Political Dynasty

Political Dynasty in the Philippines Political dynasty is very prevalent in our country for a long time now. The 1987 Philippine Constitution, Article II, Section 26 states “The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law”. The provision provides for the prohibition of political dynasty but it did not give a clear definition of what political dynasty is, instead it left this task to the Congress. Many arguments had already been presented as whether to ban political dynasty or not.

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These are some arguments supporting the prohibition of political dynasties: promote political and personal interests; promote nepotism, favoritism and corruption; political clans are motivated by the preservation of wealth rather than the implementation of basic political ideologies; formation of political kingdoms inhibits democracy in the country; elections have become mere formalities rather that idle legal processes; dynasties are reflections of the prevailing socio-economic inequalities in the nation; the existence of political clans prohibits economically- disadvantaged but efficient candidates; basis for qualifications of public officials are distorted; and people come to accept the existing succession of political clans as a tradition. For the counter arguments: dynasties make up an effective collaboration promoting good governance and there is an increased devolution of power over the localities which empower them. As seen with the arguments, it is clear that the disadvantages of political dynasty outweigh its advantages. But with the present composition of our government, enacting a law that will prohibit this cannot immediately be done. Thus, it rest in the hands of the voters to choose who will lead and rule our country, and whether to let this political dynasties remain or finally end.

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Political Dynasty

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Introduction

Economic growth.

This reflection essay will focus on political dynasty and its effect to socio-economic outcomes of the community. As define by Ronald U. Mendoza, political dynasty refers to the family units with members involved in government elected position. (Mendoza, 2013) Article 2 – Declaration of Principles and State Policies, Section 26 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution states that the state must make sure access to opportunities for public service and disallow political dynasties as defined by law. There were efforts before to create a mechanism or enabling laws to prevent political dynasty from flourishing like the proposed House Bill 5925, by Bayan Muna Representative Satur Ocampo, Senate Bill 1904 of the late Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago and Senate Bill 12 of the late Senator Juan Flavier. However, these efforts were futile because the lawmakers who will facilitate these bills are also members of the political dynasty in the country. Political dynasty in the Philippines has contributed a lot in terms of income, health and education. However, the effects of political dynasty on Human Development Index (HDI) may vary depending on the geographical, political variables, and cultural and traditional background of the society.

Political dynasty has a direct effect on the economic growth of the society and sometimes – political dynasty dictates the income of the people – and the way of life of the community. According to Dr. Josef T. Yap during his lecture last 13 March 2018 on globalization and development, he said the rate of poverty in provinces under political families are poorer compared to other provinces that has not been under political dynasties. Like in the case of provinces especially in the Southern Philippines where politics are dominated by political clans or warring families whose power is generated to local families, the rate of poverty is very high compared to provinces not under political dynasty. However, the case may not the same in the city/provinces wherein political dynasty has benefited the community in several reasons. Political dynasty has positive and negative effects in the community and its constituents.

Makati City is also under the political family of Binay from 1986 when President Corazon Aquino designated Binay as the mayor of Makati. Later, his son Junjun Binay, Daughter Abigail Binay run for public office. Political dynasty in the case of Makati has positive effect because Binays pursue long term development plan by providing good public services to the people. Makati City in 2016 has been number one (1) in economic dynamism in terms of income, market and business opportunities. Isabela City is under the family of Wahab Akbar who was later replaced by one of his wife Cherry Akbar. Other players as political power in the city and the province of Basilan are the Salapuddins and the Hatamans. Isabela City ranks 144 in economic dynamism and this is attributed to the mentality that they have connections and does not rely on bureaucratic competence to address economic concerns. These areas practice the culture of power because they feel they are isolated or they practice individualism.

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In a conversation with Assistant Secretary Abdulkhalik M. Kasim of Department of Health, Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (DOH-ARMM), he said communities in ARMM under political dynasty suffer because it is the effect or result of the priority of the incumbent political leader. Usually the priority of the leaders under political dynasty is not the welfare of the people but on how to generate money to support the next election – for buying votes and weapons – for personal financial gain. In communities where politics is run by political clan and is in the island provinces; medical facilities, medical practitioners, and medicines usually are not available. Makati however is an exception of this because if I am not mistaken, Makati is providing free medical and dental services to the community.

