an essay about gender based violence

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Gender Based Violence Essays Example

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: Violence , Goals , Physical Abuse , Women , Gender , Development , Domestic Violence , Society

Words: 2250

Published: 03/01/2020

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Impacts of Gender based violence on International Development

Gender based violence refers to the violence that is experienced in the course of cross gender interactions. However, history has been in such a position that, gender based violate refers to the violence that is normally passed on women. In the societal setting, it happens that there are instances that lead to the mistreatment of a certain group at the expense of another group. In a nutshell, gender based violence is an instance that cannot be labeled as one that affects a particular society; however, it is a phenomenon that cuts across all cultures. In essence, gender based violence cuts across all countries as well as classes. The old myth that gender based violence was only a practice of the poor and the lowly in the society has been overtaken by the events that keep on happening in the world. As a matter of fact, Gender based violence is an instance that has found positions in the society to an extent that it has ended up being a social issue (Naekery, 2013, pp. 4-34). In essence, as it will be seen in this discussion, Gender based violence affects the manner in which international development operates. In these regards, international development depends upon the provisions that, equality is emphasized between various kinds and groups of people. In these regards, most countries especially those that are located within the sub-Saharan Africa, have been known for having instances that touch on the position of women in light of the societal setting of these countries. At most instances, women have been subjected to circumstances that can better be described as inhuman and unfit for the existence of any one (Geraldine, 2010, pp. 23-56). As a matter of fact, such instances have made it impossible for these marginalized groups to effectively engage in commercial activities that are important for the development of international trade and commerce. In essence, not only women are the victims of this gender based baseless and violence. Men have also reported instances that surround on their exploitations by their fellow women. In most cases, the world has been characterized by instances that are oriented towards proliferating one group. What such societies fail to understand is that the society cannot be made up of different groups of people who hold similar positions when it comes to significance and relevance (Morna, 2009, pp. 34-37). The events that are oriented towards gender based violence are positioned in such a way that, they bring on board instances that reduce the ability of a certain society in concentrating in matters that are relevant to its developmental instances. Gender based violence in this case can best be described as domestic violence. In this regard, it is a common phenomenon that the victims of these events are often than not positioned at the front that makes it impossible for the victims of the occurrences. In the case where a woman is mistreated by his or her husband, it follows that, the same woman will be defrauded and prevented from engaging in instances that are either oriented on commerce or at some point are purposed to aid and abet the instances that are under the direct victimization of a person under the receiving end of the consequences of gender based violence. However, it should be regarded that these instances are not in abstract, they are based from stereotypical societies. Due to bias, it is obvious that women are taken as lesser beings that do not hold the same positions as the men. The effect of these instances that are directly oriented in domestic set ups of most nations is that, international development is oriented towards ensuring that, equality s maintained in almost all spheres of the world(Santos, 2013, pp. 90-134). It matters not the type or the position of gender, all that matters as far as it is in the eyes of international development, is the fact that we are all human beings. As a matter of fact, international l development cannot be achieved in the event people are not treated as equals in matters that matter most. In these cases, the events that matter most are those that touch on the direct lives of people. When taking a person who has been violated against as a result of societal positions on gender, it is obvious that such people do not have a positive mind to engage in the developmental projects, in the society. Domestic violence to the men means more than a mere act, it impacts heavily on how they view that the world. On the same note, gender based violence leads to a situation that leads to a society that is divided (Orbourne, 2010, pp. 45-50). In essence the division is facilitated by the fact that, the individuals who feel that the violence is directed to their sides unfairly will quit off from the other group which is mostly referred to as the oppressing group. How can we expense the international developmental aspects to develop? It is obvious that gender based violence hampers international development to a great extent. However, there is always a way to escape such instances that origin from the settings of the society, the instances that surround domestic violence can be abetted in the event measures are taken by the society in general so as to come to more realistic and holistic grounds that will provide for a society that shall lead to the development. In as far as this context is concerned; the development should be according to international standards. On the same note, international development is facilitated by factors that are oriented along, cooperation, social equality, inclusiveness and having a general goal that guides the activities that people engage in (Morrison, 2010, pp. 21-24). Wrangles in communities in as far as domestic violence is