October 2, 2018

Do Violent Video Games Trigger Aggression?

A study tries to find whether slaughtering zombies with a virtual assault weapon translates into misbehavior when a teenager returns to reality

By Melinda Wenner Moyer

essay about violent games

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Intuitively, it makes sense Splatterhouse and Postal 2 would serve as virtual training sessions for teens, encouraging them to act out in ways that mimic game-related violence. But many studies have failed to find a clear connection between violent game play and belligerent behavior, and the controversy over whether the shoot-‘em-up world transfers to real life has persisted for years. A new study published on October 1 in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences tries to resolve the controversy by weighing the findings of two dozen studies on the topic.

The meta-analysis does tie violent video games to a small increase in physical aggression among adolescents and preteens. Yet debate is by no means over. Whereas the analysis was undertaken to help settle the science on the issue, researchers still disagree on the real-world significance of the findings.

This new analysis attempted to navigate through the minefield of conflicting research. Many studies find gaming associated with increases in aggression, but others identify no such link. A small but vocal cadre of researchers have argued much of the work implicating video games has serious flaws in that, among other things, it measures the frequency of aggressive thoughts or language rather than physically aggressive behaviors like hitting or pushing, which have more real-world relevance.

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Jay Hull, a social psychologist at Dartmouth College and a co-author on the new paper, has never been convinced by the critiques that have disparaged purported ties between gaming and aggression. “I just kept reading, over and over again, [these] criticisms of the literature and going, ‘that’s just not true,’” he says. So he and his colleagues designed the new meta-analysis to address these criticisms head-on and determine if they had merit.

Hull and colleagues pooled data from 24 studies that had been selected to avoid some of the criticisms leveled at earlier work. They only included research that measured the relationship between violent video game use and overt physical aggression. They also limited their analysis to studies that statistically controlled for several factors that could influence the relationship between gaming and subsequent behavior, such as age and baseline aggressive behavior.

Even with these constraints, their analysis found kids who played violent video games did become more aggressive over time. But the changes in behavior were not big. “According to traditional ways of looking at these numbers, it’s not a large effect—I would say it’s relatively small,” he says. But it’s “statistically reliable—it’s not by chance and not inconsequential.”

Their findings mesh with a 2015 literature review conducted by the American Psychological Association, which concluded violent video games worsen aggressive behavior in older children, adolescents and young adults. Together, Hull’s meta-analysis and the APA report help give clarity to the existing body of research, says Douglas Gentile, a developmental psychologist at Iowa State University who was not involved in conducting the meta-analysis. “Media violence is one risk factor for aggression,” he says. “It's not the biggest, it’s also not the smallest, but it’s worth paying attention to.”

Yet researchers who have been critical of links between games and violence contend Hull’s meta-analysis does not settle the issue. “They don’t find much. They just try to make it sound like they do,” says Christopher Ferguson, a psychologist at Stetson University in Florida, who has published papers questioning the link between violent video games and aggression.

Ferguson argues the degree to which video game use increases aggression in Hull’s analysis—what is known in psychology as the estimated “effect size”—is so small as to be essentially meaningless. After statistically controlling for several other factors, the meta-analysis reported an effect size of 0.08, which suggests that violent video games account for less than one percent of the variation in aggressive behavior among U.S. teens and pre-teens—if, in fact, there is a cause-and effect relationship between game play and hostile actions. It may instead be that the relationship between gaming and aggression is a statistical artifact caused by lingering flaws in study design, Ferguson says.  

Johannes Breuer, a psychologist at GESIS–Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences in Germany, agrees, noting that according to “a common rule of thumb in psychological research,” effect sizes below 0.1 are “considered trivial.” He adds meta-analyses are only as valid as the studies included in them, and that work on the issue has been plagued by methodological problems. For one thing, studies vary in terms of the criteria they use to determine if a video game is violent or not. By some measures, the Super Mario Bros. games would be considered violent, but by others not. Studies, too, often rely on subjects self-reporting their own aggressive acts, and they may not do so accurately. “All of this is not to say that the results of this meta-analysis are not valid,” he says. “But things like this need to be kept in mind when interpreting the findings and discussing their meaning.”

Hull says, however, that the effect size his team found still has real-world significance. An analysis of one of his earlier studies, which reported a similar estimated effect size of 0.083, found playing violent video games was linked with almost double the risk that kids would be sent to the school principal’s office for fighting. The study began by taking a group of children who hadn’t been dispatched to the principal in the previous month and then tracked them for a subsequent eight months. It found 4.8 percent of kids who reported only rarely playing violent video games were sent to the principal’s office at least once during that period compared with 9 percent who reported playing violent video games frequently. Hull theorizes violent games help kids become more comfortable with taking risks and engaging in abnormal behavior. “Their sense of right and wrong is being warped,” he notes.

Hull and his colleagues also found evidence ethnicity shapes the relationship between violent video games and aggression. White players seem more susceptible to the games' putative effects on behavior than do Hispanic and Asian players. Hull isn’t sure why, but he suspects the games' varying impact relates to how much kids are influenced by the norms of American culture, which, he says, are rooted in rugged individualism and a warriorlike mentality that may incite video game players to identify with aggressors rather than victims. It might “dampen sympathy toward their virtual victims,” he and his co-authors wrote, “with consequences for their values and behavior outside the game.”

Social scientists will, no doubt, continue to debate the psychological impacts of killing within the confines of interactive games. In a follow-up paper Hull says he plans to tackle the issue of the real-world significance of violent game play, and hopes it adds additional clarity. “It’s a knotty issue,” he notes—and it’s an open question whether research will ever quell the controversy.

60 Violence in Video Games Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

🏆 best violent games essay topics and examples, 📌 most interesting video game argument topics, 🎮 video games cause violence – essay topics, ❓ research questions about video games and violence.

  • The Negative Effects of Video Games on Children Essay Development of knuckle pads in children is associated with addiction to playing video games. Most of the young children tend to think that what they see in video games is a reality.
  • Do Violent Video Games Contribute to Youth Violence? The violence and aggression that stains the youth of today, as a result of these video games, is unquestionably a cancer that ought to be uprooted or at least contained by parents, school leaders, governments […] We will write a custom essay specifically for you by our professional experts 808 writers online Learn More
  • Video Games and Violent Behavior As opposed to watching the violence on TV, in these video games the player is the one who commits the acts of violence. In the survey, a group of 10 young men were allowed to […]
  • Examining the Perception of Violence in Video Games To examine the perception of violence in video games and their effects a survey was conducted addressing the current view on video games in general and the visualized violence in particular.
  • Violence in Video Games To conclude, it is assumed that the dispute among researchers, the public, and authorities on the question of the relationship between violent video games and aggressive behavior may not have a universal answer.
  • Does Violence in Video Games Affect Youth? Our concern in this paper is to concentrate on the violent video games, the effects to the youths through participation in the violent video games, the counter arguments and finally the remarks or conclusion.
  • Research of Violence in the Media The left frontal lobe of the participants was analyzed and found to be more active in the control group than in the exposed group. Exposure of children to violence in the mass media leads to […]
  • Violent Video Games and How They Affect Youth Violence However, despite the overwhelming outcry against the youth playing violent video games, there are a number of researchers and advocates who oppose the idea of directly linking the exposure of young adults to violent scenes […]
  • Violence exposure in real-life, video games, television, movies, and the internet: Is there desensitization? The article under consideration entitled “Violence exposure in real-life, video games, television, movies, and the internet: Is there desensitization?” investigates the links between the violent content of TV programs, video games and the increase of […]
  • Do Violent Video Games Lead to Aggressive Behavior? Everyone is however in agreement that the violent video games are in compromise of morals and expose the young kids to in appropriate content.
  • Video Games and Violence in Children There have been arguments that such behavior is as a result of a pre-disposition to violence in the media as well as in video games.
  • A Look at the Violence in Video Games, Movies and Music: A Bad Influence on Our Children
  • An Analysis of the Negative Effects of Violence in Video Games
  • An Analysis of Violence in Video Games and Violence in Teens
  • An Argument Against the Claim That Violence in Video Games Promote Violence in Real Life
  • An Argument Against the Opinion on Effects of Violence in Video Games
  • Blame Games: Does Violence In Video Games Influence Players To Commit Mass Shootings
  • Children And Violence in Video Games
  • Critical Argumentations on Violence in Video Games
  • Dangers in Media: How Violence in Video Games Affects the Youth
  • Does Violence In Video Games Affect Children’s Behavior
  • Does Violence in Video Games Contribute to Misconduct
  • How Does the Portrayal of Violence in Video Games Influence Children
  • Increase In Violence In Video Games Targeted At Children
  • Legal and Ethical Issues Concerning Violence in Video Games
  • Positive Influence of Violence in Video Games
  • Presence Of Sex And Violence In Video Games
  • The Consequences Of Video Game Violence In Video Games
  • The Debate over Whether the Government Should Restrict Violence in Video Games
  • The Depiction of Violence in Video Games
  • The Impact of Violence in Video Games on the Intellectual Development of Young People: Grand Theft Auto
  • The Problem of Violence in Video Games
  • The Use Of Violence In Video Games And Its Impact On Young
  • The Vehement Vilification Of Violence In Video Games
  • Violence In Video Games and Aggression
  • Violence in Video Games and the Role of the Government
  • Violence in Video Games Can Be Transferred to the Children’s Real-Life Attitudes and Behaviors
  • Violence in Video Games Does Not Create Violence
  • Violence in Video Games Do Not Affect Agression
  • Violence in Video Games Increases Violence in Children
  • What Is Your Take on Violence in Video Games, Movies, and Music?
  • Can Violence in Video Games Have a Bad Influence on Our Children?
  • What Could Be the Analysis of the Negative Consequences of Violence in Video Games?
  • What Argument Can Be Made Against the Claim?
  • Violence in Video Games Contributes to Violence in Real Life?
  • What Are the Arguments Against the Opinion About the Consequences of Violence in Video Games?
  • Does Violence in Video Games Affect Children?
  • How Does Violence in Video Games Relate to Violence in Reality?
  • Can Video Game Violence Affect Players in Mass Shootings?
  • Can Violence in Video Games Encourage Misconduct?
  • How Do Video Game Depictions of Violence Can Affect Children?
  • What Are the Legal and Ethical Aspects of Violence in Video Games?
  • What Is the Connection Between Video Game Violence and Future Technology?
  • How Is Youth Aggression Related to Video Game Violence?
  • How Negatively Does Aggression in Video Games Affect Today’s Youth?
  • How Does Violence in Video Games Cause Ethical Issues?
  • What Can Be Done To Prevent the Development of Violence in Children?
  • How Can Parents Influence the Development of Violence in Children?
  • How Does Violence in Video Games Affect the Maladaptive?
  • How Does Violence in Video Games Generally Affect Society?
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  • Open access
  • Published: 13 March 2018

