than 15 years, and the child questionnaire was completed by an adult parent or guardian.

Not applicable.

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Publisher’s Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

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Academic Writing Services

Gender and sports.

Gender refers to the socially constructed differences between women and men, while the term ‘‘sex’’ is a reference to the biological and physical differences between males and females. Gender draws attention to the socially unequal distinction between femininity and masculinity. Femininity is used to describe characteristic behaviors and emotions of females and masculinity refers to the distinctive actions and feelings of the male sex. In studies of gender and sports, the concept of gender is analytically distinguished from that of sex even though the two are often used synonymously in everyday language and thought. Not all the differences between females and males are biological. But historically, ideas about the implications of biological differences between women and men have served to justify the exclusion or limited inclusion of women in sports. Such views reflect an ideology of biological determinism, where it is claimed that men, and not women, are inherently strong, aggressive, and competitive and, therefore, better suited to sports.

Historical Developments and the Gendering of Sport

Sport, gender, power, and physicality, sport, gender, and contested ideology.

Since the 1970s, gender has become an important category of analysis in the sociology of sport. Research has clearly demonstrated that sports are gendered activities as well as social contexts in which boys and men are more actively and enthusiastically encouraged to participate, compared with girls and women. Evidence also shows that more males than females participate in organized competitive sports, and that male dominance characterizes the administration and coaching of sports. Sports, it is theorized, operate as a site for the inculcation, perpetuation, and celebration of a type of (heterosexual) masculine identity based on physical dominance, aggression, and competitiveness. Associated with such masculine imagery, sports serve to legitimize a perceived natural superiority of men and reinforce the inferiority of females who are defined with reference to relative weakness, passivity, and grace – the characteristics of femininity. Therefore, sports are often described as a ‘‘male preserve.’’

Social changes reflecting the condition of women in society have influenced the status of knowledge about the relationships between and within groups of women and men in sports. Starting in the 1970s, a consequence of the feminist movement was to raise public awareness about the need for increased opportunities for girls and women in sports. Since then there has been growing political and public recognition of the importance of health and fitness. Furthermore, emerging knowledge about the health benefits of physical activity provided a foundation for the promotion of physical activity for girls and women. Opportunities for girls and women in sports have improved and participation rates among females have increased. Scholars studying gender and sports indicate that these developments have resulted in ongoing challenges to gender stereotyping, resistance and negotiation of established gender ideology, and the initiation of important legal and political change regarding sex discrimination in sports and society. For example, Title IX of the Education Amendments of the Civil Rights Act (1972) in the US, and the Sex Discrimination Act (1975) in Great Britain were intended to counter public discrimination against women. Such legislation has been used to prevent and remove many barriers to female participation in sports.

There is now over 35 years of scholarship that theorizes gender and sport. One of the most sustained attempts at conceptualizing and theorizing about gender in the sociology of sport is found in feminist scholarship. The first attempts to analyze women’s place in sport were made in the 1960s by physical educators. The result was a corpus of largely atheoretical work on ‘‘women in sport’’ founded upon a liberal feminist consciousness about sport as a ‘‘male preserve’’ characterized by gender inequities. Between 1970 and 1980 psychological models were mainly used to explain female attitudes and motivations in sports. In the 1980s, emerging theoretical diversity and sophistication in feminist approaches led to the development of a clear sociology of women in sport. As political and theoretical feminisms have changed, so too has the focus of feminist research.

Depending on the theoretical and methodological position of the researcher, different questions about and accounts of gender and sport prevail. Debates surrounding the gendered character of sporting practices have changed with increasing awareness of feminist theories and a more sophisticated use of these theories. For example, much of the initial work on gender and sport highlighted inequities but did not explicitly deal with how the prevailing organization of sports privileged the physical experiences of boys and men. Subsequent critical analyses revealed that research focused on differences between males and females generally supported traditional claims about the biological inferiority of females and the legitimacy of efforts to control women’s sports participation. Such research, it was argued, did not deal with the underlying structural and cultural sources of gender inequality. More recent scholarship has attempted to resolve the shortcomings of early research and theory by considering difference and diversity between and within groups of women, and by theoretical and methodological approaches that consider women as active agents in the construction and reconstruction of their sporting experiences.

There is no single feminist movement or theory that has informed current scholarly work on gender and sport. Liberal feminist accounts of sport are based on claims that women should have equal rights to those of men in terms of access to resources, opportunities to participate, and decision making positions. Radical feminists are critical of the patriarchal power relations that operate to maintain the dominance of heterosexuality and construct homophobic attitudes and practices in sport. Socialist feminists have examined the connections between gender, social class, and race and ethnicity under conditions of patriarchy, capitalism, and neocolonialism. Significant theoretical influences in understanding gender and sport have also emerged in cultural studies and in work guided by the writings of Norbert Elias, Pierre Bourdieu, and poststructuralist theorists. Contemporary work in the field reflects the move toward critical analyses of the complex relationships between and within groups of women and men in sport. Current scholarship examines the ways in which gender relations are produced, reproduced, challenged, and transformed in and through sporting practices.

