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How the Right to Legal Abortion Changed the Arc of All Women’s Lives

By Katha Pollitt

I’ve never had an abortion. In this, I am like most American women. A frequently quoted statistic from a recent study by the Guttmacher Institute, which reports that one in four women will have an abortion before the age of forty-five, may strike you as high, but it means that a large majority of women never need to end a pregnancy. (Indeed, the abortion rate has been declining for decades, although it’s disputed how much of that decrease is due to better birth control, and wider use of it, and how much to restrictions that have made abortions much harder to get.) Now that the Supreme Court seems likely to overturn Roe v. Wade sometime in the next few years—Alabama has passed a near-total ban on abortion, and Ohio, Georgia, Kentucky, Mississippi, and Missouri have passed “heartbeat” bills that, in effect, ban abortion later than six weeks of pregnancy, and any of these laws, or similar ones, could prove the catalyst—I wonder if women who have never needed to undergo the procedure, and perhaps believe that they never will, realize the many ways that the legal right to abortion has undergirded their lives.

Legal abortion means that the law recognizes a woman as a person. It says that she belongs to herself. Most obviously, it means that a woman has a safe recourse if she becomes pregnant as a result of being raped. (Believe it or not, in some states, the law allows a rapist to sue for custody or visitation rights.) It means that doctors no longer need to deny treatment to pregnant women with certain serious conditions—cancer, heart disease, kidney disease—until after they’ve given birth, by which time their health may have deteriorated irretrievably. And it means that non-Catholic hospitals can treat a woman promptly if she is having a miscarriage. (If she goes to a Catholic hospital, she may have to wait until the embryo or fetus dies. In one hospital, in Ireland, such a delay led to the death of a woman named Savita Halappanavar, who contracted septicemia. Her case spurred a movement to repeal that country’s constitutional amendment banning abortion.)

The legalization of abortion, though, has had broader and more subtle effects than limiting damage in these grave but relatively uncommon scenarios. The revolutionary advances made in the social status of American women during the nineteen-seventies are generally attributed to the availability of oral contraception, which came on the market in 1960. But, according to a 2017 study by the economist Caitlin Knowles Myers, “The Power of Abortion Policy: Re-Examining the Effects of Young Women’s Access to Reproductive Control,” published in the Journal of Political Economy , the effects of the Pill were offset by the fact that more teens and women were having sex, and so birth-control failure affected more people. Complicating the conventional wisdom that oral contraception made sex risk-free for all, the Pill was also not easy for many women to get. Restrictive laws in some states barred it for unmarried women and for women under the age of twenty-one. The Roe decision, in 1973, afforded thousands upon thousands of teen-agers a chance to avoid early marriage and motherhood. Myers writes, “Policies governing access to the pill had little if any effect on the average probabilities of marrying and giving birth at a young age. In contrast, policy environments in which abortion was legal and readily accessible by young women are estimated to have caused a 34 percent reduction in first births, a 19 percent reduction in first marriages, and a 63 percent reduction in ‘shotgun marriages’ prior to age 19.”

Access to legal abortion, whether as a backup to birth control or not, meant that women, like men, could have a sexual life without risking their future. A woman could plan her life without having to consider that it could be derailed by a single sperm. She could dream bigger dreams. Under the old rules, inculcated from girlhood, if a woman got pregnant at a young age, she married her boyfriend; and, expecting early marriage and kids, she wouldn’t have invested too heavily in her education in any case, and she would have chosen work that she could drop in and out of as family demands required.

In 1970, the average age of first-time American mothers was younger than twenty-two. Today, more women postpone marriage until they are ready for it. (Early marriages are notoriously unstable, so, if you’re glad that the divorce rate is down, you can, in part, thank Roe.) Women can also postpone childbearing until they are prepared for it, which takes some serious doing in a country that lacks paid parental leave and affordable childcare, and where discrimination against pregnant women and mothers is still widespread. For all the hand-wringing about lower birth rates, most women— eighty-six per cent of them —still become mothers. They just do it later, and have fewer children.

Most women don’t enter fields that require years of graduate-school education, but all women have benefitted from having larger numbers of women in those fields. It was female lawyers, for example, who brought cases that opened up good blue-collar jobs to women. Without more women obtaining law degrees, would men still be shaping all our legislation? Without the large numbers of women who have entered the medical professions, would psychiatrists still be telling women that they suffered from penis envy and were masochistic by nature? Would women still routinely undergo unnecessary hysterectomies? Without increased numbers of women in academia, and without the new field of women’s studies, would children still be taught, as I was, that, a hundred years ago this month, Woodrow Wilson “gave” women the vote? There has been a revolution in every field, and the women in those fields have led it.

It is frequently pointed out that the states passing abortion restrictions and bans are states where women’s status remains particularly low. Take Alabama. According to one study , by almost every index—pay, workforce participation, percentage of single mothers living in poverty, mortality due to conditions such as heart disease and stroke—the state scores among the worst for women. Children don’t fare much better: according to U.S. News rankings , Alabama is the worst state for education. It also has one of the nation’s highest rates of infant mortality (only half the counties have even one ob-gyn), and it has refused to expand Medicaid, either through the Affordable Care Act or on its own. Only four women sit in Alabama’s thirty-five-member State Senate, and none of them voted for the ban. Maybe that’s why an amendment to the bill proposed by State Senator Linda Coleman-Madison was voted down. It would have provided prenatal care and medical care for a woman and child in cases where the new law prevents the woman from obtaining an abortion. Interestingly, the law allows in-vitro fertilization, a procedure that often results in the discarding of fertilized eggs. As Clyde Chambliss, the bill’s chief sponsor in the state senate, put it, “The egg in the lab doesn’t apply. It’s not in a woman. She’s not pregnant.” In other words, life only begins at conception if there’s a woman’s body to control.

Indifference to women and children isn’t an oversight. This is why calls for better sex education and wider access to birth control are non-starters, even though they have helped lower the rate of unwanted pregnancies, which is the cause of abortion. The point isn’t to prevent unwanted pregnancy. (States with strong anti-abortion laws have some of the highest rates of teen pregnancy in the country; Alabama is among them.) The point is to roll back modernity for women.

So, if women who have never had an abortion, and don’t expect to, think that the new restrictions and bans won’t affect them, they are wrong. The new laws will fall most heavily on poor women, disproportionately on women of color, who have the highest abortion rates and will be hard-pressed to travel to distant clinics.

But without legal, accessible abortion, the assumptions that have shaped all women’s lives in the past few decades—including that they, not a torn condom or a missed pill or a rapist, will decide what happens to their bodies and their futures—will change. Women and their daughters will have a harder time, and there will be plenty of people who will say that they were foolish to think that it could be otherwise.

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By Jia Tolentino

By Isaac Chotiner

By Amy Davidson Sorkin

Editorial: This Supreme Court decision should be easy — keep medication abortion accessible

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The fate of the most commonly used abortion method in the U.S., and a prime target of antiabortion politicians and activists, is now in the hands of the U.S. Supreme Court. In 2022, the court took away the constitutional right to abortion by overturning Roe vs. Wade and created a chaotic patchwork of abortion access in this country.

Now the issues before the court involve the most commonly used abortion method — medication abortion with the drug mifepristone — and whether the U.S. Food and Drug Administration has final authority to make its own rules and regulations governing drugs. The Supreme Court should emphatically declare that mifepristone is safe to use under current FDA protocols and that the agency has authority to make that decision.

Abcarian: Who will make abortion pill rules? A bunch of right-wing judges, or FDA scientists?

The Supreme Court’s mifepristone case comes down to science and the health of women versus rabidly antiabortion hogwash.

Dec. 15, 2023

It’s absurd that the efficacy of medication abortion is in question at all. The two-drug regimen of mifepristone followed by misoprostol has been used for 23 years by millions of people to end their pregnancies successfully and safely. It accounts for more than half of the abortions in the U.S., and serious complications occur in less than one-third of 1% of uses. Mifepristone is used mostly for abortion. Misoprostol is prescribed for other uses. Planned Parenthood Los Angeles operates 24 health clinics across L.A. County and estimates that roughly 60% of the 20,000 abortions they did this year were medication abortions.

A year ago, an alliance of antiabortion groups and doctors sued the federal government, claiming the FDA did not adequately study the drug, mifepristone, before authorizing it for use in 2000, and arguing that it is dangerous. Neither assertion is true. But the lawsuit was filed in a federal district court in Amarillo, Texas, where the presiding judge, Matthew J. Kacsmaryk, is an opponent of abortion. The judge ruled in April that the FDA’s authorization of mifepristone should be suspended, which would have taken it completely off the market in the U.S. The Supreme Court put that decision on hold while the case made its way through the appeals process.

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A three-judge panel of the 5 th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in August that mifepristone could stay on the market — but under the stricter rules governing its use that were in place before 2016. The FDA appealed to the Supreme Court , which agreed this month to hear the case.

It’s possible the court will simply rule that the antiabortion alliance that brought the suit didn’t have standing and dismiss the case. That decision would leave open the possibility that more abortion opponents will pop up, arguing they have standing to sue.

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Oct. 11, 2023

But there are worse outcomes. The court could decide that mifepristone should not be on the market at all. (Legal experts don’t expect the court will do that.) Or they could uphold the 5th Circuit decision, which would reduce the window for taking the medication to seven weeks from 10 weeks and would change current dosages. In 2016, the dose of mifepristone was decreased and the misoprostol was increased. Returning to old dosage levels could result in more incomplete abortions, requiring more medication or other medical intervention.

We hope the Supreme Court avoids restricting medication abortion on a national level because it interferes with the provision of abortion in states where it is legal. And returning to the pre-2016 restrictions, which neither the FDA nor the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists believes are necessary, only hampers vital access in the states where abortion is available.

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In the topsy-turvy world of conservative America, only this amoral figure can deliver the moral victory that the antiabortion movement craves.

Nov. 19, 2023

When medication abortion first became available, it could only be prescribed by a doctor up to seven weeks of pregnancy, before many people even know they are pregnant. And getting it required three doctor’s appointments. Today, no in-person visit is required by the FDA (although some clinics require in-person visits), appointments can be done through telehealth, the pills can be mailed to a patient and the procedure is approved for up to 10 weeks of pregnancy. Other trained healthcare professionals besides medical doctors are also allowed to oversee medication abortions.

It’s possible that providers would use their discretion to prescribe abortion pills up to 12 weeks off-label or to change the dosages back to the current standard if the Supreme Court upholds the 5th Circuit’s ruling. But doing so might leave providers open to lawsuits in a highly charged political environment.

Sue Dunlap, president and chief executive of Planned Parenthood Los Angeles, calls the legal effort to put more restrictions on medication abortion yet another “concerted effort to criminalize abortion in this country.”

It’s ridiculous that abortion opponents and judges are second-guessing the FDA and trying to restrict healthcare professionals from offering the best standards of care in their quest to strip Americans of their reproductive rights. The Supreme Court must follow the science and leave it to regulators and healthcare providers to decide the best use of mifepristone.

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Regions & Countries

Key facts about the abortion debate in america.

The U.S. Supreme Court’s June 2022 ruling to overturn Roe v. Wade – the decision that had guaranteed a constitutional right to an abortion for nearly 50 years – has shifted the legal battle over abortion to the states, with some prohibiting the procedure and others moving to safeguard it.

As the nation’s post-Roe chapter begins, here are key facts about Americans’ views on abortion, based on two Pew Research Center polls: one conducted from June 25-July 4 , just after this year’s high court ruling, and one conducted in March , before an earlier leaked draft of the opinion became public.

This analysis primarily draws from two Pew Research Center surveys, one surveying 10,441 U.S. adults conducted March 7-13, 2022, and another surveying 6,174 U.S. adults conducted June 27-July 4, 2022. Here are the questions used for the March survey , along with responses, and the questions used for the survey from June and July , along with responses.

Everyone who took part in these surveys is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories.  Read more about the ATP’s methodology .

A majority of the U.S. public disapproves of the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe. About six-in-ten adults (57%) disapprove of the court’s decision that the U.S. Constitution does not guarantee a right to abortion and that abortion laws can be set by states, including 43% who strongly disapprove, according to the summer survey. About four-in-ten (41%) approve, including 25% who strongly approve.

About eight-in-ten Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (82%) disapprove of the court’s decision, including nearly two-thirds (66%) who strongly disapprove. Most Republicans and GOP leaners (70%) approve , including 48% who strongly approve.

Most women (62%) disapprove of the decision to end the federal right to an abortion. More than twice as many women strongly disapprove of the court’s decision (47%) as strongly approve of it (21%). Opinion among men is more divided: 52% disapprove (37% strongly), while 47% approve (28% strongly).

About six-in-ten Americans (62%) say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, according to the summer survey – little changed since the March survey conducted just before the ruling. That includes 29% of Americans who say it should be legal in all cases and 33% who say it should be legal in most cases. About a third of U.S. adults (36%) say abortion should be illegal in all (8%) or most (28%) cases.

Generally, Americans’ views of whether abortion should be legal remained relatively unchanged in the past few years , though support fluctuated somewhat in previous decades.