Does playing violent video games cause aggression? A longitudinal intervention study

  • Simone Kühn 1 , 2 ,
  • Dimitrij Tycho Kugler 2 ,
  • Katharina Schmalen 1 ,
  • Markus Weichenberger 1 ,
  • Charlotte Witt 1 &
  • Jürgen Gallinat 2  

Molecular Psychiatry volume  24 ,  pages 1220–1234 ( 2019 ) Cite this article

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  • Neuroscience

It is a widespread concern that violent video games promote aggression, reduce pro-social behaviour, increase impulsivity and interfere with cognition as well as mood in its players. Previous experimental studies have focussed on short-term effects of violent video gameplay on aggression, yet there are reasons to believe that these effects are mostly the result of priming. In contrast, the present study is the first to investigate the effects of long-term violent video gameplay using a large battery of tests spanning questionnaires, behavioural measures of aggression, sexist attitudes, empathy and interpersonal competencies, impulsivity-related constructs (such as sensation seeking, boredom proneness, risk taking, delay discounting), mental health (depressivity, anxiety) as well as executive control functions, before and after 2 months of gameplay. Our participants played the violent video game Grand Theft Auto V, the non-violent video game The Sims 3 or no game at all for 2 months on a daily basis. No significant changes were observed, neither when comparing the group playing a violent video game to a group playing a non-violent game, nor to a passive control group. Also, no effects were observed between baseline and posttest directly after the intervention, nor between baseline and a follow-up assessment 2 months after the intervention period had ended. The present results thus provide strong evidence against the frequently debated negative effects of playing violent video games in adults and will therefore help to communicate a more realistic scientific perspective on the effects of violent video gaming.

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The concern that violent video games may promote aggression or reduce empathy in its players is pervasive and given the popularity of these games their psychological impact is an urgent issue for society at large. Contrary to the custom, this topic has also been passionately debated in the scientific literature. One research camp has strongly argued that violent video games increase aggression in its players [ 1 , 2 ], whereas the other camp [ 3 , 4 ] repeatedly concluded that the effects are minimal at best, if not absent. Importantly, it appears that these fundamental inconsistencies cannot be attributed to differences in research methodology since even meta-analyses, with the goal to integrate the results of all prior studies on the topic of aggression caused by video games led to disparate conclusions [ 2 , 3 ]. These meta-analyses had a strong focus on children, and one of them [ 2 ] reported a marginal age effect suggesting that children might be even more susceptible to violent video game effects.

To unravel this topic of research, we designed a randomised controlled trial on adults to draw causal conclusions on the influence of video games on aggression. At present, almost all experimental studies targeting the effects of violent video games on aggression and/or empathy focussed on the effects of short-term video gameplay. In these studies the duration for which participants were instructed to play the games ranged from 4 min to maximally 2 h (mean = 22 min, median = 15 min, when considering all experimental studies reviewed in two of the recent major meta-analyses in the field [ 3 , 5 ]) and most frequently the effects of video gaming have been tested directly after gameplay.

It has been suggested that the effects of studies focussing on consequences of short-term video gameplay (mostly conducted on college student populations) are mainly the result of priming effects, meaning that exposure to violent content increases the accessibility of aggressive thoughts and affect when participants are in the immediate situation [ 6 ]. However, above and beyond this the General Aggression Model (GAM, [ 7 ]) assumes that repeatedly primed thoughts and feelings influence the perception of ongoing events and therewith elicits aggressive behaviour as a long-term effect. We think that priming effects are interesting and worthwhile exploring, but in contrast to the notion of the GAM our reading of the literature is that priming effects are short-lived (suggested to only last for <5 min and may potentially reverse after that time [ 8 ]). Priming effects should therefore only play a role in very close temporal proximity to gameplay. Moreover, there are a multitude of studies on college students that have failed to replicate priming effects [ 9 , 10 , 11 ] and associated predictions of the so-called GAM such as a desensitisation against violent content [ 12 , 13 , 14 ] in adolescents and college students or a decrease of empathy [ 15 ] and pro-social behaviour [ 16 , 17 ] as a result of playing violent video games.

However, in our view the question that society is actually interested in is not: “Are people more aggressive after having played violent video games for a few minutes? And are these people more aggressive minutes after gameplay ended?”, but rather “What are the effects of frequent, habitual violent video game playing? And for how long do these effects persist (not in the range of minutes but rather weeks and months)?” For this reason studies are needed in which participants are trained over longer periods of time, tested after a longer delay after acute playing and tested with broader batteries assessing aggression but also other relevant domains such as empathy as well as mood and cognition. Moreover, long-term follow-up assessments are needed to demonstrate long-term effects of frequent violent video gameplay. To fill this gap, we set out to expose adult participants to two different types of video games for a period of 2 months and investigate changes in measures of various constructs of interest at least one day after the last gaming session and test them once more 2 months after the end of the gameplay intervention. In contrast to the GAM, we hypothesised no increases of aggression or decreases in pro-social behaviour even after long-term exposure to a violent video game due to our reasoning that priming effects of violent video games are short-lived and should therefore not influence measures of aggression if they are not measured directly after acute gaming. In the present study, we assessed potential changes in the following domains: behavioural as well as questionnaire measures of aggression, empathy and interpersonal competencies, impulsivity-related constructs (such as sensation seeking, boredom proneness, risk taking, delay discounting), and depressivity and anxiety as well as executive control functions. As the effects on aggression and pro-social behaviour were the core targets of the present study, we implemented multiple tests for these domains. This broad range of domains with its wide coverage and the longitudinal nature of the study design enabled us to draw more general conclusions regarding the causal effects of violent video games.

Materials and methods

Participants.

Ninety healthy participants (mean age = 28 years, SD = 7.3, range: 18–45, 48 females) were recruited by means of flyers and internet advertisements. The sample consisted of college students as well as of participants from the general community. The advertisement mentioned that we were recruiting for a longitudinal study on video gaming, but did not mention that we would offer an intervention or that we were expecting training effects. Participants were randomly assigned to the three groups ruling out self-selection effects. The sample size was based on estimates from a previous study with a similar design [ 18 ]. After complete description of the study, the participants’ informed written consent was obtained. The local ethics committee of the Charité University Clinic, Germany, approved of the study. We included participants that reported little, preferably no video game usage in the past 6 months (none of the participants ever played the game Grand Theft Auto V (GTA) or Sims 3 in any of its versions before). We excluded participants with psychological or neurological problems. The participants received financial compensation for the testing sessions (200 Euros) and performance-dependent additional payment for two behavioural tasks detailed below, but received no money for the training itself.