related, waste the time that people would be used to engage in more profitable activities such a trade. In essence, gender bade violence has been calling for a lot of revenues in problem solving instances. On the other hand, Gender based violate instances deviate the country in the strategies that it was making so as to develop and diversity its affairs. In these regards, it’s significant to denote that, a sober society in as far as inclusivity and development of social structures can greatly lead to the development of international positions and platforms (The Women Council, 2009, pp. 200-209). In a nutshell, it follows that, for international development to be adequately, realized, adequate measures are placed so as to abet the likely occurrence of Gender based violence. Gender based violence retrogresses nations and reduces the positions that can be achieved by such countries if the same conditions are kept constant In as far as he Millennium Development Goals are concerned, it follows that, millennium development goals are a significant hallmark towards the development of structures that are purposed towards the development of the society in as far as the social, economic and political set up. In these regards, Millennium Development Goals have pillars that support their functionality and manifestation in the society. As a matter of fact, millennium development goals that are purposed to extent to the year 2015 are purposed towards ensuring that, the society is well developed along spheres that center on the development. In these regards, it is significant to note that, the development takes the shape of social, economic and political areas(Nnowna, 2013, pp. 1-30). In as far as the social parameter, it follows that, the Millennium Development Goals are purposed to ensure that, the society well developed in the context of the provision of services such as hospitals and schools. With special consideration of these facilities, it follows that, the millennium development goals are oriented in such a way that calls for cooperation and inclusivity in all the areas that pertain these instances. As a matter of fact, it is unlawful for a certain group of persons to have access to schools at the expense of the other group. In essence, the groups form part and parcel of what is used by the millennium development goals in ensuring that, within a period of three or five years, our society will be diversified ad changed for the betterment of the future lives of our children. As a matter of fact, Millennium Development Goals are significant to ensure that, the economic position of our country is in order. In these regard, the Millennium Development Goals are positioned in such a manner that calls for ultimate cooperation from all sectors that forms part parcel of the developmental facets of any country. In fact, groups have been called for by the objects and the guidelines of this Millennium Development Goals that are oriented towards ensuring that we have a sane environment that is well oriented along parameters that are under the direct appreciated of all classes and Gender as equal(United Millenium Project, 2009, pp. 56-59). On the other hand, on the political arm that is supported by Millennium Development Goals, it follows that, millennium development goals are purposed to lead to a political situation that aims at ensuring that the society is founded along parameters that call for equality. As a matter of fact, in the provisions that guide the Millennium Development Goals, it is believed that, by the end of the period that ismarked by the entailment of the Millennium Development Goals, the country and the whole world should be well aware that all human beings are equal and do have a right to fight any injustices that are orchestrated at their expense. On the face of it, Millennium Development Goals are purposed to solve the existing instances such as Gender Based Violence. The MillenniumDevelopment Goals are not just mere puffs. However, they are positioned in such a way that, they are guided by the rule of law. In as far as leadership is oriented; Millennium Development Goals are directly proportional to sanity in the society. However, the issue of domestic violence cannot be taken as an issue that has gone beyond the tenability and the discretion of human beings, the following instances can be employed so as to abet and reduce on the impacts of domestic violence and the larger consideration, its end. It is researched by sociologists that Gender based violence is oriented along instances that guided by stereotypes and feelings of supremacy among different groups of people. In essence, the societies that we live are the biggest contributors to the attitudes and feelings that we hold towards other people. In these instances, the people under study are individuals that are either disadvantaged or fall victims of gender based violence. So as to reduce the Gender based violence, the society can be integrated in such a way that, both men and women interact in a way that that brings on board instances that support the idea that, both men and women are equal beings. As a result of discriminations, Violence manifests itself. As a matter of fact, if people’s minds and congenital positions in General are well catered for and given education that is relevant in this effect, it follows that the effects of Gender based Violence can be sorted. Similarly, Gender based violence can be solved if people are taught other methods of resolving conflicts. Violence is not the best decision that people can take at this time and age (Lombrone, 2009, pp. 34-58). Had it been in the medieval times when people knew not their rights, domestic violence and Gender based violence would be given a scope to that effect. However, today, the rule of law and laws that are along the provisions of the equity should adequately be utilized so as to lead to a sober society. On the same note, if strict laws are incorporated into the system that centers on ensuring that laws are abided to and those that breach the laws are punished, on the sane note, Gender based violence will be a gone case.