Relatively few Americans take an absolutist view on the legality of abortion – either supporting or opposing it at all times, regardless of circumstances. The March survey found that support or opposition to abortion varies substantially depending on such circumstances as when an abortion takes place during a pregnancy, whether the pregnancy is life-threatening or whether a baby would have severe health problems.

While Republicans’ and Democrats’ views on the legality of abortion have long differed, the 46 percentage point partisan gap today is considerably larger than it was in the recent past, according to the survey conducted after the court’s ruling. The wider gap has been largely driven by Democrats: Today, 84% of Democrats say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, up from 72% in 2016 and 63% in 2007. Republicans’ views have shown far less change over time: Currently, 38% of Republicans say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, nearly identical to the 39% who said this in 2007.

However, the partisan divisions over whether abortion should generally be legal tell only part of the story. According to the March survey, sizable shares of Democrats favor restrictions on abortion under certain circumstances, while majorities of Republicans favor abortion being legal in some situations , such as in cases of rape or when the pregnancy is life-threatening.

There are wide religious divides in views of whether abortion should be legal , the summer survey found. An overwhelming share of religiously unaffiliated adults (83%) say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, as do six-in-ten Catholics. Protestants are divided in their views: 48% say it should be legal in all or most cases, while 50% say it should be illegal in all or most cases. Majorities of Black Protestants (71%) and White non-evangelical Protestants (61%) take the position that abortion should be legal in all or most cases, while about three-quarters of White evangelicals (73%) say it should be illegal in all (20%) or most cases (53%).

In the March survey, 72% of White evangelicals said that the statement “human life begins at conception, so a fetus is a person with rights” reflected their views extremely or very well . That’s much greater than the share of White non-evangelical Protestants (32%), Black Protestants (38%) and Catholics (44%) who said the same. Overall, 38% of Americans said that statement matched their views extremely or very well.

Catholics, meanwhile, are divided along religious and political lines in their attitudes about abortion, according to the same survey. Catholics who attend Mass regularly are among the country’s strongest opponents of abortion being legal, and they are also more likely than those who attend less frequently to believe that life begins at conception and that a fetus has rights. Catholic Republicans, meanwhile, are far more conservative on a range of abortion questions than are Catholic Democrats.

Women (66%) are more likely than men (57%) to say abortion should be legal in most or all cases, according to the survey conducted after the court’s ruling.

More than half of U.S. adults – including 60% of women and 51% of men – said in March that women should have a greater say than men in setting abortion policy . Just 3% of U.S. adults said men should have more influence over abortion policy than women, with the remainder (39%) saying women and men should have equal say.

The March survey also found that by some measures, women report being closer to the abortion issue than men . For example, women were more likely than men to say they had given “a lot” of thought to issues around abortion prior to taking the survey (40% vs. 30%). They were also considerably more likely than men to say they personally knew someone (such as a close friend, family member or themselves) who had had an abortion (66% vs. 51%) – a gender gap that was evident across age groups, political parties and religious groups.

Relatively few Americans view the morality of abortion in stark terms , the March survey found. Overall, just 7% of all U.S. adults say having an abortion is morally acceptable in all cases, and 13% say it is morally wrong in all cases. A third say that having an abortion is morally wrong in most cases, while about a quarter (24%) say it is morally acceptable in most cases. An additional 21% do not consider having an abortion a moral issue.

Among Republicans, most (68%) say that having an abortion is morally wrong either in most (48%) or all cases (20%). Only about three-in-ten Democrats (29%) hold a similar view. Instead, about four-in-ten Democrats say having an abortion is morally  acceptable  in most (32%) or all (11%) cases, while an additional 28% say it is not a moral issue. 

White evangelical Protestants overwhelmingly say having an abortion is morally wrong in most (51%) or all cases (30%). A slim majority of Catholics (53%) also view having an abortion as morally wrong, but many also say it is morally acceptable in most (24%) or all cases (4%), or that it is not a moral issue (17%). Among religiously unaffiliated Americans, about three-quarters see having an abortion as morally acceptable (45%) or not a moral issue (32%).

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Public Opinion on Abortion

Majority in u.s. say abortion should be legal in some cases, illegal in others, three-in-ten or more democrats and republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion, partisanship a bigger factor than geography in views of abortion access locally, most popular.

About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts .

Home — Blog — Topic Ideas — 50 Abortion Essay Topics: Researching Abortion-Related Subjects

50 Abortion Essay Topics: Researching Abortion-Related Subjects

Abortion remains a contentious social and political issue, with deeply held beliefs and strong emotions shaping the debate. It is a topic that has been at the forefront of public discourse for decades, sparking heated arguments and evoking a range of perspectives from individuals, organizations, and governments worldwide.

The complexity of abortion stems from its intersection with fundamental human rights, ethical principles, and societal norms. It raises questions about the sanctity of life, individual autonomy, gender equality, and public health, making it a challenging yet critically important subject to explore and analyze.

This guide provides a comprehensive overview of the significance of choosing the right abortion essay topics and abortion title ideas , offering valuable insights and practical advice for students navigating this challenging yet rewarding endeavor. By understanding the multifaceted nature of abortion and its far-reaching implications, students can make informed decisions about their topic selection, setting themselves up for success in producing well-researched, insightful, and impactful essays.

Choosing the Right Abortion Essay Topic

For students who are tasked with writing an essay on abortion, choosing the right topic is essential. A well-chosen topic can be the difference between a well-researched, insightful, and impactful piece of writing and a superficial, uninspired, and forgettable one.

This guide delves into the significance of selecting the right abortion essay topic, providing valuable insights for students embarking on this challenging yet rewarding endeavor. By understanding the multifaceted nature of abortion and its far-reaching implications, students can identify topics that align with their interests, research capabilities, and the overall objectives of their essays.

Abortion remains a contentious social and political issue, with deeply held beliefs and strong emotions shaping the debate on abortion topics . It is a topic that has been at the forefront of public discourse for decades, sparking heated arguments and evoking a range of perspectives from individuals, organizations, and governments worldwide.

List of Abortion Argumentative Essay Topics

Abortion argumentative essay topics typically revolve around the ethical, legal, and societal aspects of this controversial issue. These topics often involve debates and discussions, requiring students to present well-reasoned arguments supported by evidence and persuasive language.

• The Bodily Autonomy vs. Fetal Rights Debate: A Balancing Act
• Navigating the Ethical Labyrinth of Abortion: Life, Choice, and Consequences
• Championing Gender Equality and Reproductive Freedom in the Abortion Debate
• Considering Abortion as a Human Right
• The Impact of Abortion Stigma on Women's Mental Health and Well-being
• The Impact of Abortion Restrictions on Poverty, Inequality, and Social Disparities
• Addressing Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Abortion Access and Health Outcomes
• Analyzing the Impact of Public Opinion and Voter Attitudes on Abortion Legislation
• Discussion on Whether Abortion is a Crime
• Abortion Restrictions and Women's Economic Opportunity
• Government Intervention in Abortion Regulation
• Religion, Morality, and Abortion Attitudes
• Parental Notification and Consent Laws
• Education and Counseling for Informed Abortion Choices
• Media Representation and Abortion Perceptions

Ethical Considerations: Abortion raises profound ethical questions about the sanctity of life, personhood, and individual choice. Students can explore these ethical dilemmas by examining the moral implications of abortion, the rights of the unborn, and the role of personal conscience in decision-making.

Legal Aspects: The legal landscape surrounding abortion is constantly evolving, with varying regulations and restrictions across different jurisdictions. Students can delve into the legal aspects of abortion by analyzing the impact of laws and policies on access, safety, and the well-being of women.

Societal Impact: Abortion has a significant impact on society, influencing public health, gender equality, and social justice. Students can explore the societal implications of abortion by examining its impact on maternal health, reproductive rights, and the lives of marginalized communities.

Effective Abortion Topics for Research Paper

Research papers on abortion demand a more in-depth and comprehensive approach, requiring students to delve into historical, medical, and international perspectives on this multifaceted issue.

Medical Perspectives: The medical aspects of abortion encompass a wide range of topics, from advancements in abortion procedures to the health and safety of women undergoing the procedure. Students can explore medical perspectives by examining the evolution of abortion techniques, the impact of medical interventions on maternal health, and the role of healthcare providers in the abortion debate.

Historical Analysis: Abortion has a long and complex history, with changing attitudes, practices, and laws across different eras. Students can engage in historical analysis by examining the evolution of abortion practices in ancient civilizations, tracing the legal developments surrounding abortion, and exploring the shifting social attitudes towards abortion throughout history.

International Comparisons: Abortion laws and regulations vary widely across different countries, leading to diverse experiences and outcomes. Students can make international comparisons by examining abortion access and restrictions in different regions, analyzing the impact of varying legal frameworks on women's health and rights, and identifying best practices in abortion policies.

List of Abortion Research Paper Topics

• The Socioeconomic Factors and Racial Disparities Shaping Abortion Access
• Ethical and Social Implications of Emerging Abortion Technologies
• Abortion Stigma and Women's Mental Health
• Telemedicine and Abortion Access in Rural Areas
• International Human Rights and Abortion Access
• Reproductive Justice and Other Social Justice Issues
• Men's Role in Abortion Decision-Making
• Abortion Restrictions and Social Disparities
• Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Abortion Access
• Alternative Approaches to Abortion Regulation
• Political Ideology and Abortion Policy Debates
• Public Health Campaigns for Informed Abortion Decisions
• Abortion Services in Conflict-Affected Areas
• Healthcare Providers and Medical Ethics of Abortion
• International Cooperation on Abortion Policies

By exploring these topics and subtopics for abortion essays , students can gain a more comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted nature of the abortion debate and choose a specific focus that aligns with their interests and research objectives.

Choosing Abortion Research Paper Topics

When selecting research paper topics on abortion, it is essential to consider factors such as research feasibility, availability of credible sources, and the potential for original contributions.

Abortion is a complex and multifaceted issue that intersects with various aspects of society and individual lives. By broadening the scope of abortion-related topics, students can explore a wider range of perspectives and insights.

• Demystifying Abortion Statistics: Understanding the Global and Domestic Landscape
• Abortion and Women's Rights: A Historical and Contemporary Perspective
• Decoding the Impact of Abortion on Public Health and Social Welfare
• Unveiling the Role of Media and Public Discourse in Shaping Abortion Perceptions
• Comparative Analysis of Abortion Laws Worldwide
• Historical Evolution of Abortion Rights and Practices
• Impact of Abortion on Public Health and Maternal Mortality
• Abortion Funding and Access to Reproductive Healthcare
• Role of Misinformation and Myths in Abortion Debates
• International Perspectives on Abortion and Reproductive Freedom
• Abortion and the UN Sustainable Development Goals
• Abortion and Gender Equality in the Global Context
• Abortion and Human Rights: A Legal and Ethical Analysis
• Religious and Cultural Influences on Abortion Perceptions
• Abortion and Social Justice: Addressing Disparities and Marginalization
• Anti-abortion and Pro-choice Movements: Comparative Analysis and Impact
• Impact of Technological Advancements on Abortion Procedures and Access
• Ethical Considerations of New Abortion Technologies and Surrogacy
• Role of Advocacy and Activism in Shaping Abortion Policy and Practice
• Measuring the Effectiveness of Abortion Policy Interventions

Navigating the complex landscape of abortion-related topics can be a daunting task, but it also offers an opportunity for students to delve into a range of compelling issues and perspectives. By choosing the right topic, students can produce well-researched, insightful, and impactful essays that contribute to the ongoing dialogue on this important subject.

The 50 abortion essay ideas presented in this guide provide a starting point for exploring the intricacies of abortion and its far-reaching implications. Whether students are interested in argumentative essays that engage in ethical, legal, or societal debates or research papers that delve into medical, historical, or international perspectives, this collection offers a wealth of potential topics to ignite their curiosity and challenge their thinking.

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1 Introduction

Abortion is often in the news. In the course of writing this essay in early 2019, Kentucky, Mississippi, Ohio, Georgia, Alabama, Missouri and Louisiana passed legislation to outlaw and criminalize abortions starting at six to eight weeks in pregnancy, with more states likely following. Federal law, however, generally permits abortions, so it is unclear what the legal outcome here will be.

Abortion is a political issue—with different political parties tending to have different perspectives on the issue—because abortion is a moral or ethical issue. (These two words, “moral” and “ethical,” mean the same thing.)

Some believe that abortions are typically morally permissible, or not wrong, and so believe that abortions should be legal. If doing something isn’t wrong, it shouldn’t be illegal: criminalizing actions that aren’t wrong is a form of injustice.

Others believe that abortion is morally wrong, that it’s often wrong, maybe nearly always or even always.

Some people argue that even though they believe abortion is wrong, it should remain legal: after all, if every morally wrong action was illegal, we would all be in jail! Seriously though, there are many actions that are morally wrong, even really hurtful, that the government shouldn’t try to prevent or punish. (You can supply the potential examples to make the point.) People who think abortion is wrong might also think that, for a variety of other reasons, their personal moral views on the issues shouldn’t be made into law for all.

Others argue that abortions are wrong and should be illegal. What types of wrongdoing should be illegal? This question isn’t easy to answer: it’s abstract and general. One answer is that seriously, extremely wrong actions should be illegal. This might seem plausible, since many illegal actions are seriously wrong. But since there are other very wrong actions that shouldn’t be illegal, this answer isn’t perfect.