Training procedure

The violent video game group (5 participants dropped out between pre- and posttest, resulting in a group of n  = 25, mean age = 26.6 years, SD = 6.0, 14 females) played the game Grand Theft Auto V on a Playstation 3 console over a period of 8 weeks. The active control group played the non-violent video game Sims 3 on the same console (6 participants dropped out, resulting in a group of n  = 24, mean age = 25.8 years, SD = 6.8, 12 females). The passive control group (2 participants dropped out, resulting in a group of n  = 28, mean age = 30.9 years, SD = 8.4, 12 females) was not given a gaming console and had no task but underwent the same testing procedure as the two other groups. The passive control group was not aware of the fact that they were part of a control group to prevent self-training attempts. The experimenters testing the participants were blind to group membership, but we were unable to prevent participants from talking about the game during testing, which in some cases lead to an unblinding of experimental condition. Both training groups were instructed to play the game for at least 30 min a day. Participants were only reimbursed for the sessions in which they came to the lab. Our previous research suggests that the perceived fun in gaming was positively associated with training outcome [ 18 ] and we speculated that enforcing training sessions through payment would impair motivation and thus diminish the potential effect of the intervention. Participants underwent a testing session before (baseline) and after the training period of 2 months (posttest 1) as well as a follow-up testing sessions 2 months after the training period (posttest 2).

Grand Theft Auto V (GTA)

GTA is an action-adventure video game situated in a fictional highly violent game world in which players are rewarded for their use of violence as a means to advance in the game. The single-player story follows three criminals and their efforts to commit heists while under pressure from a government agency. The gameplay focuses on an open world (sandbox game) where the player can choose between different behaviours. The game also allows the player to engage in various side activities, such as action-adventure, driving, third-person shooting, occasional role-playing, stealth and racing elements. The open world design lets players freely roam around the fictional world so that gamers could in principle decide not to commit violent acts.

The Sims 3 (Sims)

Sims is a life simulation game and also classified as a sandbox game because it lacks clearly defined goals. The player creates virtual individuals called “Sims”, and customises their appearance, their personalities and places them in a home, directs their moods, satisfies their desires and accompanies them in their daily activities and by becoming part of a social network. It offers opportunities, which the player may choose to pursue or to refuse, similar as GTA but is generally considered as a pro-social and clearly non-violent game.

Assessment battery

To assess aggression and associated constructs we used the following questionnaires: Buss–Perry Aggression Questionnaire [ 19 ], State Hostility Scale [ 20 ], Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale [ 21 , 22 ], Moral Disengagement Scale [ 23 , 24 ], the Rosenzweig Picture Frustration Test [ 25 , 26 ] and a so-called World View Measure [ 27 ]. All of these measures have previously been used in research investigating the effects of violent video gameplay, however, the first two most prominently. Additionally, behavioural measures of aggression were used: a Word Completion Task, a Lexical Decision Task [ 28 ] and the Delay frustration task [ 29 ] (an inter-correlation matrix is depicted in Supplementary Figure 1 1). From these behavioural measures, the first two were previously used in research on the effects of violent video gameplay. To assess variables that have been related to the construct of impulsivity, we used the Brief Sensation Seeking Scale [ 30 ] and the Boredom Propensity Scale [ 31 ] as well as tasks assessing risk taking and delay discounting behaviourally, namely the Balloon Analogue Risk Task [ 32 ] and a Delay-Discounting Task [ 33 ]. To quantify pro-social behaviour, we employed: Interpersonal Reactivity Index [ 34 ] (frequently used in research on the effects of violent video gameplay), Balanced Emotional Empathy Scale [ 35 ], Reading the Mind in the Eyes test [ 36 ], Interpersonal Competence Questionnaire [ 37 ] and Richardson Conflict Response Questionnaire [ 38 ]. To assess depressivity and anxiety, which has previously been associated with intense video game playing [ 39 ], we used Beck Depression Inventory [ 40 ] and State Trait Anxiety Inventory [ 41 ]. To characterise executive control function, we used a Stop Signal Task [ 42 ], a Multi-Source Interference Task [ 43 ] and a Task Switching Task [ 44 ] which have all been previously used to assess effects of video gameplay. More details on all instruments used can be found in the Supplementary Material.

Data analysis

On the basis of the research question whether violent video game playing enhances aggression and reduces empathy, the focus of the present analysis was on time by group interactions. We conducted these interaction analyses separately, comparing the violent video game group against the active control group (GTA vs. Sims) and separately against the passive control group (GTA vs. Controls) that did not receive any intervention and separately for the potential changes during the intervention period (baseline vs. posttest 1) and to test for potential long-term changes (baseline vs. posttest 2). We employed classical frequentist statistics running a repeated-measures ANOVA controlling for the covariates sex and age.

Since we collected 52 separate outcome variables and conduced four different tests with each (GTA vs. Sims, GTA vs. Controls, crossed with baseline vs. posttest 1, baseline vs. posttest 2), we had to conduct 52 × 4 = 208 frequentist statistical tests. Setting the alpha value to 0.05 means that by pure chance about 10.4 analyses should become significant. To account for this multiple testing problem and the associated alpha inflation, we conducted a Bonferroni correction. According to Bonferroni, the critical value for the entire set of n tests is set to an alpha value of 0.05 by taking alpha/ n  = 0.00024.

Since the Bonferroni correction has sometimes been criticised as overly conservative, we conducted false discovery rate (FDR) correction [ 45 ]. FDR correction also determines adjusted p -values for each test, however, it controls only for the number of false discoveries in those tests that result in a discovery (namely a significant result).

Moreover, we tested for group differences at the baseline assessment using independent t -tests, since those may hamper the interpretation of significant interactions between group and time that we were primarily interested in.

Since the frequentist framework does not enable to evaluate whether the observed null effect of the hypothesised interaction is indicative of the absence of a relation between violent video gaming and our dependent variables, the amount of evidence in favour of the null hypothesis has been tested using a Bayesian framework. Within the Bayesian framework both the evidence in favour of the null and the alternative hypothesis are directly computed based on the observed data, giving rise to the possibility of comparing the two. We conducted Bayesian repeated-measures ANOVAs comparing the model in favour of the null and the model in favour of the alternative hypothesis resulting in a Bayes factor (BF) using Bayesian Information criteria [ 46 ]. The BF 01 suggests how much more likely the data is to occur under the null hypothesis. All analyses were performed using the JASP software package ( https://jasp-stats.org ).

Sex distribution in the present study did not differ across the groups ( χ 2 p -value > 0.414). However, due to the fact that differences between males and females have been observed in terms of aggression and empathy [ 47 ], we present analyses controlling for sex. Since our random assignment to the three groups did result in significant age differences between groups, with the passive control group being significantly older than the GTA ( t (51) = −2.10, p  = 0.041) and the Sims group ( t (50) = −2.38, p  = 0.021), we also controlled for age.

The participants in the violent video game group played on average 35 h and the non-violent video game group 32 h spread out across the 8 weeks interval (with no significant group difference p  = 0.48).

To test whether participants assigned to the violent GTA game show emotional, cognitive and behavioural changes, we present the results of repeated-measure ANOVA time x group interaction analyses separately for GTA vs. Sims and GTA vs. Controls (Tables  1 – 3 ). Moreover, we split the analyses according to the time domain into effects from baseline assessment to posttest 1 (Table  2 ) and effects from baseline assessment to posttest 2 (Table  3 ) to capture more long-lasting or evolving effects. In addition to the statistical test values, we report partial omega squared ( ω 2 ) as an effect size measure. Next to the classical frequentist statistics, we report the results of a Bayesian statistical approach, namely BF 01 , the likelihood with which the data is to occur under the null hypothesis that there is no significant time × group interaction. In Table  2 , we report the presence of significant group differences at baseline in the right most column.

Since we conducted 208 separate frequentist tests we expected 10.4 significant effects simply by chance when setting the alpha value to 0.05. In fact we found only eight significant time × group interactions (these are marked with an asterisk in Tables  2 and 3 ).

When applying a conservative Bonferroni correction, none of those tests survive the corrected threshold of p  < 0.00024. Neither does any test survive the more lenient FDR correction. The arithmetic mean of the frequentist test statistics likewise shows that on average no significant effect was found (bottom rows in Tables  2 and 3 ).

In line with the findings from a frequentist approach, the harmonic mean of the Bayesian factor BF 01 is consistently above one but not very far from one. This likewise suggests that there is very likely no interaction between group × time and therewith no detrimental effects of the violent video game GTA in the domains tested. The evidence in favour of the null hypothesis based on the Bayes factor is not massive, but clearly above 1. Some of the harmonic means are above 1.6 and constitute substantial evidence [ 48 ]. However, the harmonic mean has been criticised as unstable. Owing to the fact that the sum is dominated by occasional small terms in the likelihood, one may underestimate the actual evidence in favour of the null hypothesis [ 49 ].