Three key themes have driven debates about gender and sport since the 1970s. First, leading scholars in the sociology of sport have highlighted that throughout history, sporting practices inculcated behaviors and values defined as male, manly, and masculine. Second, issues surrounding the body, physicality, and sexuality have been brought to the fore in understanding gender relations in sport. Third, it is emphasized that both women and men reinforce and challenge dominant gender ideology in sport in various ways. In this regard scholars have eschewed ideas about women and men as homogeneous categories, and have recognized and examined difference and diversity in people’s gendered sporting experiences at the level of the subject and in terms of institutional politics and practice. Recent research includes work that examines the production and reproduction of gender in sport in terms of the sporting experiences of women and men from various sociocultural backgrounds.

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Sociologists of sport have illustrated that the historical development of modern sports laid the foundations for the gendered character of sporting practices. Over time, sports have been constructed and reconstructed around the assumptions, values, and ideologies of males, maleness, and masculinity. The roots of con temporary sports lie in the Victorian period in Britain, when sports began to be characterized by organized structures and standardized rules. In terms of gender, late nineteenth century British developments in sports largely centered on the beliefs and values of white middle class males. The prestige, status, and superiority afforded to men in society became marked at this time. In institutions such as public schools, universities, churches, and private clubs, sports came to represent a Victorian version of masculinity based on physical superiority, competitiveness, mental acumen, and a sense of fair play. Established ideals of femininity such as passivity, frailty, emotionality, gentleness, and dependence were in stark opposition to the strenuous task of playing sports. The belief that male and female traits were innate, biological, and somehow fixed prevailed. Women’s participation in sports was therefore a subject of debate regarding what type and how much physical activity was appropriate for them. The marginalization of women and the dominance of men in sports is a legacy of Victorian images of female frailty that is also reflected in the making of modern sports in the US.

In both Britain and the US, changes in social life during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries impacted on gender relations in sport. British and American society at this time was characterized by social relations that were becoming less violent, there was a decreasing reliance on physical strength in the workplace, and home and educational environments were becoming ones in which young males spent increasing amounts of time with females. Eric Dunning (1999) and Michael Messner (1990) refer to these social transformations as the ‘‘feminization’’ of society. One consequence of these processes was the reconstruction of sporting opportunities and social enclaves (such as the Boy Scouts and the YMCA) for boys and men to reclaim and reassert their masculinity. While opportunities for women in sports also increased in the early part of the twentieth century, participation rates for females remained considerably smaller compared to males. Some sports were acceptable for women so long as they were not as strenuous or competitive as the male version. Women’s sports were still the subject of intense debate reflecting and maintaining the Victorian myth of women’s physical ineptitude.

Many scholars have advanced an understanding about gender and sport by recognizing and examining the connections between physicality, power, and the production of gender. It is emphasized that in sport, physicality is predominantly defined in terms of bodily strength, muscularity, and athletic prowess. Connell (1995) explains such characteristics as a ‘‘culturally idealized’’ form of masculinity. Much has been written about the ways that contemporary sports reinforce a male model of (heterosexual) physical superiority and, at the same time, operate to oppress women through the trivialization and objectification of their physicality and sexuality. Several scholars assert that the acquisition of muscular strength and athletic skill is less empowering for women than it is for men. There is a commonsense assumption that muscularity is unfeminine, and that strong and powerful females are not ‘‘real’’ women. An increasing amount of work illustrates that such beliefs are reflected in the proliferation of media images emphasizing female heterosexuality at the expense of athletic prowess. The sexualization of female athletes through media representation is one way in which images of idealized female physicality are reproduced and perpetuated.

There are other mechanisms of control over female physicality in sport. Some writers explain that aerobics and bodybuilding operate to reproduce established gender ideology by feminizing the corporeal practices, rituals, and techniques in which women are involved, as well as objectifying and sexualizing women’s bodies. Some consider that sexual harassment and vilification of women by male athletes provides evidence that the use of violence, aggression, and force is a defining feature of masculine identity that is constructed and legitimated in sporting contexts. There is also some scholarship that focuses on the way in which sports perpetuate the denigration of lesbians and gay men. It is argued that sports maintain a culture of homophobia in which homosexuality is feared and deemed to be unacceptable. Lesbians and gay men are discouraged from expressing their sexual identities through threatening homophobic sentiments and actions. Sports reinforce a culture of heterosexuality and effectively silence homosexual identities.