Bibliography

Geraldine , T. (2010). Gender-based Violence. New York: Oxfam Publishers. Lombrone, J. (2009). Global Crises, Global Solutions: Costs and Benefits. Kiel: Cambridge University Press. Morna, C. (2009). The Gender Based Violence Indicators Study: Botswana. Washington: African Books Collective Publishers. Morrison, A. (2010). Addressing Gender-based Violence in the Latin American and Caribbean Region: A Critical Review of Interventions. Washington: World Bank Publications. Naekery, K. (2013). Gender-based Violence and Public Health: International perspectives on budgets and policies. Chicago: Routledge. Nnowna, F. (2013). Millennium Development Goals: Achievements and Prospects of Meeting the Targets in Africa. Pretoria: African Books Collective Publishers. Orbourne, K. (2010). Gender Based Violence: Genocide in Rwanda. Kigali: GRIN Verlag. Santos, M. (2013). Consensus: combating gender based violence through Islam, tradition, and law. New York: Kachere Series. The Women Council. (2009). Gender-based violence: a resource document for services and organisations working with and for minority ethnic women. New York: The Women's Health Council Publishers. United Millenium Project. (2009). The Millennium Development Goals: A Latin American and Caribbean Perspective. Chicago: United Nations Publications.

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What is gender-based violence – and how do we prevent it?

Each year on 25 November, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women kicks off 16 days of activism against gender-based violence.

Gender-based violence (GBV) is present in every society around the world and takes many forms. As a violation of human rights, we have a moral imperative to stop all forms of violence against women and girls. In crisis, whether conflict or natural disaster, the risk of GBV increases, and so – therefore – does our collective need to act to prevent GBV before it happens or respond to the needs of women and girls when it does.

The IRC has been working specifically to prevent and respond to GBV since 1996, meaning we have over 25 years of experience. 

Women and girls are disproportionately impacted by all forms of gender-based violence. Below, we consider why this happens, and what we can do to prevent it. 

What is gender-based violence? 

Gender-based violence (GBV) is an umbrella term for harmful acts of abuse perpetrated against a person’s will and rooted in a system of unequal power between women and men. This is true for both conflict-affected and non-conflict settings.

The UN defines violence against women as, ‘any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.

Over one-third of women and girls globally will experience some form of violence in their lifetime . However, this rate is higher in emergencies, conflict, and crisis, where vulnerability and risks are increased and most often family, community, and legal protections have broken down.

Harm caused by GBV comes in a variety of visible and invisible forms—it also includes the threat of violence. 

GBV can manifest in a variety of ways. Some of these include: physical violence, such as assault or slavery; emotional or psychological violence, such as verbal abuse or confinement; sexual abuse, including rape; harmful practices, like child marriage and female genital mutilation; socio-economic violence, which includes denial of resources; and sexual harassment, exploitation and abuse.

What is Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)?

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), or ‘domestic violence’ is an all-too-common form of violence against women and girls. It refers to any behavior from a current or previous partner that causes harm—including physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse and controlling behaviors.

Globally, the UN reports  that one in four women have been subjected to physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner at least once in their lifetime, and IRC research has shown that it is the most common form of violence against women and girls in humanitarian contexts.

Who is most at risk?