To test the sensitivity of the present study to detect relevant effects we computed the effect size that we would have been able to detect. The information we used consisted of alpha error probability = 0.05, power = 0.95, our sample size, number of groups and of measurement occasions and correlation between the repeated measures at posttest 1 and posttest 2 (average r  = 0.68). According to G*Power [ 50 ], we could detect small effect sizes of f  = 0.16 (equals η 2  = 0.025 and r  = 0.16) in each separate test. When accounting for the conservative Bonferroni-corrected p -value of 0.00024, still a medium effect size of f  = 0.23 (equals η 2  = 0.05 and r  = 0.22) would have been detectable. A meta-analysis by Anderson [ 2 ] reported an average effects size of r  = 0.18 for experimental studies testing for aggressive behaviour and another by Greitmeyer [ 5 ] reported average effect sizes of r  = 0.19, 0.25 and 0.17 for effects of violent games on aggressive behaviour, cognition and affect, all of which should have been detectable at least before multiple test correction.

Within the scope of the present study we tested the potential effects of playing the violent video game GTA V for 2 months against an active control group that played the non-violent, rather pro-social life simulation game The Sims 3 and a passive control group. Participants were tested before and after the long-term intervention and at a follow-up appointment 2 months later. Although we used a comprehensive test battery consisting of questionnaires and computerised behavioural tests assessing aggression, impulsivity-related constructs, mood, anxiety, empathy, interpersonal competencies and executive control functions, we did not find relevant negative effects in response to violent video game playing. In fact, only three tests of the 208 statistical tests performed showed a significant interaction pattern that would be in line with this hypothesis. Since at least ten significant effects would be expected purely by chance, we conclude that there were no detrimental effects of violent video gameplay.

This finding stands in contrast to some experimental studies, in which short-term effects of violent video game exposure have been investigated and where increases in aggressive thoughts and affect as well as decreases in helping behaviour have been observed [ 1 ]. However, these effects of violent video gaming on aggressiveness—if present at all (see above)—seem to be rather short-lived, potentially lasting <15 min [ 8 , 51 ]. In addition, these short-term effects of video gaming are far from consistent as multiple studies fail to demonstrate or replicate them [ 16 , 17 ]. This may in part be due to problems, that are very prominent in this field of research, namely that the outcome measures of aggression and pro-social behaviour, are poorly standardised, do not easily generalise to real-life behaviour and may have lead to selective reporting of the results [ 3 ]. We tried to address these concerns by including a large set of outcome measures that were mostly inspired by previous studies demonstrating effects of short-term violent video gameplay on aggressive behaviour and thoughts, that we report exhaustively.

Since effects observed only for a few minutes after short sessions of video gaming are not representative of what society at large is actually interested in, namely how habitual violent video gameplay affects behaviour on a more long-term basis, studies employing longer training intervals are highly relevant. Two previous studies have employed longer training intervals. In an online study, participants with a broad age range (14–68 years) have been trained in a violent video game for 4 weeks [ 52 ]. In comparison to a passive control group no changes were observed, neither in aggression-related beliefs, nor in aggressive social interactions assessed by means of two questions. In a more recent study, participants played a previous version of GTA for 12 h spread across 3 weeks [ 53 ]. Participants were compared to a passive control group using the Buss–Perry aggression questionnaire, a questionnaire assessing impulsive or reactive aggression, attitude towards violence, and empathy. The authors only report a limited increase in pro-violent attitude. Unfortunately, this study only assessed posttest measures, which precludes the assessment of actual changes caused by the game intervention.

The present study goes beyond these studies by showing that 2 months of violent video gameplay does neither lead to any significant negative effects in a broad assessment battery administered directly after the intervention nor at a follow-up assessment 2 months after the intervention. The fact that we assessed multiple domains, not finding an effect in any of them, makes the present study the most comprehensive in the field. Our battery included self-report instruments on aggression (Buss–Perry aggression questionnaire, State Hostility scale, Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale, Moral Disengagement scale, World View Measure and Rosenzweig Picture Frustration test) as well as computer-based tests measuring aggressive behaviour such as the delay frustration task and measuring the availability of aggressive words using the word completion test and a lexical decision task. Moreover, we assessed impulse-related concepts such as sensation seeking, boredom proneness and associated behavioural measures such as the computerised Balloon analogue risk task, and delay discounting. Four scales assessing empathy and interpersonal competence scales, including the reading the mind in the eyes test revealed no effects of violent video gameplay. Neither did we find any effects on depressivity (Becks depression inventory) nor anxiety measured as a state as well as a trait. This is an important point, since several studies reported higher rates of depressivity and anxiety in populations of habitual video gamers [ 54 , 55 ]. Last but not least, our results revealed also no substantial changes in executive control tasks performance, neither in the Stop signal task, the Multi-source interference task or a Task switching task. Previous studies have shown higher performance of habitual action video gamers in executive tasks such as task switching [ 56 , 57 , 58 ] and another study suggests that training with action video games improves task performance that relates to executive functions [ 59 ], however, these associations were not confirmed by a meta-analysis in the field [ 60 ]. The absence of changes in the stop signal task fits well with previous studies that likewise revealed no difference between in habitual action video gamers and controls in terms of action inhibition [ 61 , 62 ]. Although GTA does not qualify as a classical first-person shooter as most of the previously tested action video games, it is classified as an action-adventure game and shares multiple features with those action video games previously related to increases in executive function, including the need for hand–eye coordination and fast reaction times.

Taken together, the findings of the present study show that an extensive game intervention over the course of 2 months did not reveal any specific changes in aggression, empathy, interpersonal competencies, impulsivity-related constructs, depressivity, anxiety or executive control functions; neither in comparison to an active control group that played a non-violent video game nor to a passive control group. We observed no effects when comparing a baseline and a post-training assessment, nor when focussing on more long-term effects between baseline and a follow-up interval 2 months after the participants stopped training. To our knowledge, the present study employed the most comprehensive test battery spanning a multitude of domains in which changes due to violent video games may have been expected. Therefore the present results provide strong evidence against the frequently debated negative effects of playing violent video games. This debate has mostly been informed by studies showing short-term effects of violent video games when tests were administered immediately after a short playtime of a few minutes; effects that may in large be caused by short-lived priming effects that vanish after minutes. The presented results will therefore help to communicate a more realistic scientific perspective of the real-life effects of violent video gaming. However, future research is needed to demonstrate the absence of effects of violent video gameplay in children.

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SK has been funded by a Heisenberg grant from the German Science Foundation (DFG KU 3322/1-1, SFB 936/C7), the European Union (ERC-2016-StG-Self-Control-677804) and a Fellowship from the Jacobs Foundation (JRF 2016–2018).

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Kühn, S., Kugler, D., Schmalen, K. et al. Does playing violent video games cause aggression? A longitudinal intervention study. Mol Psychiatry 24 , 1220–1234 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41380-018-0031-7

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essay about violent games

The evidence that video game violence leads to real-world aggression

A 2018 meta-analysis found that there is a small increase in real-world physical aggression among adolescents and pre-teens who play violent video games. Led by Jay Hull, a social psychologist at Dartmouth College, the study team pooled data from 24 previous studies in an attempt to avoid some of the problems that have made the question of a connection between gaming and aggression controversial.

Many previous studies, according to a story in Scientific American, have been criticized by “a small but vocal cadre of researchers [who] have argued much of the work implicating video games has serious flaws in that, among other things, it measures the frequency of aggressive thoughts or language rather than physically aggressive behaviors like hitting or pushing, which have more real-world relevance.”

Hull and team limited their analysis to studies that “measured the relationship between violent video game use and overt physical aggression,” according to the Scientific American article .

The Dartmouth analysis drew on 24 studies involving more than 17,000 participants and found that “playing violent video games is associated with increases in physical aggression over time in children and teens,” according to a Dartmouth press release describing the study , which was published Oct. 1, 2018, in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences .

The studies the Dartmouth team analyzed “tracked physical aggression among users of violent video games for periods ranging from three months to four years. Examples of physical aggression included incidents such as hitting someone or being sent to the school principal’s office for fighting, and were based on reports from children, parents, teachers, and peers,” according to the press release.

The study was almost immediately called in to question. In an editorial in Psychology Today , a pair of professors claim the results of the meta-analysis are not statistically significant. Hull and team wrote in the PNAS paper that, while small, the results are indeed significant. The Psychology Today editorial makes an appeal to a 2017 statement by the American Psychological Association’s media psychology and technology division “cautioning policy makers and news media to stop linking violent games to serious real-world aggression as the data is just not there to support such beliefs.”