In political dynasty setting corruption is a prevalent indicator. And this is attributed to the fact that most of the members in the bureaucracy are members of the family if not members of the clan. There are instances where members of the family members are included in the payroll of teachers and it compromises the quality and standard of education. In Makati; political dynasty has a different face, they are offering free college education and even graduate studies for its elderly constituents who want to continue their education.

Political dynasty has upside and downside effects. It cut across the different public sectors and services “I do not believe in political movements. I believe in personal movement, that movement of the soul when a man who looks at himself is so ashamed that he tries to make some sort of change – within himself, not on the outside” -Joseph Brodsky-

  • Socio-economic upshots of political dynasty
  • Defensor Santiago opposes political dynasty talks in Congress
  • The Politics of Clan Dynasty: The Cojuangcos, the Garcias, and the Estradas

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Essays on Dynastic Politics and Political Participation

  • Sonnet, Luke
  • Advisor(s): Golden, Miriam A

This dissertation contains three essays on electoral politics, with focuses on political dynasties, political participation, and the political context of Pakistan. All three essays deal with the barriers that certain individuals face when participating in politics. The first essay explores how certain institutional changes, but not others, curtail the power of political families and the conditions under which electoral reforms create space for new candidates for legislative office. While the second essay makes a largely methodological contribution, the central result that political dynasties hold advantages even in close elections also has implications for who can enter and win elections. The third essay documents how social norms act as barriers to female political participation in Pakistan and considers the kinds of expectations that may increase female turnout when it lags far behind male turnout.

In the first essay, my co-authors, Ali Cheema and Farooq Naseer, and I estimate the effect of institutions on political dynasties. Previous evidence is mixed on whether institutional change disrupts elite power and policy prescriptions for how to improve the competitiveness of elections are unclear. We contribute to this literature by studying the effects of two specific reforms enacted before the 2002 General Elections in Pakistan---reapportionment and an education minimum for legislative candidates. Introduced by General Musharraf's military regime, these reforms were specifically aimed at powerful political families. However, we provide evidence that only one was effective. Using a pseudo-regression discontinuity design relying on the formulaic assignment of seats to districts following reapportionment, we estimate that increasing the number of seats in the legislature dilutes the prevalence of political dynasties in elected positions. Political families were able to win just as many seats as before reapportionment, but were unable to capture many of the new seats, leaving room for politicians from other families to enter and win new seats. On the other hand, the education minimum was less effective at curtailing incumbent power. Using a differences-in-differences design, we estimate that areas most affected by the disqualifications caused by the education minimum were more likely to have connected family members entering and winning elections for the first time, while ``outsiders'' were even less likely to enter and win the newly vacated seats. We argue that elites may be more willing to respond to disqualifications than an expansion in the number of seats in a legislature due to diminishing marginal returns to the number of elected family members. This implies that increasing legislature sizes may be more effective at curtailing elite power than other institutional reforms that restrict who can run in an election.

The second essay makes a largely methodological contribution by providing evidence that members of political families are more likely to win very close elections. This imbalance in the dynastic status of winners and losers of close elections exists in datasets from Japan, the Philippines, Pakistan, and the United States. On average, the winner of a close elections is about 6 percentage points more likely to be a family member of a previously elected politician than a loser of a close election. This imbalance, while perhaps unsurprising given the well-documented advantage dynastic candidates have in general, has important implications for the validity of close elections regression discontinuity designs. Predicated on the assumption that those who barely win and those who barely lose elections are similar on many characteristics, close elections regression discontinuity designs aim to estimate the causal effect of winning an election. However, if there is a detectable imbalance in the characteristics of winners and losers of close elections, as with dynastic status here, then estimates using close elections regression discontinuity designs may be biased. In fact, I calculate that between 9 and 40 percent of top political science and economics papers that use these designs have their most robust estimate quartered by bias of this magnitude.