Gender-based violence can happen to anyone. However, it disproportionately affects women and girls. Those in crisis settings are at a double disadvantage due to their gender and their situation.

Women and girls from other diverse and marginalized communities face an even greater risk where gender inequality intersects with other forms of oppression.

Those at higher risk include:

• Women and girls living with disabilities
• Young and adolescent girls
• Older women
• People who identify as LGBTQ+
• Women of ethnic minorities
• Refugees and migrants

While we reference these different identities separately, each person holds multiple identities at once. For example, a woman who lives with a disability might also be an older refugee. 

This is why it’s important to understand the concept of intersectionality — that a person faces different kinds of discrimination and risks due to a combination of their identities like gender, race, religion, age.

It is crucial to understand intersectionality when working to determine and provide prevention and response services. For instance, research has found that adolescent girls living in displacement are particularly at risk  of being overlooked in emergency settings, where they may fall between the cracks of child protection services and those aimed at adult women.

What causes gender-based violence in crisis settings?

Gender inequality, and the norms and beliefs that violence against women and girls is acceptable, cause gender-based violence. There are also many factors that increase the risk of GBV, with women and girls living through crises experiencing an increase in both the frequency and severity of GBV.

This is because the same conditions that contribute to conflict and forced displacement also accelerate GBV. These include:

Research from What Works found that when families are pushed into poverty, harmful practices like child marriages increase . Young girls may be pulled out of education for marriage, to help with domestic tasks or to generate an income. Unemployment and economic distress in the household can increase instances of IPV, as well. 

2. Breakdown of services

A collapse of community structure and the rule of law means women can find themselves without social support and protection systems in violent situations. It can also result in women and girls traveling great distances in search of food, water or fuel, further increasing risk of sexual harassment and assault.

3. Conflict and war

Rising numbers of conflicts globally are driving an increase in conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Without the rule of law, CRSV is often carried out with impunity. Armed forces may use rape as a weapon of war. Other forms of CRSV include sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, forced abortion, enforced sterilization, forced marriage and other forms of sexual violence. 

4. Displacement

Women living in refugee camps and other temporary accommodation can face safety issues that put them at greater risk. This can include having no locks on bathroom doors, joint male and female facilities, and inadequate lighting.

Women living as refugees may have to find new livelihoods, which can lead to an increased risk of exploitation. 

Displaced women and girls in emergencies are often less visible . They’re not always included in national surveys or reports, which means their needs go unmet. 

5. Stress in the home

Intimate partner violence is the most common form of violence women experience in humanitarian settings. IRC research suggests that IPV and child maltreatment and abuse occur more frequently when families experience an inability to meet their basic needs, alcohol and substance abuse and inconsistent income.

Effects of gender-based violence

Violence has a long lasting effect on survivors and their families. Impacts can range from physical harm to long-term emotional distress to fatalities . Rape and sexual assault can result in unwanted pregnancies, complications during pregnancy and birth, and sexually transmitted infections, including HIV.

Social and economic fallout from GBV can lead to a loss of livelihood and increased gender inequalities in the long term. Reporting or seeking services for GBV can lead to further threats of violence, social stigma and ostracization. GBV is also a key barrier to women and girls accessing other lifesaving services, such as food, shelter and healthcare. 

Crises are not short-term occurrences . Climate-related disasters can create recurrent crises and many women and girls who are forcibly displaced can end up living in temporary accommodation for years. 

This exposes women and girls to GBV for longer and can draw out and compound the effects of that violence for decades, hampering long-term resilience and empowerment.

Preventing gender-based violence

While GBV continues to be a huge risk that women and girls face daily, there are ways to prevent it. Some of these include:

• Keeping girls in school
• Empowering women economically
• Using feminist approaches to tackle gender inequality, including in the home
• Providing women and girls with safe spaces
• Giving women cash support
• Engaging male allies
• Including women in decision-making at leadership level
• Supporting local women-led and women's rights organizations

Comprehensive GBV services need to be established quickly in times of crisis to protect women and girls and reduce their exposure to violence, while increasing their chances of recovery and resilience.