We argue, however, that abortion should not be illegal because most abortions are not morally wrong (and so they are not seriously or extremely wrong). So the states above are making bad moral and legal moves, to say the least, in trying to criminalize abortions, at least when they are done early in pregnancy, as they usually are. And if federal law changes towards prohibiting abortions, that would be another, more profound step towards injustice.

There is a lot to discuss. Here’s the plan:

• First, we define “abortion.” There are controversies even in stating our topic.
• Second, we give some brief factual, scientific information about how fetuses develop, in terms of the emergence of consciousness, awareness and feeling, briefly explain the moral significance of these psychological characteristics, and review the evidence on when most abortions occur, and why.
• Third, we discuss some common, but bad, arguments. First, we review many common what are called “question-begging” arguments. This type of argument assumes the conclusion it is trying to support, instead of giving genuine reasons to support that conclusion. These arguments are a type of circular reasoning and are no good from the perspective of people who want to think critically and base their beliefs and actions on good arguments.
• Next, we discuss arguments that you’d often see as comments on newspaper stories and editorials, and even in those writings themselves. We call these “everyday arguments.” Seeing why these arguments are bad will help us all shift the focus to better arguments.
• Finally, we discuss some of the most important better arguments on the issues, focusing on arguments that professional philosophers tend to focus on. Here we argue that the most influential arguments “against” abortion are weak: they don’t provide good reasons to believe that most abortions are wrong. And we argue that there are good positive reasons to believe that abortion is usually not wrong. These arguments are based on facts about early fetuses completely lacking any consciousness, awareness or feeling, and the insight that the “right to life” is not a right to anyone else’s body. So, we argue that there are good arguments to justify a broadly “pro-choice” perspective.

People often begin discussions of abortion with a lot of “what ifs”: “What if an abortion is wanted because of rape?” “What if it’s needed to save a woman’s life?” “What if there are fetal abnormalities?” “What if …?”

We want to initially set aside these “what ifs?” to focus on more “ordinary cases” (if there is such a thing) where abortion is considered, not cases like these. We should acknowledge though that even most people who call themselves “pro-life” think that abortion can be permissible if it is genuinely needed to save the woman’s life. This is because if she dies, then the fetus dies also, and so an abortion—which saves one life—would be more “pro-life” than allowing two deaths. We will return to the ethics of abortions due to rape at the end of the essay and briefly discuss the ethics and legality of rare abortions done later in pregnancy, far past the first trimester.

In reading this essay, we encourage trying to think about the issues with an “open mind.” What we mean is to try to consider and evaluate the arguments as if you didn’t already have strong views on the issue that you are committed to. (Maybe you are like this, which can be good: you shouldn’t have firm opinions on issues if you aren’t well-informed on them).

Critical thinking often involves defining words and giving and evaluating reasons: asking questions like “what do you mean?” and “why think that?” It involves stating arguments in their full pattern of reasoning and rigorously evaluating all premises. It involves identifying differing explanations of various moral and scientific facts and trying to determine which explanations are best. It involves thinking about thinking.

Most importantly though, good critical thinking isn’t done with an agenda or to support a point of view: it’s to find a point of view that’s worth supporting. Our perspectives on abortion didn’t develop (we hope!) with an “agenda” in mind beyond believing what’s supported by good arguments, and neither should yours. And views can and should change, in response to understanding better arguments,  so our conclusions here are not “set in stone.” New arguments, including responses to the arguments presented here, might change our minds for the better—and the same should be true for all critical thinkers.

Let’s begin!

Thinking Critically About Abortion Copyright © 2019 by nathannobis and Kristina Grob is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Apr 26, 2023

Essays on Abortion: Insightful Perspectives and Real-Life Examples to Inspire Your Writing

Abortion is a complex and highly debated topic that touches on issues of morality, politics, and personal choice. Whether you're writing an essay for a class or simply want to explore the topic more deeply, finding the right inspiration and structure for your writing can be a challenge. But fear not: in this article, we've gathered some of the most compelling examples of abortion essays and broken down the essential elements of a strong abortion essay. Whether you're pro-choice, pro-life, or somewhere in between, this article has something for everyone. So buckle up and get ready for an insightful and thought-provoking exploration of this controversial topic.

When writing an essay on the abortion debate, it is important to provide insightful perspectives to help readers understand the complex issues . One way to do this is by offering real-life examples that illustrate the impact of abortion on individuals and society as a whole. By highlighting both the personal and societal consequences of this controversial topic, you can help readers gain a more nuanced understanding of the issue.

For instance, you could discuss how access to safe abortion legislation has improved women's health and autonomy in countries where it is legal. On the other hand, you could also explore how restrictive abortion laws can lead to unsafe and illegal procedures, putting women's health and lives at risk.

In addition to providing real-life examples, it's important to offer insightful perspectives on the abortion essay arguments. This might involve examining the legal, social, and ethical considerations of abortion and how different perspectives on these issues might shape public policy.

Overall, writing an essay on the abortion debate requires careful thought, research, and analysis . By providing insightful perspectives and real-life examples, you can help readers understand the complexities of this important topic.

About abortion essay arguments

The abortion essay arguments surrounding induced abortion are complex and multifaceted, with many ethical considerations at play. One of the primary debates is the role of abortion legislation in regulating access to this medical procedure. 

Some argue that regulations that restrict access to abortion, particularly for minors, are necessary to protect the welfare of individuals and society at large. Others contend that such regulations infringe upon the rights of individuals to make their own decisions about their bodies.

Despite these debates, it is clear that the risks associated with illegal abortion methods are significant, and that individuals who seek out these methods may face serious health consequences . It is therefore important to ensure that safe and legal abortion services are accessible to those who need them, to protect the health and well-being of women and their families.

Types of Abortion

Medical Abortion: This type of abortion involves taking medication to induce the termination of a pregnancy. It typically involves taking two drugs, mifepristone and misoprostol , over the course of several days to cause the uterus to contract and expel the pregnancy. 

Surgical Abortion: This type of abortion involves a procedure to remove the contents of the uterus. There are several methods of surgical abortion, including vacuum aspiration, dilation and curettage (D&C), dilation and evacuation (D&E), and induction abortion. The type of surgical abortion used will depend on the stage of pregnancy and other factors. 

Chemical Abortion: This is another term for medical abortion, which involves taking medication to induce abortion. 

Late-Term Abortion: This refers to an abortion that takes place after the first trimester of pregnancy (usually after 24 weeks). Late-term abortions are typically performed only in cases where the life or health of the mother is at risk or in cases of severe fetal abnormalities.

How to Write an Argumentative Essay on Abortion

The pros and cons of terminating a pregnancy can be found in an argumentative essay on the topic. One of the most distinguishing features of this type of essay is that it can be written from multiple perspectives. 

Some may conceive of this essay regarding psychology and sociology, while some may care passionately about writing pro-choice essays on abortion and pushing their views in the areas of healthcare and research. No matter your perspective, you must do some groundwork and ensure you correctly process your arguments and data.

Writers of abortion essays should maintain a neutral stance. Those who are very sensitive to the stated topic should not be offended by the topic, the selection of arguments, or the wording used.

The purpose of an argumentative abortion essay is to present the issue and the supporting and opposing arguments. Providing context, outlining the topic's current situation, and incorporating the most recent research is also crucial.

Honesty is paramount when considering a title for an abortion essay. The title shouldn't be misleading or inappropriate in any way. If you're writing an essay on why abortion is wrong, for example, you'll need to decide whether you'll be arguing for or against the topic overall.

What is the structure of writing an abortion essay?

As we all know that a standard essay has an introductory paragraph , body paragraphs (usually 3-5), and a conclusion. Even the abortion essay follows this rule. Abortion essays are similar to other essays in many ways, but there are a few key differences that necessitate a somewhat unique approach.

Introduction

Before you can even begin to write your abortion essay, you need to define the term. Although virtually everyone is familiar with the term "abortion," a clear definition is still required. You can mention afterward how current research or events have made abortion an extremely divisive issue. Your major goal after an introduction should be to show how you feel about the subject.

The task at hand is to put your thoughts into a concise thesis statement. The question, "Should the nation decide for women what to do with their lives and bodies?" is a good candidate for a thesis statement.

Core content

The following structure could be used for the essay's body if you choose to argue in favor of abortion: Provide a single argument against abortion and two or three paragraphs in favour of the practice. Don't just say abortion is good or evil without providing arguments either way.

You should briefly recap what you discussed in the text at the end. When you're writing, keep in mind the thesis statement you introduced. Provide your perspective and approach to the issue at hand.

Example Essays

Essays on abortion are just one of the many topics that Jenni.ai can swiftly and accurately write on. This program uses artificial intelligence to generate essays rapidly on any topic. If you need help writing your thesis, then we recommend Jenni.ai.

Should Abortions be Legal?

In the history of abortion and its legality, there have been many legal changes that sometimes legalize abortion and other times the legality of abortion is abolished. There has been a continuous debate on abortion though it is legally practiced in some regions.

The main issue that is hotly contested in the debate is when life begins so that the debate shifts from merely thinking about whether abortion is morally good or bad to whether the act violates another person’s right to life or not.

Taking into account both the life of the mother and that of the fetus, abortion should be legalized (Women’s International Network, 1982). The paper discusses the legality of abortion and how illegalizing abortion contravenes the very laws that protect the rights of women.

In this essay, the author of this essay argues that abortion should be recognized as a right, and it should be legalized to protect the rights of women. Religious groups, especially Christians and Muslims, have been known to be anti-abortionists, but their arguments are based on subjective interpretations of their holy books.

Legalizing abortion will allow women to be free from harm that may arise from unwanted pregnancies, and it will also allow women to choose whether they want to keep the child they carry or not.

Should abortion be considered murder?

Introduction:

Abortion is a hotly contested topic in today's political climate. The idea that abortion ought to be treated as murder is among the most divisive arguments. Proponents of this view say abortion should be illegal because it is a purposeful killing of a human being. Although abortion is a touchy and morally complicated subject, this essay argues that it should not be deemed murder.

Some who consider abortion murder argue, principally, that a fetus is a person with all the rights and dignity accorded to any other human being. They claim that the fetus can live since it is a living being with the capacity to mature into a human being. Hence, abortion is a form of capital murder.

However, there are several counterarguments to this position. Firstly, the idea that a fetus has the same inherent rights as a fully-formed human being is problematic. While a fetus may be a living being, it is not the same as a fully-formed human being with thoughts, feelings, and experiences. The concept of personhood, which defines the attributes necessary for someone to be considered a person, is not clearly defined, and as such, the question of when a fetus becomes a person is a contentious issue.

Furthermore, the argument that a fetus has the right to life ignores the rights and autonomy of the mother. It is essential to acknowledge that pregnancy and childbirth are complex and challenging experiences that can have significant physical, emotional, and psychological effects on a woman's body and well-being. Therefore, women should have the right to choose whether or not to continue a pregnancy without fear of legal repercussions.

It is also important to consider the broader social and economic implications of abortion. Criminalizing abortion would not prevent women from having abortions. Instead, it would drive the practice underground and put the health and safety of women at risk. Moreover, it would disproportionately impact marginalized communities who may not have access to safe and legal abortion services, leading to further social and economic inequality.

Finally, it is worth noting that the position that abortion is murder is often based on religious or moral beliefs that are not shared by everyone. While it is essential to respect individual beliefs and values, it is not appropriate to impose them on others through the law.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, the assertion that abortion is murder is a highly contentious and morally complex issue. While it is understandable that some may view abortion as the deliberate taking of human life, this perspective does not fully account for the rights and autonomy of women, the complexity of personhood, and the broader social and economic implications of criminalizing abortion. Instead, we should focus on ensuring that women have access to safe and legal abortion services and support them in making informed and autonomous decisions about their bodies and reproductive health.

What are the effects of abortion on a woman’s health?

Abortion is a medical procedure that involves ending a pregnancy. It is a sensitive and controversial issue that raises questions about a woman's physical and mental health. This essay will examine the effects of abortion on a woman's health, both physical and psychological, and provide a balanced and informative perspective on the matter.

Physical Effects:

The physical effects of abortion vary depending on the method used and the gestational age of the fetus. In general, abortions performed during the first trimester are considered safe and have a low risk of complications. However, abortions performed during the second or third trimester are more complicated and may have a higher risk of complications.

Some of the physical effects of abortion can include:

Bleeding and cramping - These are common side effects of abortion, particularly in the days and weeks following the procedure.

Infection - There is a risk of infection following an abortion, particularly if the procedure is performed in an unsafe or unsanitary environment.

Damage to the cervix - In some cases, an abortion may cause damage to the cervix, which can increase the risk of premature delivery or cervical incompetence in future pregnancies.

Emotional and psychological effects - Abortion can have a profound impact on a woman's emotional and psychological well-being. The psychological effects of abortion can include depression, anxiety, guilt, and grief.

Psychological Effects:

The psychological effects of abortion can be just as significant as the physical effects. The decision to have an abortion can be a difficult and emotional one, and it can have a lasting impact on a woman's mental health.

Some of the psychological effects of abortion can include:

Depression - Many women experience feelings of sadness, grief, and depression following an abortion.