A central argument in contemporary work on gender, sport, and physicality is the idea that the empowering experience of sport for heterosexual males is not universal, fixed, or unchallenged. Robert Connell illustrates the inherent contradictions in hegemonic masculinity. Strength, power, skill, and mental and physical toughness are not the only defining characteristics of masculinity. Not all sports privilege the values of aggression and physical domination associated with culturally established ideals of masculinity. It is also the case that the dominant image of masculinity, most often represented in sport, is one that can be limiting and restrictive for some men as well as most women. There are fewer opportunities for boys and men to participate, without prejudice, in sports that are not based on strength, power, and domination. There is work that shows that boys and men who are not good at sport, or who do not participate, have their heterosexual masculinity called into question. The sports experience is a negative and disappointing one for such males.

It is increasingly emphasized in studies of sport and gender that dominant ideals of masculinity and femininity exist at the same time as emergent and residual ones. Such work is concerned with the relational character of gender. Michael Messner explains that in terms of gender, sport is a ‘‘contested terrain.’’ This means that at any moment in history and in specific sporting contexts, there are competing masculinities and femininities. There are many scholars who now recognize that in sport, as well as in other social settings, some women are more powerful and influential than other women and men, and some women are empowered at the expense of other women and men.

Scholars in the sociology of sport have illustrated that many people are empowered by being involved in sport in spite of traditional gender ideology. Examples show how sport is a site where established values about gender have been resisted, negotiated, and sometimes transformed. The assumption that homosexuality does not exist in sport is challenged in research about the many gay men competing in sports at recreational and elite levels. There are events such as the Gay Games that allow athletes to compete in a relatively unprejudiced environment where they have less to fear about derogatory and violent responses to their publicized sexual orientation. Several scholars question the assumption that sport is a site for the oppression of women by exploring the ways in which women gain from their sporting achievements. Such research shows that it is possible for women to experience feelings of independence, confidence, and increased self esteem from their involvement in a variety of sporting practices. Female participation in physical activity can also contribute to broadening and alternative definitions of physicality that are not simply based on traditional ideals about feminine appearance. In the case of professional sports, some women are able to gain consider able financial wealth and worldwide recognition from their sporting achievements.

The extent to which sports are oppressive and liberating for women and men is culturally specific and related to the political and economic conditions in which they live their lives. There is increasing interest in the relationships between sport, gender, race, and ethnicity, and work on this topic emphasizes that questions of femininity and masculinity are inseparable from questions of race and ethnicity. In the main, research on sport, race, and ethnicity has examined issues connected with black sports men. Recent research takes a closer look at the complex relationships between masculinity, blackness, and sport. Critical examinations of the historical development of sport emphasize that sports were constructed in the image of particular ideals about white masculinity. Analyses of the racial significance of sport illustrate that sporting practices can provide black males with (symbolic) opportunities for resistance to racism through the assertion of manly qualities such as athleticism, aggression, and toughness. These writings also illustrate that sport reflects the historically constructed (subordinate) place of black males in (Western) societies. Dominant images of black male athleticism tend to reinforce stereotypes of black men as powerful, aggressive, and hypersexual.

Scholars concerned with the relationship between sport, ethnicity, and femininity emphasize that sportswomen are not a homogeneous group. Increasingly, there is literature that presents a challenge to dominant universalistic conceptions of women in sport that serve to construct white, western, middle class, able-bodied women’s experiences as representative of all sportswomen. Sociologists of sport have argued that the dominant assumption about female sports operates to marginalize or even silence the sporting triumphs and struggles of women who live outside the West and those who represent minority groups of females. A central feature of scholarship in this area is the recognition of difference between and within groups of women in relation to ethnicity, religious affiliation, social class, age, and physical (dis)ability. Jennifer Hargreaves (2000) explains that a sense of difference is characterized by power relations operating simultaneously at the personal and institutional level. In many ways, sport can be empowering for black women, Muslim women, Aboriginal women, lesbians, and disabled women. At the same time, these women are incorporated into the wider social networks of power in which they live out their lives.