It should be noted, however, that the 2017 statement questions the connection between “serious” aggression while the APA Resolution of 2015 , based on a review of its 2005 resolution by its own experts, found that “the link between violent video game exposure and aggressive behavior is one of the most studied and best established. Since the earlier meta-analyses, this link continues to be a reliable finding and shows good multi-method consistency across various representations of both violent video game exposure and aggressive behavior.”

While the effect sizes are small, they’ve been similar across many studies, according to the APA resolution. The problem has been the interpretation of aggression, with some writers claiming an unfounded connection between homicides, mass shootings, and other extremes of violence. The violence the APA resolution documents is more mundane and involves the kind of bullying that, while often having dire long-term consequences, is less immediately dangerous: “insults, threats, hitting, pushing, hair pulling, biting and other forms of verbal and physical aggression.”

Minor and micro-aggressions, though, do have significant health risks, especially for mental health. People of color, LGBTQ people , and women everywhere experience higher levels of depression and anger, as well as stress-related disorders, including heart disease, asthma, obesity, accelerated aging, and premature death. The costs of even minor aggression are laid at the feet of the individuals who suffer, their friends and families, and society at large as the cost of healthcare skyrockets.

Finally, it should be noted that studies looking for a connection between game violence and physical aggression are not looking at the wider context of the way we enculturate children, especially boys. As WSU’s Stacey Hust and Kathleen Rodgers have shown, you don’t have to prove a causative effect to know that immersing kids in games filled with violence and sexist tropes leads to undesirable consequences, particularly the perpetuation of interpersonal violence in intimate relationships.

No wonder, then, that when feminist media critic Anita Saarkesian launched her YouTube series, “ Tropes vs. Women in Video Games ,” she was the target of vitriol and violence. Years later she’d joke about “her first bomb threat,” but that was only after her life had been upended by the boys club that didn’t like “this woman” showing them the “grim evidence of industry-wide sexism.”

Read more about WSU research and study on video games in “ What’s missing in video games .”

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Essay on Violent Video Games

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: Games , Violence , Video Games , Aggression , Video , Virtual Reality , Brain , Activity

Published: 10/09/2019

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Introduction

In the previous three decades, video games have contributed significantly on how people spend their free time. The expansion of the video game industry in the past has contributed to a lot of questions concerning the stuffing of the games being issued. Various research activities have been done to establish the effects of violent video games. This is due to the fact that many biological and physical changes occur during puberty are subject to exposure to violent video games.

This paper tries to elaborate the effects of violent video games on the brain, as well as the subjects of aggression and hostility with the goal of controlling the effects of video game violence.

The first effect being viewed is the effect of violent video games on brain’s response to violence. Studies by US researchers for instance (Lin & Leper, 1987) found association between use of video games and teacher’s rating of aggressiveness. It has accomplished that people engaged in many video games have higher capabilities to commit serious offences and less likely to offer help to others. On the other hand, critics these associations only substantiate that violent people concentrate on violent games, not those games alter behavior.

At present, it has been established that people who engage in violent video games demonstrate reduced brain response to situations of real-life violence, for instance using guns, but not external emotional disturbing characteristics like those of dead natural world or ailing children. And the decrease in response is associated with aggressive character.

The study shows that the brain activity is a characteristic signal seen in an electroencephalogram recording of brain waves as we see an image. The brain activity measurement reflects an evaluation of emotional content of an image becoming larger if people are astonished or disturbed by an image or if an object is strange.

In the study, a questionnaire was conducted on 39 experienced players on the number of games they played. The respondents were then shown actual images, specifically of unbiased scenes but mixed with violent or negative scenes while recording brain activity.

In respondents with highest level of experience of violent games, the brain activity response to the violent images was less significant and tardy. The respondents with high experience in violent video games did not recognize them as much distinctive from neutral. They developed insensitivity. On the other hand, their responses are still accurate for the non-violent negative scenes.

There are situations when video games have been used to desensitize soldiers to scenes of war. Unfortunately, when the players were afterward given the chance to capitalize on an opponent's weakness, respondents having the least brain activity meted out the most serious punishments. Even when the team controlled for the people’s natural hostility, evaluated by usual questionnaires, the violent games experience and brain activity response were still strongly correlated with aggressiveness. Due to this observation, exposure to violent games has consequences on the brain that determines aggressive behavior.

On therapy point of view, there are more intellectual benefits from video games. These involve puzzle games like the popular Tetris. This genre of games stimulates the mind by presenting challenges and puzzles in place of enemies and worlds. The purpose of these games is to keep the mind energetic and alert. This criterion of game-play has brought about the notion that video games can be applied as a form of therapy. Some of them are comforting and soothing and they can be particularly altered to meet an individual patient’s need. A video game can be created to assist a particular type of person, whether it is to assist connect positive memory cells in the brain, or simply kindle brain activity in general. Because video games are created in a programmatic nature, their probabilities of creation are without limit. Gardner (1991) tried out the first research on this issue. He fruitfully applied video games as a way of psychotherapy in young children. This improvement has been used as a benchmark on this issue, with greater concern on dealing with mentally-ill patients.

On the context of Eye-Hand coordination it has been found that those who participate in video games have greater eye-hand coordination. This is due to the fact that some sort of skill is required to be able to play the games. For instance, if a character is running and shooting at the same time, a realistic player is required to monitor the location of the character, where he/she is moving, his speed, the target of the gun and if the gun is hitting the target. These factors are considered and then the coordinates brain explanation and reaction with the hand movement and fingertips, a process which requires a great deal of hand-eye coordination and visual-spatial capacity to be successful. This can be proved from the relationship that has been shown on the effects of increased video game playing on eye-hand coordination, manual dexterity and reaction time in (drew & Waters, 1986).

Reference list

  • Anderson. C.A & Bushman. B.J. (2002). Human Aggression. Annual Review of Psychology , 53, 27-51.
  • Chambers. J. H & Ascione F.R. (1987). The effects of prosocial and aggressive videogames in children's donating and helping. Journal of Genetic Psychology , 148, 499-505.
  • Connor, D.F Steingard, R.J Cunningham, J.A ,Anderson J.J, & Melloni. (2004). Proactive and reactive aggression in referred children and adolescents. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry , 74, 129-136.

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Violence in Video Games — Video Games Don’t Cause Violence: Dispelling the Myth

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Video Games Don't Cause Violence: Dispelling The Myth

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The research on video games and violence, the diversity of video games, parental supervision and education, potential benefits of video games, conclusion: a nuanced perspective.

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Violent Video Game Exposure and Problem Behaviors among Children and Adolescents: The Mediating Role of Deviant Peer Affiliation for Gender and Grade Differences

Associated data.

Data are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Based on problem behavior theory, a mediation model for gender and grade differences is explored in this study. The study examined gender and grade differences in the effects of violent video games and deviant peer affiliation on problem behaviors among children and adolescents. A total of 2118 children and adolescents from four primary and middle schools in China (M age = 13.08, SD = 2.17) were surveyed using an anonymous questionnaire on basic information, exposure to violent video games, deviant peer affiliation, and problem behaviors. The results showed that exposure to violent video games significantly positively predicted problem behaviors, and deviant peer affiliation played a mediating role. Significant gender and grade differences were found in the mediating effect. This finding helps understand the individual differences in the influencing factors of problem behaviors. Further, it has important implications for interventions to reduce problem behaviors among children and adolescents.

1. Introduction

Problem behavior (PB) is one of the most prevalent and persistent forms of maladjustment among children and adolescents [ 1 ]. It refers to abnormal behaviors that occur in individuals that hinder their social adjustment, involving both their own emotional abnormalities and behaviors that negatively affect others and society [ 2 ]. Further, it can be divided into internalizing and externalizing problems. Research has shown that PBs among children and adolescents are often strongly associated with lower academic performance [ 3 ], substance addiction [ 4 ], adjustment difficulties [ 5 ], and even lead to delinquent behavior [ 6 ]. Moreover, this adverse effect often persists into adulthood [ 7 ]. Therefore, it is necessary to study the factors influencing children and adolescents’ PBs to reduce the occurrence of their PBs and promote the healthy development of primary and middle school students.

Problem behavior theory (PBT) suggests that PBs do not occur randomly among children and adolescents but result from a combination of risk and protective factors. Protective factors reduce the likelihood of PBs by providing prosocial behavior patterns and individual or social regulation of PBs. Contrastingly, risk factors increase the likelihood of PBs by providing PB patterns, greater exposure or involvement in PBs, and increased individual susceptibility to PBs [ 8 , 9 , 10 ].