Humanitarian organizations should bring a feminist approach to programming , that takes into account the unequal power balance between genders when designing support and interventions for crisis-affected populations. 

Yet, despite knowing the scope of the problem, the serious and at times fatal effects of GBV, and that we can prevent and respond to it, GBV is still not prioritized with enough urgency during humanitarian responses. In 2021,  just 28% of GBV funding requirements were met , the lowest proportion reported over the previous four years and down from 32% in 2020.

The IRC response

The IRC prioritizes the needs of women and girls across its programming. We work to support the resilience and dignity of women and girls exposed to violence in crisis settings in over 50 countries worldwide. 

The IRC delivers essential healthcare, GBV case management and psychosocial support to survivors, including through safe spaces and outreach teams. In 2022, we provided 177,404 women and girls with psychosocial support and registered 43,817 GBV survivors for case management, ensuring that they receive necessary emotional, medical, psychosocial and other support services throughout their recovery journey.

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Gender-Based Violence (Violence Against Women and Girls)

Photo: Simone D. McCourtie / World Bank

Gender-based violence (GBV) or violence against women and girls (VAWG), is a global pandemic that affects 1 in 3 women in their lifetime.

The numbers are staggering:

• 35% of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence.
• Globally, 7% of women have been sexually assaulted by someone other than a partner.
• Globally, as many as 38% of murders of women are committed by an intimate partner.
• 200 million women have experienced female genital mutilation/cutting.

This issue is not only devastating for survivors of violence and their families, but also entails significant social and economic costs. In some countries, violence against women is estimated to cost countries up to 3.7% of their GDP – more than double what most governments spend on education.

Failure to address this issue also entails a significant cost for the future.  Numerous studies have shown that children growing up with violence are more likely to become survivors themselves or perpetrators of violence in the future.

One characteristic of gender-based violence is that it knows no social or economic boundaries and affects women and girls of all socio-economic backgrounds: this issue needs to be addressed in both developing and developed countries.

Decreasing violence against women and girls requires a community-based, multi-pronged approach, and sustained engagement with multiple stakeholders. The most effective initiatives address underlying risk factors for violence, including social norms regarding gender roles and the acceptability of violence.

The World Bank is committed to addressing gender-based violence through investment, research and learning, and collaboration with stakeholders around the world.

Since 2003, the World Bank has engaged with countries and partners to support projects and knowledge products aimed at preventing and addressing GBV. The Bank supports over $300 million in development projects aimed at addressing GBV in World Bank Group (WBG)-financed operations, both through standalone projects and through the integration of GBV components in sector-specific projects in areas such as transport, education, social protection, and forced displacement.  Recognizing the significance of the challenge, addressing GBV in operations has been highlighted as a World Bank priority, with key commitments articulated under both IDA 17 and 18, as well as within the World Bank Group Gender Strategy .

The World Bank conducts analytical work —including rigorous impact evaluation—with partners on gender-based violence to generate lessons on effective prevention and response interventions at the community and national levels.

The World Bank regularly  convenes a wide range of development stakeholders  to share knowledge and build evidence on what works to address violence against women and girls.

Over the last few years, the World Bank has ramped up its efforts to address more effectively GBV risks in its operations , including learning from other institutions.

Addressing GBV is a significant, long-term development challenge. Recognizing the scale of the challenge, the World Bank’s operational and analytical work has expanded substantially in recent years.   The Bank’s engagement is building on global partnerships, learning, and best practices to test and advance effective approaches both to prevent GBV—including interventions to address the social norms and behaviors that underpin violence—and to scale up and improve response when violence occurs.  

World Bank-supported initiatives are important steps on a rapidly evolving journey to bring successful interventions to scale, build government and local capacity, and to contribute to the knowledge base of what works and what doesn’t through continuous monitoring and evaluation.

Addressing the complex development challenge of gender-based violence requires significant learning and knowledge sharing through partnerships and long-term programs. The World Bank is committed to working with countries and partners to prevent and address GBV in its projects. 