References:

• Birrell, S. (1988) Discourses on the Gender/Sport Relationship: From Women in Sport to Gender Relations. Exercise and Sport Sciences Review 16: 459-502.
• Coakley, J. (2004) Sports in Society: Issues and Controversies, 8th edn. McGraw-Hill, New York, pp. 202-41.
• Connell, R. (1995) Masculinities. University of California Press, Berkeley.
• Dunning, E. (1999) Sport Matters: Sociological Studies of Sport, Violence and Civilization. Routledge, London, pp. 219-40.
• Hall, A. (1996) Feminism and Sporting Bodies. Human Kinetics Publishers, Leeds.
• Hargreaves, J. (1994) Sporting Females. Routledge, London.
• Hargreaves, J. (2000) Heroines of Sport: The Politics of Difference and Diversity. Routledge, London.
• Messner, M. (1990) Sport, Men and the Gender Order: Critical Feminist Perspectives. Human Kinetics Publishers, Leeds.
• Scraton, S. & Flintoff, A. (2002) Sport Feminism: The Contribution of Feminist Thought to Our Understandings of Gender and Sport. In: Scraton, S. & Flintoff, A. (Eds.), Gender and Sport: A Reader. Routledge, London, pp. 30-46.
• Theberge, N. (2002) Gender and Sport. In: Coakley, J. & Dunning, E. (Eds.), Handbook of Sport Studies. Sage, London, pp. 322-33.

Back to  Sociology of Sport .

Study Like a Boss

Gender Stereotypes In Sports Essay

Sports, it’s a very powerful social change because it teaches women to be strong, have confidence and raises self-esteem. It changes them. In general, there is this perception of sports that embodies positive values and morals, such as cooperation, mutual respect, fair play and equality. However, sport can also reflect the prejudices that divide society, the most often seen one is gender. There is still this separation between the genders within these sports as men are considered more athletic than women .

At Cardinal Carter Catholic High School while both the male and female’s soccer teams are very much alike in terms of rules, practices and activities, the fact that they are segregated by their sex and how each gender performs influences the development of gender advantages that favour masculinity. When it comes to performances, attitudes, authorities, and opportunities, men are treated different from women . From years of experience of playing on a school soccer team, in terms of how the game is taught, both the male and female teams were alike.

The basic guideline rules remained the same, along with the practice drills and activities. There were also no differentiation in the amount of practices, games, or tournaments given to each team. Even though, there does tend to be a difference in the competitiveness between boys and girls, I personally found myself to be extremely competitive against other female teams, as were the boys against the teams in their own leagues. Within sports boys and girls grow up being taught and learning the same why but, society puts a label on the potential and talent each person has within that sport based on to their gender.

This is when the segregation beings. When it comes to the two genders in sports, males and females are often treated fairly different due to their sex. Growing up in a Catholic High School students are taught quite a bit about equality, but once the kids would hit the soccer field those teachings were disregarded. Coaches often took it easy on the girls, whereas the boy’s team were pushed to their limits. The girl’s team was treated like house league soccer, whereas the boy’s team considered to be at a rep level.

Eventually, due to the way in which the coaches would treat the girls compared to the boys it began to affect the females performances and attitudes towards that game. As the boys prospered in the sport, the female team began to take it less and less serious. This unfortunate segregation between the level of performance expected from each team is what influenced the superiority to the male teams over the women’s, which then gives more privileges to the men. At Cardinal Carter majority of the popular sports teams were made of males along with the male teams getting more luxurious items than the female teams.

As the boys were more successful they were rewarded with more adequate equipment, facilities, and coaches, which further hindered the girls ability to perform at the same level as the boys. Many of the values, attitudes, and behaviours that have a negative impact on the development of sports tend to center on gender. Once this negative attitude is applied to how coaches chose to approach teaching the girls on the team, it began to deteriorate their own confidence when playing the sport.

My team was made up of four or five girls who genuinely wanted to learn new skills and play the game, whereas the rest found the practices as more of a social event that they showed up to for an hour, twice a week. The less interest shown and motivation give towards our team, caused us to develop the same feelings towards the game and not care as much. Whereas the boys were taught well and given the confidence and motivation needed in order to prosper within the sport. This then allows the boys to get better and go further with the sport compared to the girls.

Opportunities for girls at the interscholastic level had been reduced because of an overall attitude that girls could not play or had no desire to participate in sports at the same competitive level as boys” ( Gender Equality and Women in Sports. p. 489). Historically, women have been discriminated against in sports and have not been provided with the same opportunities as men. An extensive discrepancy has existed between men’s and women’s sports in the supply of enough equipment, training facilities, coaching staff, playing fields, trainers, and adequate funding.

Therefore, although men and women are taught the same way and learn the same basic rules and skills, they get treated differently along with being presented with different opportunities. There is a segregation between the sexes which influences the development of gender advantages that usually work in the men’s team favour. This is something that is seen at Cardinal Carter Catholic High School, along with many others, as the boy’s teams often get the more adequate equipment, facilities, and coaches, as people believe that the boys have more potential than the girls.

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