The third essay moves away from candidacy and the legislature and focuses on the issue of female political participation in Pakistan and the role that norms play in constraining or motivating behavior. Using data from 37 communities on the beliefs of men and women, their expectations about others in their community, and their social networks, this essay provides evidence that behavior and expectations about behavior are more strongly correlated with self-reported female political participation than normative beliefs and expectations. In other words, women self-report voting more often when they believe women in their social network vote and when women in their social network self-report voting. This relationship between self-reported voting and both empirical expectations---beliefs about what others actually do---and the actual behavior of others with a woman's own behavior is stronger than the relationship between self-reported voting and normative expectations---beliefs about what others think one ought to do. I argue that these results are explained by limited female mobility outside the home in Pakistan. Due to this restriction, female turnout takes the form of a coordination game and thus empirical expectations and behavior are more important than normative expectations in explaining when women will vote. Lastly, I provide evidence that expectations of both kinds serve to license political participation; women who think others support their right to vote will be more likely to turn out only if they themselves support a woman's right to vote. In a context like Pakistan, supportive social norms regarding suffrage only mobilize women when they themselves are supportive of female political participation.

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Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Students are often asked to write an essay on Philippine Politics And Governance in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics.

Philippine politics is a blend of democracy and a republic system. The Philippines is a democratic country, meaning the people have the power to choose their leaders. The republic part means that the country has a President, who is the head of state.

The Structure of Government

The Philippine government has three branches: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial. The Executive branch is led by the President. The Legislative branch makes laws and is divided into two parts: the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Judicial branch interprets laws.

Role of the President

The President of the Philippines has a vital role. They are the chief executive and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. They are responsible for implementing laws and maintaining peace and order.

The Election Process

Elections in the Philippines are held every six years. Citizens aged 18 and above can vote. They choose their leaders, including the President, Vice President, Senators, and Representatives. These leaders are expected to serve the people and the country.

Challenges in Philippine Politics

Philippine politics faces many challenges. These include corruption, poverty, and political dynasties. These issues hinder the country’s progress. They affect the government’s ability to serve the people and develop the nation.

Understanding Philippine politics and governance is crucial. It helps us understand the country’s challenges and how they can be solved. It also helps us appreciate the role of citizens in shaping the nation’s future.

250 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Politics in the Philippines is a complex subject. It is run as a democratic republic, which means the people have the power to choose their leaders. The President is the head of the state and the government.

Elections are important events in the Philippines. They happen every six years for the President and Vice President, and every three years for other officials. The people vote for their leaders, which is a way of saying who they want to run the country.

Political Parties

There are many political parties in the Philippines. These parties represent different views and ideas. They play a big role in the elections as they support their candidates and help them win.

Role of the Government

The government has a big job to do. It has to make laws, keep the peace, and make sure people have what they need. The government is divided into three parts: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial branches. Each has its own duties and powers.

Challenges in Governance

Running a country is not easy. There are many challenges like corruption, poverty, and natural disasters. These issues make it hard for the government to do its job well.

Philippine politics and governance are interesting to learn about. They show how people’s choices can shape a country. It also teaches us about the challenges of running a country and the importance of good leadership.

500 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics and governance.

Philippine politics and governance are interesting subjects. They are based on a democratic system, which means that the people have the power to choose their leaders. The Philippines has a president who is the head of the state, and also a prime minister who is the head of government.

The Political Structure

The Philippines has three branches of government: the executive, the legislative, and the judicial branch. The president, who is elected by the people, heads the executive branch. He or she takes care of the country’s affairs. The legislative branch makes laws. It is made up of two groups: the Senate and the House of Representatives. The judicial branch, led by the Supreme Court, makes sure that laws are fair and just.

Political Parties in the Philippines

In the Philippines, there are many political parties. These parties represent different beliefs and ideas about how the country should be run. During elections, these parties present candidates for the people to vote for. The party with the most votes usually takes control of the government.

Elections and Voting

Elections are very important in the Philippines. They are a way for people to choose their leaders and have a say in how their country is run. Voting is a right of all citizens who are 18 years old and above. During elections, people vote for their preferred candidates for various positions such as president, vice president, senators, and representatives.

Like any other country, the Philippines also faces challenges in its political system. One big challenge is corruption. This is when government officials use their power for their own benefit instead of serving the people. Another challenge is political dynasties, where families hold power for many years. This can limit the chance for new leaders to emerge.

Efforts for Improvement

Despite these challenges, there are efforts to improve the political system in the Philippines. Some people are working to fight corruption and promote good governance. There are also laws that aim to limit political dynasties and promote fair elections.

In conclusion, Philippine politics and governance are shaped by the democratic system, political parties, and elections. Although there are challenges such as corruption and political dynasties, there are also efforts to improve the system. Understanding these aspects can help us appreciate the importance of active participation in the political process.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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