Knowledge sharing and learning

Violence against Women and Girls: Lessons from South Asia is the first report of its kind to gather all available data and information on GBV in the region. In partnership with research institutions and other development organizations, the World Bank has also compiled a comprehensive review of the global evidence for effective interventions to prevent or reduce violence against women and girls. These lessons are now informing our work in several sectors, and are captured in sector-specific resources in the VAWG Resource Guide: www.vawgresourceguide.org .

The World Bank’s  Global Platform on Addressing GBV in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Settings  facilitated South-South knowledge sharing through workshops and yearly learning tours, building evidence on what works to prevent GBV, and providing quality services to women, men, and child survivors.  The Platform included a $13 million cross-regional and cross-practice initiative, establishing pilot projects in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nepal, Papua New Guinea, and Georgia, focused on GBV prevention and mitigation, as well as knowledge and learning activities.

The World Bank regularly convenes a wide range of development stakeholders to address violence against women and girls. For example, former WBG President Jim Yong Kim committed to an annual  Development Marketplace  competition, together with the Sexual Violence Research Initiative (SVRI) , to encourage researchers from around the world to build the evidence base of what works to prevent GBV. In April 2019, the World Bank awarded $1.1 million to 11 research teams from nine countries as a result of the fourth annual competition.

Addressing GBV in World Bank Group-financed operations

The World Bank supports both standalone GBV operations, as well as the integration of GBV interventions into development projects across key sectors.

Standalone GBV operations include:

• In August 2018, the World Bank committed $100 million to help prevent GBV in the DRC . The Gender-Based Violence Prevention and Response Project will reach 795,000 direct beneficiaries over the course of four years. The project will provide help to survivors of GBV, and aim to shift social norms by promoting gender equality and behavioral change through strong partnerships with civil society organizations. 
• In the  Great Lakes Emergency Sexual and Gender Based Violence & Women's Health Project , the World Bank approved $107 million in financial grants to Burundi, the DRC, and Rwanda  to provide integrated health and counseling services, legal aid, and economic opportunities to survivors of – or those affected by – sexual and gender-based violence. In DRC alone, 40,000 people, including 29,000 women, have received these services and support.
• The World Bank is also piloting innovative uses of social media to change behaviors . For example, in the South Asia region, the pilot program WEvolve  used social media  to empower young women and men to challenge and break through prevailing norms that underpin gender violence.

Learning from the Uganda Transport Sector Development Project and following the Global GBV Task Force’s recommendations , the World Bank has developed and launched a rigorous approach to addressing GBV risks in infrastructure operations:

• Guided by the GBV Good Practice Note launched in October 2018, the Bank is applying new standards in GBV risk identification, mitigation and response to all new operations in sustainable development and infrastructure sectors.
• These standards are also being integrated into active operations; GBV risk management approaches are being applied to a selection of operations identified high risk in fiscal year (FY) 2019.
• In the East Asia and Pacific region , GBV prevention and response interventions – including a code of conduct on sexual exploitation and abuse – are embedded within the Vanuatu Aviation Investment Project .
• The Liberia Southeastern Corridor Road Asset Management Project , where sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) awareness will be raised, among other strategies, as part of a pilot project to employ women in the use of heavy machinery. 
• The Bolivia Santa Cruz Road Corridor Project uses a three-pronged approach to address potential GBV, including a Code of Conduct for their workers; a Grievance Redress Mechanism (GRM) that includes a specific mandate to address any kinds gender-based violence; and concrete measures to empower women and to bolster their economic resilience by helping them learn new skills, improve the production and commercialization of traditional arts and crafts, and access more investment opportunities.
• The Mozambique Integrated Feeder Road Development Project identified SEA as a substantial risk during project preparation and takes a preemptive approach: a Code of Conduct; support to – and guidance for – the survivors in case any instances of SEA were to occur within the context of the project – establishing a “survivor-centered approach” that creates multiple entry points for anyone experiencing SEA to seek the help they need; and these measures are taken in close coordination with local community organizations, and an international NGO Jhpiego, which has extensive experience working in Mozambique.