Since the beginning of the 21st century, with the rapid development of the Internet, video games have been an important leisure and entertainment tool for children and adolescents. Violent video games, as a popular game genre, are vital for the development of children and adolescents. Based on PBT, violent video games serve as a virtual external environment that can influence the production and dissolution of PBs among children and adolescents. Scholars have investigated the effects of violent video games on children and adolescents. Through multiple meta-analyses, they established that violent video games significantly adversely affected aggressive behavior, aggressive affect, violent desensitization, and mental health [ 11 ]. Moreover, few studies have found that deviant peer affiliation (DPA) may mediate the relationship between risk factors and PBs. For example, Bao et al. (2015) found that school climate indirectly predicts juvenile criminal behavior through adverse peer interactions [ 12 ]. Sun and Sun (2021) suggested that peer influence may mediate the relationship between violent video games and PBs [ 13 ]. Violent video games and peers are critical environmental factors that affect children’s and adolescents’ PBs.

Notably, in addition to risk and protective factors, PBT emphasizes the possible differences in PB by gender and age [ 14 ]. Previous studies have found that boys have more PBs than girls [ 15 ], and adolescent PBs increase with age. Further, Moffitt (2003) argues that adolescent antisocial behavior peaks at approximately 17 years of age [ 16 ].

Through literature review, we found that research on how violent video games affect PBs is limited, with inadequate discussion of social context and participants who are middle school or college students. Simultaneously, fewer studies involve middle and elementary school students. Therefore, based on a literature review and PBT, this study investigated the effects of violent video game exposure (VVGE) on children and adolescents’ PBs, including the mediating effect of DPA, with Chinese middle and elementary school students as participants. Moreover, we focused on the differences in the relationship between VVGE, DPA, and PB among children and adolescents of different genders and grades.

1.1. Violent Video Game Exposure and Problem Behavior

Most studies show that violent video games significantly increase PB in players. Regarding violent content, some meta-analyses have found that violent video games increase players’ aggressive cognition, emotion, and behavior and decrease players’ empathy, which negatively impacts players’ social behavior [ 17 , 18 ]. Concerning game frequency, studies have found that long-term video game exposure has adverse effects on adolescents’ emotions and social relations and increases the risk of anxiety, mood disorders, and social adjustment difficulties [ 19 , 20 ]. Further, attention difficulties and hyperactivity disorder are significantly related to game exposure [ 21 ]. Some empirical studies have also shown that VVGE is associated substantially with PBs such as aggressive behavior [ 22 ] and emotional problems, including anxiety and depression [ 23 , 24 ], and even criminal behavior [ 25 ]. Based on the literature reviewed above, we propose the following hypothesis:

VVGE positively correlates with PBs among children and adolescents .

1.2. Deviant Peer Affiliation as a Mediator

DPA refers to associating with peers who violate school rules and regulations, social ethics, and legal behaviors [ 26 ]. Evidence shows that DPA is significantly associated with individual PBs [ 27 , 28 ]. The General Aggression Model is often used to explain and predict the paths and ways in which violent video games lead to increased aggression. Recent revisions to the General Aggression Model theory have highlighted the role of peer groups in the association between violent video games and their adverse effects [ 29 ]. This suggests that DPA may be an important mediating variable between VVGE and PBs among children and adolescents. As children and adolescents join the school and adopt it as their main life scene, they rely more on their peers (classmates). At this stage, children and adolescents have a strong need for a sense of belonging to the group, and peers are vital in the adolescent development stage, especially in the transition to middle school. According to the “interpersonal similarity principle”, children and adolescents seek peers with the same or similar behaviors to establish friendships based on their own characteristics. Children and adolescents who play violent games are more likely to choose peers with similar behavioral characteristics to develop friendships with them [ 30 ]. Studies have found that VVGE affects the social behavior of players and those associated with them, such as increased aggression by players and their peers [ 31 , 32 ]. Some studies on actual violence have also found that exposure to community violence may increase the likelihood of adolescents becoming friends with immoral peers [ 33 ]. To avoid deviating from the social context of peer norms or peer group roles, adolescents may conform to their peers’ interests, hobbies, and behaviors based on adverse peer pressure [ 34 ] and then develop more problematic behaviors.

Similarly, DPA also affects individual behavior; it is one of the common risk factors for externalization problems (EP) [ 35 ]. Studies have found that children or adolescents with aggressive friends are more likely to have social adjustment problems [ 30 ] and that DPA is also commonly associated with skipping class, smoking, violence, or aggression [ 36 , 37 ]. Regarding internalization problems (IP), some researchers believe that the quality of friendships adolescents establish in DPA is low, and the relationship between groups is chaotic. The effort and return between them is inadequate; therefore, it is difficult to obtain necessary emotional support, which is more likely to lead to IPs, such as emotional disorders [ 38 , 39 ]. Based on the literature reviewed above, we propose the following hypothesis:

Deviant peer affiliation significantly mediates the relationship between exposure to violent games and PBs among children and adolescents .

1.3. Gender and Grade Differences

Although gender and grade differences in PBs have been widely acknowledged and discussed, few studies explore the factors influencing PBs among children and adolescents of different genders and grades. Based on PBT, as external environmental factors, VVGE and DPA may have significant gender and grade differences in their relationship with PB.

First, concerning gender, previous studies have shown that boys indulge in violent video games more than girls do. They have a lower level of guilt when exposed to violent video games [ 40 ]. Most researchers also believe that boys are more likely to be influenced by immoral peers and that they have various internal and external problems [ 41 , 42 ]. However, some research results show that girls are more likely to be influenced by immoral peers in drinking behavior [ 43 ] and depression or anxiety [ 44 ]. Second, at grade level, studies have found that playing time decreases with age [ 45 ], and that game preferences change. The susceptibility or resistance of individuals to peer influence also presents different characteristics at various ages. For example, studies have found that the tendency of individual behavior to be susceptible to peer influence seems to appear in early adolescence and reaches its peak at approximately 14 years of age [ 46 ]. This study focuses on the mediating effect of adverse peer interactions between VVGE and problem behavior. Based on this, we propose the following hypothesis:

Significant gender and grade differences exist in the relationships between VVGE, DPA, and PBs among children and adolescents .

1.4. Research Purpose

In summary, this study intends to use Chinese middle and elementary schools as the research object and propose a mediating model ( Figure 1 ) to explore the mediating effect on the relationship between VVGE and PBs among children and adolescents. Based on PBT, the differences in gender and grade were investigated.

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Hypothesized model of violent video games affecting problem behavior.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. participants.

This study used the cluster sampling method to randomly select 2191 students from the fourth grade of elementary school to the first grade of senior high school from four elementary and secondary schools in a city in southwest China. The questionnaire was screened according to the principles, whether the answer was complete, whether there was a regular answer, and whether there was a contradiction. After screening questionnaires, 2118 valid questionnaires were obtained, with an effective rate of 96.67%. The participants were aged between 9 and 17 years, with an average age of 13.08 ± 2.17 years.

Monte Carlo power analysis for indirect effects was adopted. Based on the effect sizes of previous research [ 47 , 48 ], the effects size was set for a (r = 0.10), b (r externalization problem = 0.20, r internalization problem = 0.10), and c (r externalization problem = 0.20, r internalization problem = 0.10) path. Consequently, recruiting a total of 1100 (externalization problem) and 1300 (internalization problem) participants would lead to the power of 90 percent for the indirect effects (i.e., a · b) at the p < 0.05 level with 20,000 Monte Carlo replications. Thus, the sample recruited for this study (n = 2118) was more than sufficient to provide adequate statistical power (>95 percent) to detect small indirect effects.

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. violent video game exposure questionnaire.

This questionnaire was compiled by [ 49 ] and revised by Chinese scholars, and is widely used [ 50 , 51 ]. It asked the participants to list three violent video games they had most recently encountered and to rate the frequency and violence of each game. Using a 5-point score, the degree of exposure to violent video games = amount of exposure = ∑ [violent content × frequency of using games]/3; the higher the score, the more exposure to violent video games. The violent video game exposure questionnaire has been shown to be both reliable and valid [ 52 ]. In this study, Cronbach’s α was 0.87.

2.2.2. Deviant Peer Affiliation Questionnaire

The deviant peer affiliation questionnaire [ 53 , 54 ] contained eight questions that involved destructive behaviors, such as smoking, drinking, theft, Internet addiction, truancy, or misbehavior. A 5-point score from 1 “none” to 5 “all” indicated the number of friends who showed one of the eight destructive behaviors in the recent year. Considering the average score, the higher the score, the more undesirable the peer behavior. The questionnaire has been shown to be reliable and valid [ 55 , 56 ]. In this study, Cronbach’s α was 0.78.

2.2.3. Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (Student Version)

This scale was developed by Goodman R. [ 57 , 58 ] and revised by Du [ 59 ]. The scale comprises five factors; because this study focused on PBs, the difficult part of the questionnaire was used. This comprised four factors: emotional symptoms, conduct problems, hyperactivity and attention disorders, and peer relationships, and was divided into internalization (emotional symptoms, peer relationships) and externalization problems (conduct problems, hyperactivity, and attention disorders) using Goodman’s suggestion. A “0–2” scale was used, ranging from “does not meet” to “fully meets”. In previous studies, this questionnaire showed good reliability [ 60 , 61 ]. In this study, Cronbach’s α coefficient for the difficult part of the questionnaire was 0.76.