Anxiety - Some women may experience anxiety, panic attacks, or other forms of psychological distress following an abortion.

Guilt and Shame - Many women feel guilt and shame after having an abortion, which can have a significant impact on their mental health.

Relationship Issues - Abortion can have a significant impact on a woman's relationships, including with her partner, family, and friends.

Substance Abuse - Some women may turn to alcohol or drugs as a way of coping with the emotional and psychological effects of abortion.

In conclusion, abortion can have a significant impact on a woman's physical and mental health. While abortions performed during the first trimester are generally considered safe and have a low risk of complications, abortions performed during the second or third trimester can be more complicated and may have a higher risk of complications. 

Moreover, the psychological effects of abortion can be just as significant as the physical effects, including depression, anxiety, guilt, and grief. Therefore, women must have access to accurate information, counseling, and support before and after an abortion to ensure that they can make an informed decision and receive the appropriate care and support.

What should be the lowest age for abortion?

The issue of what should be the lowest age for abortion is a sensitive and controversial topic. It raises questions about young person's autonomy, their right to make decisions about their own body, and the role of parents and society in protecting their welfare. This essay will examine the current laws and regulations surrounding abortion for minors, as well as the ethical and practical considerations of setting a minimum age for abortion.

Current Laws and Regulations:

Abortion laws and regulations for minors differ widely across nations and states. In some of these countries, like the United States, children can get an abortion without their parent’s knowledge or permission, but in others, like Canada, they need their parents' permission beforehand.

Although the Supreme Court has established a constitutional right to abortion for minors in the United States, individual states retain the power to set limitations on this right, including parental approval and notification requirements. Presently, 37 states call for parental participation, while only 13 do not.

By Canadian law, a juvenile cannot legally get an abortion without the approval of one of their parents or a judge. Several jurisdictions, notably Quebec, do not require parental notification or consent for minors to access abortion services.

Ethical and Practical Considerations:

Setting a minimum age for abortion raises ethical and practical considerations. On the one hand, minors have a right to make decisions about their bodies, including whether or not to have an abortion. Moreover, many young people may face difficult or dangerous situations, such as rape or incest, and may need access to abortion services without parental involvement.

On the other hand, there are concerns about the welfare of minors and the role of parents and society in protecting their well-being. Some argue that minors are not mature enough to make such a significant decision and that parental involvement is necessary to ensure that they receive appropriate care and support.

Another practical consideration is the ability of minors to access abortion services. In some areas, there may be a lack of services or resources, which can make it difficult for minors to obtain an abortion, even if they are legally entitled to do so.

In conclusion, the issue of what should be the lowest age for abortion is a complex and sensitive topic. The laws and regulations surrounding abortion for minors vary widely, and there are ethical and practical considerations to be taken into account when setting a minimum age. 

Ultimately, the decision of whether or not to have an abortion should be left to the individual, with appropriate care and support provided to ensure that they can make an informed decision and receive the appropriate care. However, it is important to ensure that minors are protected and supported and that they have access to the resources and services they need to make the best decision for themselves.

The attitude to abortion in different cultures

Abortion is a highly debated and controversial topic all around the world. Different cultures and religions have varying views on this topic, and these attitudes toward abortion are often influenced by social, ethical, and religious beliefs. While some cultures consider it a personal decision, others see it as a moral or ethical issue. This essay will examine the attitudes toward abortion in different cultures and highlight the various factors that influence these attitudes.

Attitudes to abortion in different cultures:

United States:

In the United States, the attitude toward abortion is highly polarized. The debate often centers around the right to life and the right to choose. Those who are pro-choice argue that women should have the right to choose whether or not to terminate a pregnancy, while those who are pro-life believe that life begins at conception and that abortion is therefore tantamount to murder. These attitudes have been shaped by a variety of factors, including religious beliefs, political ideology, and personal experiences.

In China, the government has historically enforced a one-child policy, which prohibited couples from having more than one child. This policy was implemented to control population growth, and as a result, the attitude towards abortion in China is more accepting. Many couples have terminated pregnancies to comply with the policy, and abortion has become a socially accepted method of birth control.

In India, the attitude towards abortion is influenced by the religious beliefs of the population. While Hinduism does not have a specific stance on abortion, it is generally seen as unacceptable in traditional Hindu culture. However, in modern-day India, the attitudes towards abortion have become more accepting, and it is seen as a means of family planning. Additionally, India's government has implemented policies to promote family planning and reduce population growth, which has led to more widespread acceptance of abortion.

Islamic Countries:

In Islamic countries, the attitude towards abortion is generally negative. Islam places a high value on the sanctity of life, and therefore, abortion is considered a sin in most Islamic cultures. However, some Muslim scholars argue that abortion is permissible in certain circumstances, such as when the mother's life is in danger or when the fetus has a severe deformity. Overall, however, the attitude towards abortion in Islamic cultures is highly influenced by religious beliefs and the interpretation of Islamic law.

In conclusion, attitudes towards abortion vary greatly across cultures and are influenced by a wide range of factors, including religious beliefs, political ideology, and personal experiences. While some cultures have become more accepting of abortion as a means of family planning, others continue to view it as a moral or ethical issue. Ultimately, the decision to have an abortion should be a personal one, and individuals should have the right to choose what is best for themselves and their families. It is important for societies to respect the beliefs and values of others and to promote policies that ensure access to safe and legal abortion services for those who choose to pursue them.

Final Thoughts

In conclusion, writing a compelling essay on the topic of abortion can be challenging, but it's also an opportunity to explore a complex and important issue in depth. By examining the different types of abortion and considering the various arguments for and against it, you can craft a nuanced and thought-provoking essay that engages readers and sheds new light on the topic.

 Of course, writing any essay can be a daunting task, but with the right tools and resources, you can make the process more manageable and even enjoyable. That's where Jenni.ai comes in. With our AI-enhanced writing tool, you can craft a powerful and persuasive essay on abortion or any other topic that matters to you. 

Our tool offers a range of features to enhance your writing, from AI autocomplete to in-text citations to a built-in plagiarism checker. With Jenni.ai, you'll have access to everything you need to produce essays that are well-researched, engaging, and impactful. 

So why wait? Sign up for a free trial of Jenni.ai today and start writing your own outstanding essays on abortion or any other topic that inspires you. With our help, you can achieve your writing goals and make your voice heard in the world.

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Persuasive Essay About Abortion

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Are you about to write a persuasive essay on abortion but wondering how to begin?

Writing an effective persuasive essay on the topic of abortion can be a difficult task for many students. 

It is important to understand both sides of the issue and form an argument based on facts and logical reasoning. This requires research and understanding, which takes time and effort.

In this blog, we will provide you with some easy steps to craft a persuasive essay about abortion that is compelling and convincing. Moreover, we have included some example essays and interesting facts to read and get inspired by. 

So let's start!

• 1. How To Write a Persuasive Essay About Abortion?
• 2. Persuasive Essay About Abortion Examples
• 3. Examples of Argumentative Essay About Abortion
• 4. Abortion Persuasive Essay Topics
• 5. Facts About Abortion You Need to Know

How To Write a Persuasive Essay About Abortion?

Abortion is a controversial topic, with people having differing points of view and opinions on the matter. There are those who oppose abortion, while some people endorse pro-choice arguments. 

It is also an emotionally charged subject, so you need to be extra careful when crafting your persuasive essay .

Before you start writing your persuasive essay, you need to understand the following steps.

Step 1: Choose Your Position

The first step to writing a persuasive essay on abortion is to decide your position. Do you support the practice or are you against it? You need to make sure that you have a clear opinion before you begin writing. 

Once you have decided, research and find evidence that supports your position. This will help strengthen your argument. 

Check out the video below to get more insights into this topic:

Step 2: Choose Your Audience

The next step is to decide who your audience will be. Will you write for pro-life or pro-choice individuals? Or both? 

Knowing who you are writing for will guide your writing and help you include the most relevant facts and information.

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Step 3: Define Your Argument

Now that you have chosen your position and audience, it is time to craft your argument. 

Start by defining what you believe and why, making sure to use evidence to support your claims. You also need to consider the opposing arguments and come up with counter arguments. This helps make your essay more balanced and convincing.

Step 4: Format Your Essay

Once you have the argument ready, it is time to craft your persuasive essay. Follow a standard format for the essay, with an introduction, body paragraphs, and conclusion. 

Make sure that each paragraph is organized and flows smoothly. Use clear and concise language, getting straight to the point.

Step 5: Proofread and Edit

The last step in writing your persuasive essay is to make sure that you proofread and edit it carefully. Look for spelling, grammar, punctuation, or factual errors and correct them. This will help make your essay more professional and convincing.

These are the steps you need to follow when writing a persuasive essay on abortion. It is a good idea to read some examples before you start so you can know how they should be written.

Continue reading to find helpful examples.

Persuasive Essay About Abortion Examples

To help you get started, here are some example persuasive essays on abortion that may be useful for your own paper.

Short Persuasive Essay About Abortion

Persuasive Essay About No To Abortion

What Is Abortion? - Essay Example

Persuasive Speech on Abortion

Legal Abortion Persuasive Essay

Persuasive Essay About Abortion in the Philippines

Persuasive Essay about legalizing abortion

You can also read m ore persuasive essay examples to imp rove your persuasive skills.

Examples of Argumentative Essay About Abortion

An argumentative essay is a type of essay that presents both sides of an argument. These essays rely heavily on logic and evidence.

Here are some examples of argumentative essay with introduction, body and conclusion that you can use as a reference in writing your own argumentative essay. 

Abortion Persuasive Essay Introduction

Argumentative Essay About Abortion Conclusion

Argumentative Essay About Abortion Pdf

Argumentative Essay About Abortion in the Philippines

Argumentative Essay About Abortion - Introduction

Abortion Persuasive Essay Topics

If you are looking for some topics to write your persuasive essay on abortion, here are some examples:

• Should abortion be legal in the United States?
• Is it ethical to perform abortions, considering its pros and cons?
• What should be done to reduce the number of unwanted pregnancies that lead to abortions?
• Is there a connection between abortion and psychological trauma?
• What are the ethical implications of abortion on demand?
• How has the debate over abortion changed over time?
• Should there be legal restrictions on late-term abortions?
• Does gender play a role in how people view abortion rights?
• Is it possible to reduce poverty and unwanted pregnancies through better sex education?
• How is the anti-abortion point of view affected by religious beliefs and values? 

These are just some of the potential topics that you can use for your persuasive essay on abortion. Think carefully about the topic you want to write about and make sure it is something that interests you. 

Check out m ore persuasive essay topics that will help you explore other things that you can write about!

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Facts About Abortion You Need to Know

Here are some facts about abortion that will help you formulate better arguments.

• According to the Guttmacher Institute , 1 in 4 pregnancies end in abortion.
• The majority of abortions are performed in the first trimester.
• Abortion is one of the safest medical procedures, with less than a 0.5% risk of major complications.
• In the United States, 14 states have laws that restrict or ban most forms of abortion after 20 weeks gestation.
• Seven out of 198 nations allow elective abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy.
• In places where abortion is illegal, more women die during childbirth and due to complications resulting from pregnancy.
• A majority of pregnant women who opt for abortions do so for financial and social reasons.
• According to estimates, 56 million abortions occur annually.

In conclusion, these are some of the examples, steps, and topics that you can use to write a persuasive essay. Make sure to do your research thoroughly and back up your arguments with evidence. This will make your essay more professional and convincing. 

Need the services of a professional essay writing service ? We've got your back!

MyPerfectWords.com is a persuasive essay writing service that provides help to students in the form of professionally written essays. Our persuasive essay writer can craft quality persuasive essays on any topic, including abortion. 

Frequently Asked Questions

What should i talk about in an essay about abortion.

When writing an essay about abortion, it is important to cover all the aspects of the subject. This includes discussing both sides of the argument, providing facts and evidence to support your claims, and exploring potential solutions.

What is a good argument for abortion?

A good argument for abortion could be that it is a woman’s choice to choose whether or not to have an abortion. It is also important to consider the potential risks of carrying a pregnancy to term.

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How Abortion Views Are Different

With the Supreme Court set to hear a major abortion case, we look at the state of public opinion.

By David Leonhardt

For nearly 50 years, public opinion has had only a limited effect on abortion policy. The Roe v. Wade decision, which the Supreme Court issued in 1973, established a constitutional right to abortion in many situations and struck down restrictions in dozens of states.

But now that the court has agreed to hear a case that could lead to the overturning of Roe , voters and legislators may soon again be determining abortion laws, state by state. This morning’s newsletter offers a guide to public opinion on the subject.

Americans’ views on abortion are sufficiently complex that both sides in the debate are able to point to survey data that suggests majority opinion is on their side — and then to argue that the data friendly to their own side is the “right” data. These competing claims can be confusing. But when you dig into the data, you discover there are some clear patterns and objective truths.

Here are five.

1. A pro-Roe majority …

Polls consistently show that a majority of Americans — 60 percent to 70 percent, in recent polls by both Gallup and Pew — say they do not want the Supreme Court to overturn Roe. Similarly, close to 60 percent of Americans say they favor abortion access in either all or most circumstances, according to Pew.

These are the numbers that abortion rights advocates often emphasize.