Strengthening institutional efforts to address GBV  

In October 2016, the World Bank launched the  Global Gender-Based Violence Task Force  to strengthen the institution’s efforts to prevent and respond to risks of GBV, and particularly sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) that may arise in World Bank-supported projects. It builds on existing work by the World Bank and other actors to tackle violence against women and girls through strengthened approaches to identifying and assessing key risks, and developing key mitigations measures to prevent and respond to sexual exploitation and abuse and other forms of GBV. 

In line with its commitments under IDA 18 , the World Bank developed an Action Plan for Implementation of the Task Force’s recommendations , consolidating key actions across institutional priorities linked to enhancing social risk management, strengthening operational systems to enhance accountability, and building staff and client capacity to address risks of GBV through training and guidance materials.

As part of implementation of the GBV Task Force recommendations, the World Bank has developed a GBV risk assessment tool and rigorous methodology to assess contextual and project-related risks. The tool is used by any project containing civil works.

The World Bank has developed a Good Practice Note (GPN) with recommendations to assist staff in identifying risks of GBV, particularly sexual exploitation and abuse and sexual harassment that can emerge in investment projects with major civil works contracts. Building on World Bank experience and good international industry practices, the note also advises staff on how to best manage such risks. A similar toolkit and resource note for Borrowers is under development, and the Bank is in the process of adapting the GPN for key sectors in human development.

The GPN provides good practice for staff on addressing GBV risks and impacts in the context of the Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) launched on October 1, 2018, including the following ESF standards, as well as the safeguards policies that pre-date the ESF: 

• ESS 1: Assessment and Management of Environmental and Social Risks and Impacts;
• ESS 2: Labor and Working Conditions;
• ESS 4: Community Health and Safety; and
• ESS 10: Stakeholder Engagement and Information Disclosure.

In addition to the Good Practice Note and GBV Risk Assessment Screening Tool, which enable improved GBV risk identification and management, the Bank has made important changes in its operational processes, including the integration of SEA/GBV provisions into its safeguard and procurement requirements as part of evolving Environmental, Social, Health and Safety (ESHS) standards, elaboration of GBV reporting and response measures in the Environmental and Social Incident Reporting Tool, and development of guidance on addressing GBV cases in our grievance redress mechanisms.

In line with recommendations by the Task Force to disseminate lessons learned from past projects, and to sensitize staff on the importance of addressing risks of GBV and SEA, the World Bank has developed of trainings for Bank staff to raise awareness of GBV risks and to familiarize staff with new GBV measures and requirements.  These trainings are further complemented by ongoing learning events and intensive sessions of GBV risk management.

Last Updated: Sep 25, 2019

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To End Poverty, Eliminate Gender-Based Violence

Intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence are economic consequences that contribute to ongoing poverty. Ede Ijjasz-Vasquez, Senior Director at the World Bank, explains the role that social norms play in ...

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Gender-based violence: Teaching about its root causes is necessary to address it

Assistant Professor of Educational Foundations, University of Windsor

Disclosure statement

Catherine Vanner receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

University of Windsor provides funding as a member of The Conversation CA.

University of Windsor provides funding as a member of The Conversation CA-FR.

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In 2022, 184 women and girls were killed by violence in Canada . This number has steadily increased in each of the past three years; 148 women and girls were killed in 2019, 172 in 2020 and 177 in 2021.

There were 6,423 incidences of anti-2SLGBTQIA+ protests and online hate in Canada in the first three months of 2023 alone. Expressions of hate toward trans and non-binary people and 2SLGBTQIA+ people more broadly have been rising.

Transphobia and femicide are both forms of gender-based violence, defined as any form of violence directed toward somebody because of their gender, gender identity, gender expression or perceived gender .