2.3. Procedure and Data Analysis

Participants voluntarily completed the questionnaire survey while at school during a specified class period lasting 20 min. SPSS 26.0 was applied to obtain descriptive statistics, Pearson correlations, and difference test. Data may be missing on some variables because participants left an answer blank for 0.28% to 0.94% of the items across the total sample. We used participants’ average scores to replace such information. Then, Amos 24 was applied to test the mediating effect of deviant peer affiliation using the structural equation model, and the differences in gender and grade in the mediating effect of deviant peer affiliation utilizing the method of group analysis.

2.4. Common Method Deviation

In this study, variable data collection adopted a self-report method. Based on Zhou and Long’s (2004) suggestion, the Harman single-factor test was adopted to test the common method deviation [ 62 ]. The results showed nine factors with eigenvalues > 1, and the variance explained by the first principal factor was 17.35%, which was less than the critical standard of 40%. It can be concluded that there were no common methodological deviations in this study.

3.1. Descriptive Statistics

Table 1 contains the basic information on all subjects. Table 2 contains the correlation, mean, and standard deviation for study variables. Table 3 contains the differences in the research variables in gender and grade.

Basic information.

Correlation.

Note: ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001.

Difference test.

Note: * p < 0.05, *** p < 0.001.

The results in Table 2 show that there is a significant positive correlation between VVGE and IP and EP, indicating that the more VVGE, the higher the IPs and EPs levels among children and adolescents. Further, there is a significant positive correlation between VVGE and DPA, indicating that the more VVGE, the more DPA among children and adolescents. DPA positively correlates with the IP and EP of children and adolescents, indicating that the more DPA children and adolescents have, the higher their IPs and EPs levels are.

Difference test showed significant differences in VVGE and DPA by gender and grade level—boys had higher levels of VVGE and DPA than girls did. There were substantial differences in IP by gender and non-significant differences by grade level, and girls had higher levels of IPs than boys did. Significant differences existed in EP by grade level and non-significant differences by gender. Children and adolescents in higher grades had more EPs ( Table 3 ).

3.2. Mediating Effect of Deviant Peer Affiliation between Violent Video Game Exposure and Problem Behaviors

A structural equation model was constructed using Amos24 to examine the mediating effect of DPA between VVGE and PB. According to the different test results, gender and grade were included in the mediation effect test as control variables.

Based on the mediation effect test process suggested by [ 63 ], an unmediated model with VVGE as the independent variable and IP and EP as the dependent variables is constructed. The results showed that the unmediated model fit well (χ 2 / df = 11.15, RMSEA = 0.07, CFI = 0.96, TLI = 0.93, GFI = 0.98, IFI = 0.96, SRMR = 0.04), and VVGE positively predicted IPs ( β = 0.15, p < 0.001) and EPs ( β = 0.24, p < 0.001).

A mediating model was constructed using DPA as the mediating variable. The results showed that the mediation model fit well (χ 2 / df = 10.33, RMSEA = 0.07, CFI = 0.95, TLI = 0.92, GFI = 0.97, IFI = 0.95, and SRMR = 0.05). The test results for each coefficient showed that VVGE significantly positively predicted DPA ( β = 0.24, p < 0.001), and DPA significantly positively predicted IP. After adding DPA as a mediating variable, the predictive effect of VVGE on IP weakened ( β = 0.10, p < 0.001). DPA positively predicted EP ( β = 0.38, p < 0.001), while the predictive effect of VVGE on EP was weakened ( β = 0.17, p < 0.001), indicating that DPA partially mediated the relationship between VVGE and IP and EP. Bootstrap (sampling times: 5000) was used further to test DPA’s mediating effect ( Table 4 ). The results showed that the mediating effect of DPA between VVGE and IP was 0.06, and 0.09 between VVGE and EP.

Breakdown table of the total effect, direct effect, and mediating effect.

3.3. Cross-Group Comparison of Mediating Effects of Deviant Peer Affiliation between Violent Game Exposure and Problem Behavior

3.3.1. gender difference analysis.

A structural equation model was used to investigate gender differences in the mediating effect of DPA between VVGE and PB, and the model included grade as a control variable. First, a model test was conducted on male and female students, and the results showed that the model fit was good in the two samples, which could be compared across groups ( Table 5 ). Next, the unconstrained Model M 0 was constructed on this basis (the male and female students had the same shape, and the path coefficient was freely estimated). The measurement weights Model M 1 was constructed based on model M 0 (the factor loading of latent variables in the two groups of models was restricted to remain unchanged across the groups). The two models fit well. The model comparison showed a significant difference between M 0 and M 1 [Δχ 2 = 20.55, p < 0.001], indicating that the model measurement coefficients of the male and female groups had cross-group inequalities. Further tests found cross-group differences in the loading coefficients of factors 1 and 2 on VVGE and the loading coefficients of peer barriers on IP. Therefore, the above coefficients were freely estimated to establish Model M 2 with equal measurement weights across groups. Finally, the structural weights Model M 3 is constructed based on M 2 (the path coefficients in the two groups of models are restricted to remain unchanged across groups). The results showed that both M 2 and M 3 models fit well, and the model comparison revealed a significant difference between M 2 and M 3 [Δχ 2 = 57.14, p < 0.001]. Further tests revealed that the path coefficients of DPA on IP and EP differed across the groups ( Table 5 , Figure 2 ). The predictive effect of DPA on IP in boys ( β = 0.31, p < 0.001) was significantly higher than that in girls ( β = 0.28, p < 0.001). However, the predictive effect of DPA on EP was significantly lower in boys ( β = 0.37, p < 0.001) than in girls ( β = 0.41, p < 0.001).

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc.
Object name is ijerph-19-15400-g002.jpg

Gender differences in mediating role of deviant peer affiliation. Note: The path coefficient is male outside the brackets and female inside the brackets; the load coefficient between each latent variable and its index, the residual error and error of all variables, and the control variable coefficient are omitted to simplify the model. * p < 0.05, *** p < 0.001.

Fitting index of multi-cohort model for multi-cohort analysis of gender difference.

Note: M male and M female were male and female models.

3.3.2. Grade Difference Test

This study investigated the grade difference of the mediating role of DPA in VVGE and PB used for the cross-group comparison of the structural equation model and considered gender as a control variable in the model. The participants were divided into elementary school, junior high school, and senior high school according to their grades, and the grade differences in the intermediary model were investigated. First, the samples were divided into school sections for the model test. The results showed that the models of the three samples fit well and could be compared across groups ( Table 6 ). Next, the unconstrained model M 4 (three groups of models have the same shape, and the path coefficient can be estimated freely) was built. Further, the measurement coefficient Model M 5 (limiting the factor load of latent variables in three groups of models to be constant across groups) was built. Both models fit well, and the comparison of the models showed a significant difference between Models M 4 and M 5 [Δχ 2 = 45.66, p < 0.001], indicating that the measurement coefficients of the three groups of models were unequal across groups. Further tests showed cross-group differences in the load coefficient of factor 1 and factor 2 on VVGE, the load coefficient of factor 2 on DPA, and the load coefficient of peer obstacles on IP. Therefore, the above coefficients were estimated freely, and Model M 6 with equal measurement weights s across groups was established. Finally, a structural weights Model M 7 was built based on M 6 (the path coefficient among the three models is limited to be unchanged across groups). The results showed that the M 6 and M 7 models fit well, and the comparison indicated that M 6 and M 7 had significant differences [Δχ 2 = 110.07, p < 0.001]. Further examination showed that cross-group differences existed between the path coefficients of DPA on IP and EP and VVGE on EP ( Table 6 , Figure 3 ). For instance, the predictive effect of DPA on IP was significantly higher at the elementary school level ( β = 0.39, p < 0.001) than at the senior high school level ( β = 0.31, p < 0.001), and significantly higher at the senior high school level than at the junior high school level ( β = 0.22, p < 0.001). Further, the predictive effect of DPA on EP was significantly higher at the elementary level ( β = 0.41, p < 0.001) than at the junior high school level ( β = 0.33, p < 0.001), but considerably lower than that at the senior high school level ( β = 0.47, p < 0.001). The direct effect of VVGE on EP was significantly lower at the senior high school level ( β = 0.06, p = 0.217) than at the elementary school level ( β = 0.21, p < 0.001) and junior high school ( β = 0.24, p < 0.001).