2. … and a pro-restriction majority

The most confounding aspect of public opinion is a contradiction between Americans’ views on Roe itself and their views on specific abortion policies: Even as most people say they support the ruling, most also say they favor restrictions that Roe does not permit .

Roe, for example, allows only limited restrictions on abortion during the second trimester, mostly involving a mother’s health. But less than 30 percent of Americans say that abortion should “generally be legal” in the second trimester, according to Gallup. Many people also oppose abortion in specific circumstances — because a fetus has Down syndrome, for example — even during the first trimester.

One sign that many Americans favor significant restrictions is in the Gallup data. Gallup uses slightly different wording from Pew, creating an option that allows people to say that abortion should be legal “in only a few” circumstances. And that is the most popular answer — with 35 percent of respondents giving it (in addition to the 20 percent who say abortion should be illegal in all circumstances).

This helps explain why many abortion rights advocates are worried that the Supreme Court will gut Roe without officially overturning it. Yes, the justices are often influenced by public opinion .

3. Remarkable stability

Opinion on some major political issues has changed substantially over the last half-century. On taxes and regulation, people’s views have ebbed and flowed. On some cultural issues — like same-sex marriage and marijuana legalization — views have moved sharply in one direction.

But opinion on abortion has barely budged . Here is Gallup’s four-category breakdown, going back to 1994:

Other survey questions show a similar pattern, with the stability stretching back to the 1970s , just after the Roe ruling.

A key reason is that abortion opinion differs only modestly by age group. Americans under 30 support abortion rights more strongly than Americans over 50, but the gap is not huge. The age gaps on marijuana legalization , same-sex marriage and climate change are all larger.

Abortion remains a vexing issue for large numbers of Americans in every generation — which suggests the debate is not likely to be resolved anytime soon.

4. A modest gender gap …

Gender plays a major role in American politics. Most women voted for Joe Biden, while most men voted for Donald Trump. On many issues, like gun control and the minimum wage , there is a large gender gap.

But the gap on abortion is not so large. If anything, it seems to be smaller than the partisan gap . That suggests, perhaps surprisingly, that there are more Democratic-voting women who favor significant abortion restrictions than Republican-voting women who favor almost universal access — while the opposite is true for men.

(One note: When people are asked whether they identify as “pro-choice” or “pro-life,” both the gender and age gaps grow. Those terms appear to prime people to think as Democrats or Republicans, rather than thinking through the details of their own policy views.)

5. … and a big class gap

One of the strongest predictors of a person’s view on abortion is educational attainment, as you can see in the chart above. Working-class Americans often favor restrictions. Many religiously observant people also favor restrictions.

It’s yet another way in which the Democratic coalition is becoming tilted toward college graduates and the Republican coalition is going in the other direction.

The bottom line

Both advocates and opponents of abortion access believe the issue is too important to be decided by public opinion. For advocates, women should have control over their bodies; after all, no major decision of men’s health is subject to a veto by politicians or other voters. And for opponents of abortion access, the life of an unborn child is too important to be subject to almost any other consideration.

If the Supreme Court overrules or substantially weakens Roe, this intense debate will play out state by state. Many states are likely to restrict abortion access substantially.

For more: Pew’s Jeff Diamant and Aleksandra Sandstrom look at opinion in each state . And The Upshot looks in detail at how and where laws may change if Roe falls .

THE LATEST NEWS

New C.D.C. mask guidelines have Americans wondering whether they can trust one another .

Republican-controlled states are cutting off federal pandemic unemployment benefits , arguing that they are making it hard for businesses to hire.

An estimated 40 percent of doctors in India have gotten Covid, and more than 250 have died since early April.

Many New York businesses are allowed to fully reopen today . Parts of Europe are also lifting restrictions .

Virus resources: How should you think about virus variants if you’re vaccinated ?

“The future of the auto industry is electric,” President Biden said during a visit to a Ford plant in Michigan.

The House passed a bill to help law enforcement agencies review hate crimes against Asian-Americans, sending it to Biden .

New York’s attorney general joined the Manhattan district attorney’s criminal inquiry into the Trump Organization .

House Republican leaders oppose creating a bipartisan commission to investigate the Jan. 6 Capitol attack.

Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

Diplomatic efforts to end the violence are gaining urgency , with the E.U., the U.N., and others calling on the Israeli military and Hamas militants to lay down their weapons.

Israeli airstrikes have damaged Gaza’s health and sewage systems and displaced tens of thousands of people, deepening a humanitarian crisis .

Biden was said to have sharpened his tone with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel in a private call.

Palestinians across the West Bank, Gaza and Israel went on strike .

Other Big Stories

Climate change is forcing the National Park Service to decide which species and landscapes to save — and which to let slip away.

A North Carolina prosecutor said sheriff’s deputies were “justified” in the killing of Andrew Brown Jr., a Black man.

In Japan, a woman who overstayed her visa got sick and died alone in detention , causing criticism of the country’s treatment of migrants.

Darwin’s Arch, a rock formation in the Galápagos Islands, collapsed because of natural erosion .

Spain is trying a new solution for officials who can’t stop stealing: corruption rehab .

Why are people in your state not getting vaccinated ?

“To me it represents everything that is beautiful and possible”: Dr. Adam Lee Goldstein writes about his hospital near Tel Aviv, where Jews and Muslims, side by side, treat the wounded.

Morning Reads

Anonymous no more: In 1944, they were children on a train to a Nazi death camp. Researchers identified them, and they’re still alive .

A Times classic: Eight things worth your time .

Lives Lived: With deadpan comedy and Everyman good looks, Charles Grodin first drew notice on Broadway. He went on to star onscreen in “The Heartbreak Kid,” “Midnight Run” and “Beethoven.” He died at 86 .

ARTS AND IDEAS

‘shrek’ at 20.

Nobody at DreamWorks, then a relatively new animation studio, expected “Shrek” to be a hit. “Getting sent to ‘Shrek’ felt like being sent to Siberia,” the director Vicky Jenson said.

Released 20 years ago, the movie was a departure from other animated features of the time. Its hero was a misanthropic ogre. The cheeky and crude humor made fun of fairy-tale tropes. And the film was loaded with pop culture references and contemporary songs .

Yet “Shrek” went on to spawn a billion-dollar franchise and win the first Academy Award for best animated feature. It “defined the kind of films the studio would go on to make: offbeat stories that, unlike Disney fairy tales, had more of an edge to them,” as Gina Cherelus writes in The Times .

Today, Shrek-related content is ubiquitous in memes and on social media, introducing the film to a new generation . At a sushi restaurant years ago, Jenson was delighted to overhear nearby diners talking about it. “One of them says, ‘Have you seen “Shrek”?’ And the other one is like, ‘No, no, I don’t go see kids’ stuff,’ and they go: ‘No, no, it’s not for kids. You have to go see it.’” — Sanam Yar, a Morning writer

PLAY, WATCH, EAT

What to cook.

This fried snapper is topped with thyme-laced Creole sauce. Eat it while reading Pete Wells on New York City’s return to full-scale indoor dining.

What to Read

The mainstream narrative is that Sinead O’Connor ripped up a photo of the pope on “Saturday Night Live” and derailed her music career. She’d like to set the record straight .

Virtual Travel

See a ghost town on a Norwegian archipelago in the High Arctic.

The hosts discussed the Giulianis .

Now Time to Play

The pangram from yesterday’s Spelling Bee was jocular . Here is today’s puzzle — or you can play online .

Here’s today’s Mini Crossword , and a clue: Euphoric feeling (four letters).

If you’re in the mood to play more, find all our games here .

Thanks for spending part of your morning with The Times. See you tomorrow. — David

P.S. Three of our colleagues’ stories appear in The Best American Food Writing 2020 : Amelia Nierenberg’s article on Hatch chiles , Kim Severson’s profile of Jamie Oliver and Pete Wells’s viral review of Peter Luger .

You can see today’s print front page here .

“ The Daily ” is about Gaza. On “ The Argument ,” a debate about critical race theory.

Lalena Fisher, Claire Moses, Ian Prasad Philbrick and Sanam Yar contributed to The Morning. You can reach the team at [email protected] .

Sign up here to get this newsletter in your inbox .

David Leonhardt writes The Morning, The Times's main daily newsletter. Previously at The Times, he was the Washington bureau chief, the founding editor of The Upshot, an Op-Ed columnist, and the head of The 2020 Project, on the future of the Times newsroom. He won the 2011 Pulitzer Prize for commentary. More about David Leonhardt

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The fight over US abortion rights in the year without Roe – photo essay

A look back on the year since the US supreme court overturned Roe v Wade with the Dobbs decision, and the advocates who aren’t giving up

While the supreme court’s decision to overturn Roe v Wade sent shockwaves around the country, many activists, physicians and advocacy groups closely engaged in the fight over abortion in the US were not surprised.

Since Roe’s establishment of the federal right to abortion in 1973, anti-abortion advocates and conservative lawmakers have been chipping away at it. Restrictions on abortion increased over the last decade, and by the mid-2010s, seven states had just one abortion clinic left. In Mississippi, where the Dobbs v Jackson Women’s Health Organization case that ultimately ended Roe originated, the state’s one clinic did not provide abortions beyond 16 weeks of pregnancy, meaning many people already had to travel to find care.

For residents in a state with the highest poverty rate in the nation, where there is no guaranteed childcare, and where elected officials have refused to expand Medicaid to cover low-income workers, that often meant obtaining an abortion was unlikely. For those who do move forward with pregnancies, the state doesn’t make that easy either. The states like Mississippi that have now passed the strictest abortion laws are also typically the ones with the lowest minimum wages , the least generous policies that support families, least access to education and to health care. In many southern states, the rates of maternal and infant mortality and morbidity are among the highest in the country. The US has the highest maternal death rate of any wealthy country, and Black women suffer most – they’re three to four times as likely to die from pregnancy-related complications as white women.

The ways the US healthcare system has treated Black people continues to affect their health in profound ways, says Dr Nina Ragunanthan, an OB-GYN who serves the largely low-income Black community in Mississippi’s Delta region.

“You take a group of people that have been so abused for generations,” she says, “the essential stress from that passes down.” Ragunanthan and other doctors say these inherited health challenges combined with ongoing racism mean that abortion bans and their subsequent effects, from medical providers moving away from states with restrictive laws to the potential of criminal penalties, have a disproportionate impact on Black Americans.

In the days after the Dobbs decision, protesters flooded the Pink House, as the Jackson Women’s Health Organization clinic was known. The Pink House Defenders, the group of volunteers who escorted patients to and from the clinic, were used to seeing regular, sometimes heated demonstrations outside, and so tried to keep things as normal as possible for patients, said Derenda Hancock, the group’s founder. “We are just trying to be here for the patients until the last moment.”

Destiny Buchauau had her son at 14 and had her daughter a few months before the Dobbs ruling. She dropped out of school and lives in Rolling Fork, Mississippi, with her children and extended family.

Activist Linda Nicole Stringfellow always has condoms, emergency contraception, and pregnancy tests in her office in Cleveland, Mississippi. Whenever someone arrives, she also provides basic sexual education.

Ebony Jones became pregnant by rape at 17 and miscarried. She later got pregnant again, but the fetus was not developing correctly. Jones had to continue to term because it was illegal to terminate at her stage. When her son was born, she held him as he was dying for 10 hours.

Shantana Stamps, has a four-month-old son at 16. She lives with her mother and aunts in Anguilla, Mississippi. While she knew that contraception existed, she did not know where to find it or who to ask.

Cathy Dolley delivered her daughter prematurely by emergency cesarean section. Years earlier, she had a miscarriage and had to keep the fetus in her uterus for 21 days because of trap laws on abortion.

Dolley has three children and has been pregnant six times. Her first daughter, T’lana La’Faith Davis, died the day she was born in 2018.

Dolley is a certified nurse. Throughout the whole miscarriage and hospital experience she understood completely what are the risks and what was happening to her body.

Many abortion clinics stopped providing care the moment the Dobbs decision came down as they scrambled to interpret what the ruling meant for their state. The Pink House closed its doors for good on 6 July, and as the summer stretched on, more abortion bans took effect. Sixty-six clinics across 15 states stopped offering abortions in the first 100 days after Roe fell, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a research form that supports abortion rights.

Clinics in states where abortion remains legal saw huge increases in patients seeking care, and they tried to expand hours and staffing to meet those needs.

I went home with his birth certificate and an empty box with a black flower on it. – Ebony Jones

Doctors, patients and activists spoke out, drawing attention to the ripple effects that new abortion laws were having not only on those who sought abortions, but also on people experiencing pregnancy complications, miscarriages and on those who used medications that were caught up in the uncertainty around the new legislation. Anti-abortion doctors and advocates, meanwhile, argued that the laws were clear and doctors were at fault for any confusion about when the laws applied.

In August, the new era of abortion restrictions faced its first test at the ballot box when Kansas voters decisively rejected a measure that would have opened the state to future abortion bans. The surprising win for abortion rights supporters served as a symbol of a brewing backlash to the supreme court’s decision, and added fuel to debates within the Republican party about how far it should go with its new ability to restrict abortion.

Senator Lindsay Graham proposed a national 15-week abortion ban in September, but other conservative states faltered as they tried to agree on limits for abortion without the constraints of Roe.