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc.
Object name is ijerph-19-15400-g003.jpg

Grade differences in mediating role of deviant peer affiliation. Note: Path coefficients outside parentheses are for elementary school, inside parentheses are for junior high school, and inside square brackets are for senior high school. The load coefficient between each latent variable and its index, the residual error and error of all variables, and the control variable coefficient are omitted to simplify the model. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001.

Fitting index of multi-cohort model for multi-cohort analysis of grade difference.

Note: M elementary school , M junior high school , and M senior high school are models with different school sections.

4. Discussion

Childhood and adolescence are crucial periods of rapid individual development and tremendous change. This study was conducted with elementary, junior high, and senior high school students, focusing on the mechanisms of VVGE and DPA on PBs of children and adolescents and examining the differences by gender and grade.

First, the findings showed that VVGE positively and significantly predicted PB in children and adolescents, validating Research Hypothesis 1, which is consistent with previous research [ 19 , 20 , 21 ]. Regarding IPs, Kuss and Griffiths (2012) argue that the emergence of IPs may result from escapism and that players are attracted to games to escape from real-world problems [ 64 ]. Nonetheless, too much exposure is unhelpful and may exacerbate players’ emotional problems, such as anxiety and depression. Concerning EPs, violent video games are often fast-paced and offer frequent rewards or novel and enjoyable stimuli, which may contribute to the attention problems of child/adolescent players. According to the social learning theory, individuals can acquire undesirable behaviors in two ways: first, through observational learning, in which individuals receive unwanted behaviors by observing or imitating others’ undesirable behaviors. The other way is direct learning, in which individuals acquire undesirable behaviors through personal participation. During the game, child and adolescent players can develop unwanted behaviors by observing and imitating game non-player characters or directly manipulating game characters, which may lead to more EPs being exhibited by children and adolescents in real life.

Second, DPA mediated the relationship between VVGE and IP and EP, validating research Hypothesis 2 that VVGE affects PB by increasing children’s adolescents’ DPA. Games have a significant impact on children’s and adolescents’ peer interaction as a way of maintaining friendship. According to social network theory [ 65 ], individuals who are chronically exposed to violent games may be increasingly exposed to undesirable peers through a process of “selection”. The “selection” process refers to children and adolescents actively choosing peers with similar behaviors as their peers. Children and adolescents chronically exposed to violent video games tend to have more IPs or EPs. They may voluntarily join peers identical to them through a selection process based on similarity. The influence of undesirable peers on children and adolescents’ PB results from the interaction between children and adolescents and undesirable peers. This interaction is two-way, including the “socialization” process and the “selection” process. The process of “socialization” refers to children and adolescents making friends with peers who exhibit PB; they may develop similar behaviors under the influence of peer pressure and other factors. These two processes interact; children and adolescents who play games select peers with behavioral problems, and interactions with undesirable peers increase their own problem behaviors [ 66 ]. Simultaneously, friendships with undesirable peers tend to be unstable, and interactions with them tend to increase traditional peer rejection, which also increases the risk of IPs and EPs in children and adolescents.

Finally, the study’s results found that the effects of DPA on IP and EP showed significant gender and grade differences, partially validating research Hypothesis 3. Regarding gender, boys’ IPs were more likely to be influenced by DPA. Generally, boys are less flexible and lack cognitive and emotional coping skills and regulation when dealing with interpersonal relationships than girls [ 34 ], which may lead to more psychological distress in boys when dealing with DPA. Girls’ EPs are more likely to be influenced by DPA. On the one hand, girls are typically more precocious than boys. They are more likely to be exposed to older mixed-sex groups. Further, adolescent girls are more sensitive to social appraisal concerns and more dependent on intimate relationships as a source of self-evaluation and self-worth [ 67 ]. A qualitative study found that college girls’ drinking behavior is more often driven by pressure to impress their male peers [ 68 ], suggesting that girls are more likely to engage in more EPs out of the need for approval and influence from undesirable peers. On the other hand, boys have a greater tendency toward EPs than girls, and their EPs are more likely to be influenced by a combination of other factors, such as hormones and personality [ 69 ]. Concerning grade differences, elementary school students’ IPs were affected more by DPA. Early adolescence is a critical transition period for individual development, during which essential changes in the individual are often accompanied by changes in the social environment. Simultaneously, individuals become more independent in the face of their parents, where dependence on parents is replaced by reliance on peers, and they are more susceptible to peer influence [ 70 , 71 ]. Additionally, children in elementary school tend to show a one-off imbalance in their psychological development due to their young age. Simultaneously, they have low self-centeredness and self-control; they are more susceptible to peer pressure and more likely to develop IPs. The EPs of senior high school students are affected more by DPA. It has been found that undesirable peer influences play an important role in developing PB in middle and late adolescence [ 27 ]. In senior high school, peer interaction has become an important way for senior high school students to meet their social needs and plays an important role in learning and life. Simultaneously, the character and hobbies of peers are gradually becoming essential criteria for choosing friends, and individuals who interact with undesirable peers often tend to misbehave. Aggression and popularity are often intertwined during interactions with undesirable peers [ 72 ]. Therefore, senior high school students in unwanted peer groups may adopt destructive behaviors to maintain friendships.

This study is an effort to explore the role of DPA between VVGE and PB, as well as gender and grade differences in a large sample (more than 2000 people), covering children and adolescents from different grades in elementary school, junior high school, and senior high school. In the term of theoretical aspect, this study explores the role of social factors in the relationship between VVGE and children and adolescents’ PBs and made clear the differences in both gender and grade, which deepens our understanding of the impact of VVGE on children and adolescents’ PBs and helps to explain its potential impact mechanism. In practice, this can also bring some thinking for the education of children and adolescents. As one of the common entertainment tools for children and adolescents, violent video games have a certain negative impact on children and adolescents’ social interaction and PBs. At the same time, the DPA of children and adolescents significantly affects their IPs and EPs. Therefore, in terms of family, parents should supervise children’s network use, cultivate children’s healthy network use habits, and avoid excessive addiction to video games. At the same time, they should also pay attention to children’s social interaction, guide children to establish healthy and positive peer groups, and reduce communication with bad peers. In school, first of all, teachers and mental health experts should pay attention to network security, to educate and guide children and adolescents to correctly understand the violent factors in video games. Secondly, we should pay attention to the harm of students’ bad companions and help students to establish a healthy and positive circle of friends. In addition, parents and schools should pay attention to the differences among primary, middle, and high school students in educating and guiding children and adolescents. In the social aspect, we can create a healthy network environment for children and adolescents by improving the game classification system and combating the illegal dissemination of harmful information.

Although the current study yielded important and practical findings on the targeted intervention and guidance, several limitations should be noted. First, this study is a cross-sectional study, which is not plausible to make a causal inference. In the future, longitudinal studies can be applied to clarify the causal relationship between variables. Second, all variables in the study are self-reported and may be affected by common method bias. Therefore, a more comprehensive data collection method should be adopted. Thirdly, video games are one of the common entertainment tools for children and adolescents and are regarded as an important factor affecting the psychosocial development of children and adolescents. This study only focuses on the impact of VVGE on children and adolescents’ PBs. Future research can further discuss the differences between different video game content. Finally, future researchers should consider more potential impact factors. In this study, we found that there are significant gender and age differences in the mediating role of DPA between violent video game exposure and problem behaviors, and the development of peer relationships in children and adolescents is affected by the individual growth environment (such as parent–child relationship, school atmosphere) [ 12 , 73 ]. Therefore, examining environmental factors such as family and school helps us understand the role of deviant peer affiliation.

5. Conclusions

In sum, this study found that VVGE can affect the social interaction of children and adolescents, thereby increasing their PBs, and this effect has gender and age differences. In terms of gender, although boys generally show more EPs in their daily lives, their IPs are more susceptible to peer influence, while girls are the opposite. In terms of age, the influence of peers presents different characteristics in different age groups. The IP of primary school students is more susceptible to DPA, while the EP of high school students is more susceptible to DPA.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank all the students who participated in this study. The authors would like to thank all the researchers who helped with data collection.

Funding Statement

This work was supported by the Chongqing Federation of Social Science [grant numbers 2020SZ29].

Author Contributions

Conceptualization M.W., Y.L. and S.C.; data curation, M.W., Y.L. and S.C.; formal analysis, M.W. and S.C.; funding acquisition, Y.L.; investigation, M.W., Y.L. and S.C.; methodology, M.W., Y.L. and S.C.; project administration, Y.L.; resources, Y.L.; supervision, Y.L.; writing—original draft preparation, M.W.; writing—review and editing, M.W. and Y.L. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted according to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki and approved Research Project Ethical Review Application Form, Faculty of Psychology, Southwest University of China ( {"type":"entrez-nucleotide","attrs":{"text":"H22074","term_id":"890769"}} H22074 , 4 July 2022).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects and their parents involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

Conflicts of interest.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

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