The intensity of these fights increased as the country headed toward the midterm elections, where abortion was suddenly at the forefront of nearly every campaign. Members of Congress held hearings on the topic. Advocates flooded into states where more ballot measures addressed abortion, and where voters were now acutely aware of the power that state and local elected officials have over their lives.

Meanwhile, reproductive justice advocates, who had been warning for years that Roe was not enough to guarantee abortion access, ramped up their plans to help people find care. Some clinics that stopped offering abortions remained open in states with bans to provide other reproductive health services, gender-affirming care and follow-up appointments for people who terminated their pregnancies out of state.

While performing an ultrasound for a patient who was preparing for an abortion, Dr. Cheryl Hamlin saw signs of an ectopic pregnancy, which would make taking abortion pills dangerous for the patient.

Her patient had traveled multiple hours to reach the clinic and needed to return home that night, so Hamlin worked to verify the diagnosis as soon as possible with other specialists.

While some people prefer to take abortion pills on their own, Hamlin believes everyone should have medical support if they desire. Now that many states have outlawed abortion, many people are going without that support.

Kate works at the Hope Clinic for Women in Illinois, where she received an abortion in 2021. After a complicated pregnancy, she was told a future pregnancy would be dangerous but the Catholic hospital where she gave birth refused to tie her tubes.

Kate became pregnant again despite taking birth control. She experienced complications after taking abortion pills and had to have three blood transfusions. The Hope Clinic asked Kate to return to ensure the abortion was safely completed.

Many abortion clinic workers choose these jobs because they have personal experience with the topic or believe strongly in the clinics’ missions.

Grassroots groups known as abortion funds raised money to help people afford abortions and the travel, lodging, childcare and extra costs that come with seeking medical assistance far from home. People like Michelle Colon, founder of Shero in Mississippi, organized volunteers to drive more than 50 women at least 10 hours north to Illinois to obtain abortions. Colon herself drove at least 20 times between the end of June and the fall, sometimes bringing more than one patient in her car and paying for travel costs herself. She is now among the very few individuals left providing such help in Mississippi.

With the country focused on abortion in a way it hadn’t been for years, advocates tried to cut through the stigma around the topic. They held conferences, speakouts and encouraged politicians to talk about the issue on the campaign trail leading up to the November midterm elections.

Angela Michael, an anti-abortion activist and former nurse performs an ultrasound on Ashley in a recreational vehicle outside the Hope Clinic. Michael convinced Ashley not to have an abortion several years ago.

On 8 November 2022, voters delivered a ringing endorsement of abortion rights in key states, establishing new abortion protections in Michigan, California and Vermont, while rejecting efforts to restrict abortion or criminalize providers in Kentucky and Montana. Elsewhere, voters supported governors and other state level candidates who backed abortion rights in places like Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Kansas and Arizona.

As the post-Roe reality set in, abortion pills, which have been on the World Health Organization’s list of “essential medicines” for years and now account for more than half of US abortions, proved a key flash point.

Abortion rights activists see the pills, a two-drug regimen also known as medication abortion, as a key way to help people get care privately and take some of the load off brick-and-mortar clinics. Telehealth services like Hey Jane, Choix and Abortion on Demand expanded in states where abortion remains legal. The number of abortions provided by virtual-only telehealth providers increased from an average of 4,025 abortions a month (or 5% of all abortions) before Dobbs to 7,461 a month (9% of all abortions) in the first nine months after the decision, according to the Society of Family Planning’s new WeCount report . For people who couldn’t or didn’t want to use official channels, activists expanded underground networks run by groups like Las Libres and Red Necesito Arbortar that are delivering abortion pills to Americans from as far away as Mexico and India.

Michelle Colon, founder of Shero, an abortion fund in Mississippi, works with other activists to find ways to continue helping women in the south access abortion.

Plan A mobile clinic provides free basic reproductive healthcare and pre- and postnatal checkups for patients without health insurance. The clinic also refers patients to health centers that provide post-abortion checkups.

Valencia Robinson leads Mississippi in Action, a group that does advocacy and education about sexual and reproductive health issues. Robinson started this work after her own emergency c-section years ago.

April Jackson already had two kids when she got pregnant again. She went to a pregnancy center and was convinced not to have an abortion. Her youngest daughter was born with a heart defect that now needs to be constantly monitored.

April is raising her seven children on her own without any substantial support from any organizations or the state of Mississippi, where she is from and currently lives.

As a teenager, Amanda Furdge had two abortions. She never received sex education growing up in Mississippi. She later got married and had a son but escaped back home after her husband became violent. She soon learned she was pregnant again and was misled by a crisis pregnancy center after she went to them for an abortion.

Several years later she married another man, and though she did not want to have more children, she had another baby. After her second husband also became violent, Furdge got a tubal ligation and left her spouse to raise her children on her own.

Those who oppose abortion see pills as enabling a way around their favored laws. While the vast majority of Americans did not want to see Roe overturned and public opinion has only solidified in favor of abortion rights since last summer, the anti-abortion movement does not care if its positions are not widely popular. This year, Christian legal advocacy group Alliance Defending Freedom filed a lawsuit aiming to force the FDA to take mifepristone, one of the two drugs used for medication abortions, off the market nationwide.

After a Trump-appointed federal judge in Texas agreed with the group, the supreme court eventually blocked the restrictions and maintained access for now. But the case is likely to end up back at the supreme court, where it could still upend abortion access in every state.

She asked me to show her a photo of my oldest son. And then she asked ‘what if I kill him? – Amanda Furdge

The 2023 legislative session brought a number of new state abortion bans and restrictions, though some of these have now been blocked by courts. Democratic-leaning states pushed back by allocating funding and passing new protections for abortion seekers and providers within their borders. In other places, conservative lawmakers sought to limit ballot measures related to abortion. A group of patients in Texas who say they were denied medically necessary abortions despite risks to their lives and their fetuses, sued the state seeking to clarify exceptions to its abortion bans and as physicians in other states highlighted similar situations also arguing for more health-based exceptions, lawmakers often proved skeptical and anti-abortion advocates encouraged them to hold strong.

Alejandra had an abortion in 2018. She remembers how lonely she felt during her experience. Now Alejandra provides help to other women in Arizona and talks about her story publicly to fight abortion stigma.

Throughout the spring, abortion funds continued to help people access care. But while many groups in places as diverse as Louisiana, Arizona and Colorado doubled and tripled their fundraising from before Dobbs, they are now warning that funding is lagging as the public’s attention wanes. The New York Abortion Access Fund, which has helped patients from 29 states, Washington DC and six countries access abortions in the last year, says it is on pace to run out of money by October if it does not receive more support.

Over 3,000 abortion pills were donated to Red Necesito Abortar, an activist group in Mexico so that they can be transported across the border for American women to use.

Misa (pseudonym) is an activist from a feminist collective in Matamoros, Mexico. Since the abortion laws have changed in the US, she has crossed the border multiple times to bring abortion pills to Texas.

In Mississippi, health problems continue and people like Colon, one of the few people helping residents in her state find the resources to travel and obtain abortions, says the situation feels almost like Jenga, the children’s game that involves precariously removing wooden blocks from a tower until they collapse. “They’re just pulling away everything,” she says. “There’s only a couple more blocks left. You’ve got these other blocks just kind of teetering.”

We never thought that we would be the ones who would be able to provide abortion access to women in the US. – Veronica Cruz

It’s not clear what will happen when the last block is gone. More lawsuits and legal attacks are coming, OB-GYNs are leaving states with abortion bans, and training for the next generation of medical residents in states with restrictions remains uncertain.

But for now, abortion rights advocates are not giving up.

Colon says she feels like she is fighting back against the new laws every time she gets someone to an appointment to terminate their pregnancy if that’s what they want. “You may have put up all of these hurdles, but we’re still getting folks there,” she says. “We’re basically crawling over fucking glass, we’re climbing mountains, yet we’re still getting people there.

Lola, an undocumented immigrant from Mexico who has been living in California for over 20 years, prepares abortion pills provided by a Mexican organization for clandestine distribution around the US.

When Lola had an abortion a few years ago, she was alone. She is now part of a network distributing them to people in the states where abortion has been illegal since more laws started changing in June 2022.

• A year without Roe
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The Florida Supreme Court ruling on abortion Monday marks an uncertain future for reproductive rights and privacy more generally. While the court allowed a statewide referendum on abortion to proceed, it cleared the way to further restrict the procedure while overturning decades of precedence on privacy protections. The November ballot measure was already poised to be defining; the court’s decision only raises the stakes.

The justices ruled 6-1 that the privacy provision in Florida’s constitution did not protect access to abortion, letting stand a 15-week abortion ban enacted in 2022. But the conservative court’s ruling has far greater implications. By finding the existing restrictions legal, the court triggered a new six-week ban enacted last year to take effect by May 1. And its sweeping dismissal of the state’s privacy clause could put other personal freedoms under legal jeopardy.

Florida voters added a privacy clause to the state constitution in 1980, which states in part: “Every natural person has the right to be let alone and free from governmental intrusion into the person’s private life.” The Florida Supreme Court first ruled in 1989 that the provision applied to abortion, and in 2012, Florida voters rejected a Republican-sponsored ballot amendment that would have narrowed the state’s abortion-rights guarantee.

But in the ruling April 1, the court majority wrote that Florida voters did not understand abortion would be included in the privacy amendment the state adopted in 1980. “It would require an analytical leap,” the opinion held, to associate “the right to be let alone” with access to abortion. Moreover, the majority added, the Florida courts erred in the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 decision in Roe v. Wade, which guaranteed a constitutional right to abortion, by reading “additional rights” into Florida’s privacy clause “beyond what the text could reasonably bear.”

The court’s ruling was hardly surprising; Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis, who signed both the 15-week and six-week abortion bans into law, appointed five of the court’s seven members, and the justices have shown their comfort in acting as legislators in robes. But the opinion exposed the political lens this court takes toward controversial policy issues and its willingness to pluck arguments from the ether to justify its decisions.

The majority opinion, for example, noted that the phrase “right to privacy” gained “new connotations” after the Roe decision in 1973, including “the choice to have an abortion.” But the majority also dismissed the impact this association between a right to privacy and the Roe decision had on the decision by Florida voters to adopt their own privacy clause. In other words, Florida’s top court appeared to conveniently forget that Florida voters knew full well that enshrining a right to privacy into the state constitution in 1980 would protect abortion rights. Justice Jorge Labarga, the lone vote against, called out this stretch of the imagination in his dissent.

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“The public understood the right of privacy to encompass the right to an abortion,” Labarga wrote in a 30-page opinion. “Roe and its extensive coverage informed legislators and their constituents that the right of privacy under the U.S. Constitution protected the right to an abortion.” Labarga called the majority decision “an affront to this state’s tradition of embracing a broad scope of the right to privacy.”

In a footnote, the majority noted that its opinion did not address privacy protections “outside of the abortion context.” But Labarga expressed concern this could be the court’s next logical step. “The majority’s reasoning,” he warned, could spur attempts by future litigants “to undermine the broad privacy protections that are extended in the medical context.”

That’s why the court’s other decision to clear an abortion-rights amendment for the November ballot is so helpful in potentially balancing the fallout. The measure would bar any law that prohibits, penalizes, delays or restricts abortion “before viability,” usually around 24 weeks. But the court approved that referendum by the slimmest 4-3 majority possible, and state Republican leaders have vowed to work against it. Florida voters have a rare chance this November to enshrine reproductive rights before the governor, legislature and high court erode even more of our privacy protections.

Editorials are the institutional voice of the Tampa Bay Times. The members of the Editorial Board are Editor of Editorials Graham Brink, Sherri Day, Sebastian Dortch, John Hill, Jim Verhulst and Chairman and CEO Conan Gallaty. Follow @TBTimes_Opinion on Twitter for more opinion news.

Editorials are the institutional voice of the Tampa Bay Times. The members of the Editorial Board are Editor of Editorials Graham Brink, Sherri Day, Sebastian Dortch, John Hill, Jim Verhulst and Chairman and CEO Conan Gallaty.

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The Anti-Abortion Endgame That Erin Hawley Admitted to the Supreme Court

Somewhat lost in the debate around abortion pills and oral arguments that took place at the Supreme Court in FDA v. Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine on Tuesday was one deeply uncomfortable truth: The very notion of what it means to practice emergency medicine is in dispute, with anti-abortion doctors insisting upon a right to refuse treatment for any patient who doesn’t meet their test of moral purity. Indeed, the right asserted is that in the absence of certainty about which patients are morally pure, the doctors want to deny medication to all patients, nationwide.

In public, the plaintiffs in this case—a group of doctors and dentists seeking to ban medication abortion—have long claimed they object to ending “unborn life” by finishing an “incomplete or failed” abortion at the hospital. But in court, they went much further. Their lawyer, Erin Hawley, admitted at oral argument that her clients don’t merely oppose terminating a pregnancy—they are pursuing the right to turn away a patient whose pregnancy has already been terminated . Indeed, they appear to want to deny even emergency care to patients whose fetus is no longer “alive,” on the grounds that the patient used an abortion drug earlier in the process. And they aim to deploy this broad fear of “complicity” against the FDA, to demand a nationwide prohibition on the abortion pill to ensure that they need never again see (and be forced to turn away) patients who’ve previously taken it. This is not a theory of being “complicit” in ending life. It is a theory that doctors can pick and choose their patients based on the “moral distress” they might feel in helping them.

It should come as no surprise that the same judge who tried to ban mifepristone in this case, Matthew Kacsmaryk, has also attempted to legalize anti-LGBTQ+ discrimination in health care nationwide. This is the ballgame: weaponize subjective religious beliefs against secular society to degrade the quality of care for everyone. If you can’t persuade Americans to adopt hardcore evangelical views, exploit the legal system to coerce them into it anyway.

Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine is at once embarrassingly frivolous and existentially important. Don’t let the jokes about how silly the Comstock Act seems , or how speculative the theory of standing is, get in the way of taking a serious look at the claims on offer. The plaintiffs say they are terrified that one day, a patient may walk into their emergency room suffering complications from a medication abortion prescribed by some other doctor. This patient may need their assistance completing the abortion or simply recovering from the complete abortion, which these plaintiffs deem “complicity” in sin. And they say the solution is either a total, nationwide ban on mifepristone, the first drug in the medication abortion sequence, or a draconian (and medically unnecessary) set of restrictions that would place mifepristone out of reach for many patients. (The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5 th Circuit ruled to reinstate those restrictions at their behest.)

It is a twisted line of logic, one that should never have reached the Supreme Court in the first place. But it is also a product of the court’s past indulgence of outlandish claims about moral “complicity.” As was made plain in the oral arguments and briefing, activist doctors are no longer satisfied with personal conscience exemptions already granted under state and federal law; they now insist that nobody, anywhere, should have access to the abortion pill, in order to ensure that they themselves won’t have to treat patients who took one. At a minimum, they say, they should be able to radically roll back access to the pill in all 50 states to reduce the odds that one of these handful of objectors might someday encounter a patient who took it. This extremist argument lays bare the transformation of the idea of “complicity” from a shield for religious dissenters to a sword for ideologues desperate to seize control over other people’s lives and bodies.

At oral arguments, several justices pressed Hawley, who argued on behalf of Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, with an obvious retort: Why can’t her clients simply refuse to treat these hypothetical someday patients on the grounds that they cannot help end the “life” of a fetus or embryo? After all, federal law guarantees doctors the right not to have to provide an abortion if doing so is “contrary to his religious beliefs or moral convictions.” Justices Amy Coney Barrett and Brett Kavanaugh secured assurances from Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar, early in the arguments, that under no circumstances could the government force any health care provider to ever participate in an abortion in violation of their conscience. Justice Elena Kagan asked Prelogar: “Suppose somebody has bled significantly, needs a transfusion, or, you know, any of a number of other things that might happen.” Would the plaintiffs object to treating them? Prelogar said the record was unclear.

Hawley, who is married to far-right Republican Sen. Josh Hawley, then approached the lectern and cleared up any confusion: Yes, she insisted, treating a patient who has undergone a medication abortion violates the conscience of the plaintiff physicians even if there is no “live” fetus or embryo to terminate anymore. “Completing an elective abortion means removing an embryo fetus, whether or not they’re alive, as well as placental tissue,” Hawley told Kagan. So the plaintiffs don’t object just to taking a “life.” They also object to the mere act of removing leftover tissue, even from the placenta.

Of course, these doctors must remove “dead” fetal tissue and placentas all the time—from patients who experienced a spontaneous miscarriage. By their own admission, the plaintiffs regularly help women complete miscarriages through surgery or medication. Those women they will gladly treat. Other women, though—the ones who induced their own miscarriage via medication—are too sinful to touch. Before the plaintiffs can administer even lifesaving emergency treatment, they need to know the circumstances of this pregnancy loss: Spontaneous miscarriages are OK; medication abortions are not.

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, too, zeroed in on this admission. She told Hawley that she had thought the objection was to “participating in a procedure that is ending the life [of the fetus].” Hawley told her no: Any participation in an abortion, even through the indirect treatment of a patient without a “live” fetus, violated the doctors’ conscience. So, wait. What about “handing them a water bottle?” Jackson asked. Hawley dodged the question, declining to say whether helping a patient hydrate would constitute impermissible complicity in sin.

All this is reminiscent of Little Sisters of the Poor , a case about a Catholic charitable group that was afforded an exemption from the Affordable Care Act’s contraception mandate. The Little Sisters were asked to check a box signaling to the government that they could not comply with the mandate, at which point the government would step in to cover their employees. But the Little Sisters refused, viewing this action—the checking of a box to opt out of coverage—as “complicity” in abortion because it would in turn trigger government payment for contraception (which they viewed as abortifacients). The Supreme Court and the Trump administration ultimately indulged the Little Sisters’ claim .

Here, we have emergency room physicians asserting that they will not participate in lifesaving medical intervention unless they approve of the reason for the pregnancy loss. Presumably, if the pregnant patient is an unwed mother, or a gay or transgender person, the doctor would be similarly complicit in sin and decline service. Seen through this lens, since one can never know which sins one is enabling in the ER, each and every day, a narrow conscience exemption becomes a sweeping guarantee that absolutely nobody in the country can ever have access to basic health care, let alone miscarriage management. (Of course, these plaintiffs might focus only on one set of “sins” they see as relevant.) In a country effectively governed by Kacsmaryk and his plaintiff friends, a gay person suffering a stroke could be turned away from any hospital because of his sexual orientation, all to spare a doctor from a glancing encounter with prior sin. As Tobias Barrington Wolff, a professor of law at the University of Pennsylvania Law School, put it to us in an email, this unbounded view of complicity “is part of enacting the social death of people and practices you abhor, which in turn can contribute to the material death of people and practices you abhor.”

One of the most exhausting lessons of post- Roe America is that being “pro-life” definitively means privileging the life of the presumptively sin-free unborn—or even their “dead” remains—over the life of the sin-racked adults who carry them. This is why women are left to go septic or to hemorrhage in hospital parking lots; it is why C-sections are performed in nonviable pregnancies, at high risk to mothers; it’s why the women who sued in Texas to secure exceptions to that state’s abortion ban are condemned by the state as sinners and whores . And it’s why—in the eyes of the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine — it is a greater hardship for a physician to “waste precious moments scrubbing in, scrubbing out” of emergency surgery, as Hawley put it, so long as they don’t believe that the emergency warrants their professional services, than it is for a pregnant person, anywhere in the country, including in states that permit abortion, to be forced to give birth.

At oral argument, Hawley explained that her clients have “structured [their] medical practice to bring life into the world. When they are called from their labor and delivery floor down to the operating room to treat a woman suffering from abortion drug harm, that is diametrically opposed to why they entered the medical profession. It comes along with emotional harm.” The emotional harm alleged here is that unless these doctors approve of the specific circumstances of the ER visit, they violate not only their own medical preference but also their religious convictions. But they will never truly know enough about the sins of their patients to be able to shield themselves against being a link in a chain of subjective lifelong sin. And to be a doctor, especially an emergency physician, should be to understand that your patients’ private choices and spiritual life are not really open to your pervasive and vigilant medical veto. This deep-rooted suspicion of patients deemed insufficiently pure for lifesaving treatment didn’t begin with the availability of medication abortion. It will assuredly not end there.

Opinion Repeal the Comstock Act before the GOP tries using it to ban abortion

Prudish even by the standards of the Victorian Age, Anthony Comstock ranks as one of the more bizarre and destructive figures in U.S. history. The founder of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice in 1873, Comstock boasted of hounding women to suicide by pursuing their prosecution for selling contraceptive pills or assisting abortions. As a federal postal inspector, he once raided an art gallery selling nude paintings, including a reproduction of the “Birth of Venus,” which a court ordered seized. He saw newspapers, magazines and novels as satanic influences for promoting “evil reading” and encouraged destruction of books.

He lobbied for an 1873 federal law that makes it a felony to mail any “article or thing designed, adapted, or intended for producing abortion,” or even any advice on how or where to get an abortion or contraception. Later judicial interpretation prompted removal of the Comstock Act’s prohibition on mailing contraception, but its purported ban on abortion-related supplies is still on the books. Americans were reminded of this astonishing — and troubling — fact at Tuesday’s Supreme Court oral argument over efforts by antiabortion doctors to rescind Food and Drug Administration rules allowing the distribution of mifepristone, used for medical abortions.

During the hearing, Erin Hawley, counsel for the antiabortion doctors, claimed the FDA had ignored the “plain text” of the Comstock Act when it permanently removed a requirement women get mifepristone pills in-person last year. Ms. Hawley got apparent support in this contention from Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel A. Alito Jr. “It’s not some obscure subsection of a complicated, obscure law,” said Justice Alito. Justice Thomas told the attorney for the medication’s manufacturer, Danco Laboratories, that the “fairly broad” statute “specifically covers drugs such as yours.”

Though the justices seemed likely to back the FDA for other reasons, the emergence of the Comstock Act from legal dormancy could foreshadow more conservative attempts to use it against reproductive freedom — in a post- Roe world where nearly two-thirds of all abortion s are now carried out by medication. It should never come to that: Congress needs to repeal the law.

Democrats should lead that effort while they still control the Senate and the White House. And they should do so despite understandable fears that trying, and failing, to repeal the law could paradoxically reinforce its validity. It’s a fight worth having. Let House Republicans refuse to consider a bill, or the Senate GOP filibuster one, and explain to voters why they oppose eliminating even the theoretical chance people could get up to five years in prison (the maximum penalty for a first offense) for shipping mifepristone. (The law also applies to express common carriers , such as FedEx and UPS.)

In fact, a number of groups and individuals on the right are trying to revive the Comstock Act. The Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, a policy blueprint for a second Donald Trump term to which more than 100 conservative groups contributed, says a Trump Justice Department should “announce its intent to enforce federal law against providers and distributors of such [abortion] pills.” Jonathan Mitchell, the former Texas solicitor general who devised that state’s law encouraging civil lawsuits against abortion providers, has said : “We don’t need a federal ban when we have Comstock.”

Last month, 26 Republican senators and 199 GOP members of the House signed a friend of the court brief in the mifepristone case accusing the FDA of “blatant disregard” for the Comstock Act. “These provisions have been federal policy for more than a century,” they wrote. Nine GOP senators signed letters last year to CVS and Walgreens as the pharmacy chains prepared to sell mifepristone, warning that the Comstock Act has a five-year statute of limitations — so nothing would stop the next president’s Justice Department from charging companies or individuals with distributing abortion pills.

Companies and individuals are probably safe for now because a Biden appointee at the department’s Office of Legal Counsel issued an opinion in December 2022 construing the Comstock Act to allow mailing mifepristone if the sender “lacks the intent that the recipient of the drugs will use them unlawfully.” But a Justice Department under Mr. Trump could easily issue new guidance.

Mr. Trump’s Supreme Court picks were instrumental in the court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade , a fact for which the presumptive GOP nominee and his party are paying a political price. For the time being, Mr. Trump is trying to take credit with the GOP’s pro-life wing, while ducking the issue otherwise. A high-profile effort to repeal the Comstock Act could force him to say clearly where he stands. One way or the other, this obsolete, misogynist law needs to be wiped off the statute books.

The Post’s View | About the Editorial Board

Editorials represent the views of The Post as an institution, as determined through discussion among members of the Editorial Board , based in the Opinions section and separate from the newsroom.

Members of the Editorial Board: Opinion Editor David Shipley , Deputy Opinion Editor Charles Lane and Deputy Opinion Editor Stephen Stromberg , as well as writers Mary Duenwald, Shadi Hamid , David E. Hoffman , James Hohmann , Heather Long , Mili Mitra , Eduardo Porter , Keith B. Richburg and Molly Roberts .

• Opinion | Here’s why Americans under 40 are so disillusioned with capitalism April 1, 2024 Opinion | Here’s why Americans under 40 are so disillusioned with capitalism April 1, 2024
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• Opinion | This Easter, let’s not try to pretend Jesus was a ‘Palestinian Jew’ March 28, 2024 Opinion | This Easter, let’s not try to pretend Jesus was a ‘Palestinian Jew’ March 28, 2024

First refuelling for Russia’s Akademik Lomonosov floating NPP

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The FNPP includes two KLT-40S reactor units. In such reactors, nuclear fuel is not replaced in the same way as in standard NPPs – partial replacement of fuel once every 12-18 months. Instead, once every few years the entire reactor core is replaced with and a full load of fresh fuel.

The KLT-40S reactor cores have a number of advantages compared with standard NPPs. For the first time, a cassette core was used, which made it possible to increase the fuel cycle to 3-3.5 years before refuelling, and also reduce by one and a half times the fuel component in the cost of the electricity produced. The operating experience of the FNPP provided the basis for the design of the new series of nuclear icebreaker reactors (series 22220). Currently, three such icebreakers have been launched.

The Akademik Lomonosov was connected to the power grid in December 2019, and put into commercial operation in May 2020.

Electricity generation from the FNPP at the end of 2023 amounted to 194 GWh. The population of Pevek is just over 4,000 people. However, the plant can potentially provide electricity to a city with a population of up to 100,000. The FNPP solved two problems. Firstly, it replaced the retiring capacities of the Bilibino Nuclear Power Plant, which has been operating since 1974, as well as the Chaunskaya Thermal Power Plant, which is more than 70 years old. It also supplies power to the main mining enterprises located in western Chukotka. In September, a 490 km 110 kilovolt power transmission line was put into operation connecting Pevek and Bilibino.

Image courtesy of TVEL

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40 facts about elektrostal.

Written by Lanette Mayes

Modified & Updated: 02 Mar 2024

Reviewed by Jessica Corbett

Elektrostal is a vibrant city located in the Moscow Oblast region of Russia. With a rich history, stunning architecture, and a thriving community, Elektrostal is a city that has much to offer. Whether you are a history buff, nature enthusiast, or simply curious about different cultures, Elektrostal is sure to captivate you.

This article will provide you with 40 fascinating facts about Elektrostal, giving you a better understanding of why this city is worth exploring. From its origins as an industrial hub to its modern-day charm, we will delve into the various aspects that make Elektrostal a unique and must-visit destination.

So, join us as we uncover the hidden treasures of Elektrostal and discover what makes this city a true gem in the heart of Russia.

Key Takeaways:

• Elektrostal, known as the “Motor City of Russia,” is a vibrant and growing city with a rich industrial history, offering diverse cultural experiences and a strong commitment to environmental sustainability.
• With its convenient location near Moscow, Elektrostal provides a picturesque landscape, vibrant nightlife, and a range of recreational activities, making it an ideal destination for residents and visitors alike.

Known as the “Motor City of Russia.”

Elektrostal, a city located in the Moscow Oblast region of Russia, earned the nickname “Motor City” due to its significant involvement in the automotive industry.

Home to the Elektrostal Metallurgical Plant.

Elektrostal is renowned for its metallurgical plant, which has been producing high-quality steel and alloys since its establishment in 1916.

Boasts a rich industrial heritage.

Elektrostal has a long history of industrial development, contributing to the growth and progress of the region.

Founded in 1916.

The city of Elektrostal was founded in 1916 as a result of the construction of the Elektrostal Metallurgical Plant.

Located approximately 50 kilometers east of Moscow.

Elektrostal is situated in close proximity to the Russian capital, making it easily accessible for both residents and visitors.

Known for its vibrant cultural scene.

Elektrostal is home to several cultural institutions, including museums, theaters, and art galleries that showcase the city’s rich artistic heritage.

A popular destination for nature lovers.

Surrounded by picturesque landscapes and forests, Elektrostal offers ample opportunities for outdoor activities such as hiking, camping, and birdwatching.

Hosts the annual Elektrostal City Day celebrations.

Every year, Elektrostal organizes festive events and activities to celebrate its founding, bringing together residents and visitors in a spirit of unity and joy.

Has a population of approximately 160,000 people.

Elektrostal is home to a diverse and vibrant community of around 160,000 residents, contributing to its dynamic atmosphere.

Boasts excellent education facilities.

The city is known for its well-established educational institutions, providing quality education to students of all ages.

A center for scientific research and innovation.

Elektrostal serves as an important hub for scientific research, particularly in the fields of metallurgy, materials science, and engineering.

Surrounded by picturesque lakes.

The city is blessed with numerous beautiful lakes, offering scenic views and recreational opportunities for locals and visitors alike.

Well-connected transportation system.

Elektrostal benefits from an efficient transportation network, including highways, railways, and public transportation options, ensuring convenient travel within and beyond the city.

Famous for its traditional Russian cuisine.

Food enthusiasts can indulge in authentic Russian dishes at numerous restaurants and cafes scattered throughout Elektrostal.

Home to notable architectural landmarks.

Elektrostal boasts impressive architecture, including the Church of the Transfiguration of the Lord and the Elektrostal Palace of Culture.

Offers a wide range of recreational facilities.

Residents and visitors can enjoy various recreational activities, such as sports complexes, swimming pools, and fitness centers, enhancing the overall quality of life.

Provides a high standard of healthcare.

Elektrostal is equipped with modern medical facilities, ensuring residents have access to quality healthcare services.

Home to the Elektrostal History Museum.

The Elektrostal History Museum showcases the city’s fascinating past through exhibitions and displays.

A hub for sports enthusiasts.

Elektrostal is passionate about sports, with numerous stadiums, arenas, and sports clubs offering opportunities for athletes and spectators.

Celebrates diverse cultural festivals.

Throughout the year, Elektrostal hosts a variety of cultural festivals, celebrating different ethnicities, traditions, and art forms.

Electric power played a significant role in its early development.

Elektrostal owes its name and initial growth to the establishment of electric power stations and the utilization of electricity in the industrial sector.

Boasts a thriving economy.

The city’s strong industrial base, coupled with its strategic location near Moscow, has contributed to Elektrostal’s prosperous economic status.

Houses the Elektrostal Drama Theater.

The Elektrostal Drama Theater is a cultural centerpiece, attracting theater enthusiasts from far and wide.

Popular destination for winter sports.

Elektrostal’s proximity to ski resorts and winter sport facilities makes it a favorite destination for skiing, snowboarding, and other winter activities.

Promotes environmental sustainability.

Elektrostal prioritizes environmental protection and sustainability, implementing initiatives to reduce pollution and preserve natural resources.

Home to renowned educational institutions.

Elektrostal is known for its prestigious schools and universities, offering a wide range of academic programs to students.

Committed to cultural preservation.

The city values its cultural heritage and takes active steps to preserve and promote traditional customs, crafts, and arts.

Hosts an annual International Film Festival.

The Elektrostal International Film Festival attracts filmmakers and cinema enthusiasts from around the world, showcasing a diverse range of films.

Encourages entrepreneurship and innovation.

Elektrostal supports aspiring entrepreneurs and fosters a culture of innovation, providing opportunities for startups and business development.

Offers a range of housing options.

Elektrostal provides diverse housing options, including apartments, houses, and residential complexes, catering to different lifestyles and budgets.

Home to notable sports teams.

Elektrostal is proud of its sports legacy, with several successful sports teams competing at regional and national levels.

Boasts a vibrant nightlife scene.

Residents and visitors can enjoy a lively nightlife in Elektrostal, with numerous bars, clubs, and entertainment venues.

Promotes cultural exchange and international relations.

Elektrostal actively engages in international partnerships, cultural exchanges, and diplomatic collaborations to foster global connections.

Surrounded by beautiful nature reserves.

Nearby nature reserves, such as the Barybino Forest and Luchinskoye Lake, offer opportunities for nature enthusiasts to explore and appreciate the region’s biodiversity.

Commemorates historical events.

The city pays tribute to significant historical events through memorials, monuments, and exhibitions, ensuring the preservation of collective memory.

Promotes sports and youth development.

Elektrostal invests in sports infrastructure and programs to encourage youth participation, health, and physical fitness.

Hosts annual cultural and artistic festivals.

Throughout the year, Elektrostal celebrates its cultural diversity through festivals dedicated to music, dance, art, and theater.

Provides a picturesque landscape for photography enthusiasts.

The city’s scenic beauty, architectural landmarks, and natural surroundings make it a paradise for photographers.

Connects to Moscow via a direct train line.

The convenient train connection between Elektrostal and Moscow makes commuting between the two cities effortless.

A city with a bright future.

Elektrostal continues to grow and develop, aiming to become a model city in terms of infrastructure, sustainability, and quality of life for its residents.

In conclusion, Elektrostal is a fascinating city with a rich history and a vibrant present. From its origins as a center of steel production to its modern-day status as a hub for education and industry, Elektrostal has plenty to offer both residents and visitors. With its beautiful parks, cultural attractions, and proximity to Moscow, there is no shortage of things to see and do in this dynamic city. Whether you’re interested in exploring its historical landmarks, enjoying outdoor activities, or immersing yourself in the local culture, Elektrostal has something for everyone. So, next time you find yourself in the Moscow region, don’t miss the opportunity to discover the hidden gems of Elektrostal.

Q: What is the population of Elektrostal?

A: As of the latest data, the population of Elektrostal is approximately XXXX.

Q: How far is Elektrostal from Moscow?

A: Elektrostal is located approximately XX kilometers away from Moscow.

Q: Are there any famous landmarks in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal is home to several notable landmarks, including XXXX and XXXX.

Q: What industries are prominent in Elektrostal?

A: Elektrostal is known for its steel production industry and is also a center for engineering and manufacturing.

Q: Are there any universities or educational institutions in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal is home to XXXX University and several other educational institutions.

Q: What are some popular outdoor activities in Elektrostal?

A: Elektrostal offers several outdoor activities, such as hiking, cycling, and picnicking in its beautiful parks.

Q: Is Elektrostal well-connected in terms of transportation?

A: Yes, Elektrostal has good transportation links, including trains and buses, making it easily accessible from nearby cities.

Q: Are there any annual events or festivals in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal hosts various events and festivals throughout the year, including XXXX and XXXX.

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Claudia Looi

Touring the Top 10 Moscow Metro Stations

By Claudia Looi 2 Comments

Komsomolskaya metro station looks like a museum. It has vaulted ceilings and baroque decor.

Hidden underground, in the heart of Moscow, are historical and architectural treasures of Russia. These are Soviet-era creations – the metro stations of Moscow.

Our guide Maria introduced these elaborate metro stations as “the palaces for the people.” Built between 1937 and 1955, each station holds its own history and stories. Stalin had the idea of building beautiful underground spaces that the masses could enjoy. They would look like museums, art centers, concert halls, palaces and churches. Each would have a different theme. None would be alike.

The two-hour private tour was with a former Intourist tour guide named Maria. Maria lived in Moscow all her life and through the communist era of 60s to 90s. She has been a tour guide for more than 30 years. Being in her 60s, she moved rather quickly for her age. We traveled and crammed with Maria and other Muscovites on the metro to visit 10 different metro stations.

Arrow showing the direction of metro line 1 and 2

Moscow subways are very clean

To Maria, every street, metro and building told a story. I couldn’t keep up with her stories. I don’t remember most of what she said because I was just thrilled being in Moscow.   Added to that, she spilled out so many Russian words and names, which to one who can’t read Cyrillic, sounded so foreign and could be easily forgotten.

The metro tour was the first part of our all day tour of Moscow with Maria. Here are the stations we visited:

1. Komsomolskaya Metro Station  is the most beautiful of them all. Painted yellow and decorated with chandeliers, gold leaves and semi precious stones, the station looks like a stately museum. And possibly decorated like a palace. I saw Komsomolskaya first, before the rest of the stations upon arrival in Moscow by train from St. Petersburg.

2. Revolution Square Metro Station (Ploshchad Revolyutsii) has marble arches and 72 bronze sculptures designed by Alexey Dushkin. The marble arches are flanked by the bronze sculptures. If you look closely you will see passersby touching the bronze dog's nose. Legend has it that good luck comes to those who touch the dog's nose.

Touch the dog's nose for good luck. At the Revolution Square station

Revolution Square Metro Station

3. Arbatskaya Metro Station served as a shelter during the Soviet-era. It is one of the largest and the deepest metro stations in Moscow.

Arbatskaya Metro Station

4. Biblioteka Imeni Lenina Metro Station was built in 1935 and named after the Russian State Library. It is located near the library and has a big mosaic portrait of Lenin and yellow ceramic tiles on the track walls.

Lenin's portrait at the Biblioteka Imeni Lenina Metro Station

5. Kievskaya Metro Station was one of the first to be completed in Moscow. Named after the capital city of Ukraine by Kiev-born, Nikita Khruschev, Stalin's successor.

Kievskaya Metro Station

6. Novoslobodskaya Metro Station  was built in 1952. It has 32 stained glass murals with brass borders.

Novoslobodskaya metro station

7. Kurskaya Metro Station was one of the first few to be built in Moscow in 1938. It has ceiling panels and artwork showing Soviet leadership, Soviet lifestyle and political power. It has a dome with patriotic slogans decorated with red stars representing the Soviet's World War II Hall of Fame. Kurskaya Metro Station is a must-visit station in Moscow.

Ceiling panel and artworks at Kurskaya Metro Station

8. Mayakovskaya Metro Station built in 1938. It was named after Russian poet Vladmir Mayakovsky. This is one of the most beautiful metro stations in the world with 34 mosaics painted by Alexander Deyneka.

Mayakovskaya station

One of the over 30 ceiling mosaics in Mayakovskaya metro station

9. Belorusskaya Metro Station is named after the people of Belarus. In the picture below, there are statues of 3 members of the Partisan Resistance in Belarus during World War II. The statues were sculpted by Sergei Orlov, S. Rabinovich and I. Slonim.

10. Teatralnaya Metro Station (Theatre Metro Station) is located near the Bolshoi Theatre.

Teatralnaya Metro Station decorated with porcelain figures .

Taking the metro's escalator at the end of the tour with Maria the tour guide.

Have you visited the Moscow Metro? Leave your comment below.

January 15, 2017 at 8:17 am

An excellent read! Thanks for much for sharing the Russian metro system with us. We're heading to Moscow in April and exploring the metro stations were on our list and after reading your post, I'm even more excited to go visit them. Thanks again 🙂

December 6, 2017 at 10:45 pm

Hi, do you remember which tour company you contacted for this tour?

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