My team of researchers, The Gender-Based Violence Teaching Network , created resources, professional development and a teaching toolkit to support more teachers to effectively teach students about the root causes and consequences of different forms of gender-based violence.

Devastating effects

Gender-based violence has devastating effects for those who experience it. In addition to immediate physical, psychological and/or sexual harm, it leads to increased economic insecurity and has detrimental impacts on mental health .

Gender-based violence is prevalent in our society. A 2021 survey by the Canadian Women’s Foundation showed that two-thirds of 1,515 Canadian respondents know a woman who has experienced physical, sexual or emotional abuse. Despite this high prevalence, it is often not examined in schools as a social issue.

My analysis of Ontario secondary school curricula showed that some form of gender-based violence is mentioned at all grade levels. It is most frequently mentioned in upper-level optional social sciences and humanities courses (such as Grade 11 Gender Studies or Grade 12 Challenge and Change in Society).

These elective courses are also more likely to help students examine how gender-based violence is influenced by systems of power, discrimination and social constructs , including through the intersections of gender and racialization, disability and socioeconomic status.

Need to learn how violence is normalized

Teachers told me that, unfortunately, these elective courses are not always offered and, when they are, they are most often taken by students already familiar with these ideas.

This means most Ontario students never learn about the connection between acts of violence and broader structures that normalize gender-based violence by discriminating against girls, women and 2SLGBTQIA+ people.

For example, Indigenous women and girls are 12 times more likely to be murdered or missing than other women in Canada. This disproportionate violence results from centuries of colonization, which continues to manifest through multigenerational and intergenerational trauma, social and economic marginalization, and institutional practices and social behaviours that maintain the status quo and ignore the agency and expertise of Indigenous women, girls and 2SLGBTQIA+ people.

Read more: Missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls: An epidemic on both sides of the Medicine Line

Overlooking power discrepancies

There are required courses that mention some forms of gender-based violence, most notably Grade 9 Health and Physical Education . However, my analysis of this curriculum found it frames gender-based violence as an issue of individual responsibility , overlooking the ways power discrepancies can influence the situation and impact a person’s ability to provide consent or respond to violence.

There are also brief mentions of several gender-based violence issues in the Grade 10 Canadian History and Civics and Citizenship courses, including missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls. My examination of the curriculum and teachers’ experience teaching it, however, demonstrates these curricula do not prompt critical analysis of the social causes that led to these acts of violence.

What effective teaching looks like

My research demonstrated that some teachers are teaching about gender-based violence issues. They explain that effective teaching about gender-based violence involves grappling with the power and privilege of both students and teachers , intentionally cultivating relationships with and between students and with community resources and considering the root causes of gender-based violence as connected to patriarchy, colonialism, heteronormativity and cisnormativity.

Students call for education that conveys the holistic consequences for victims as real people, not just statistics, and that empowers them to understand and prevent gender-based violence in their lives and communities .

Teaching toolkit

My team created resources and professional development to respond to teachers’ concerns that they lacked sufficient training and materials about gender-based violence, and that this discourages teaching about it.

Our Teaching About Gender-Based Violence Toolkit is available on our project website. The toolkit has lesson plans, guidance notes and other teaching materials to support teachers to address gender-based violence topics. It aligns to Grade 8-12 Ontario curriculum expectations.

Topics addressed include sexual assault, consent and healthy relationships, human trafficking, transphobia and homophobia, gender policing, cisnormativity and heteronormativity, missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls and Two-Spirit people and intimate partner violence.

More directly addressing gender-based violence through education can help the upcoming generation of Canadians understand how gender-based violence manifests across our society.

More education needed

The ongoing disappearance and murder of Indigenous women, girls and Two-Spirit people, the proliferation of hate toward 2SLGBTQIA+ people , the unmanageable demand for women’s shelters and the emergence of new forms of sexual violence facilitated by technology show the importance of more education about gender-based violence.

Broader awareness of its root causes and devastating consequences is necessary to better address it.

Teachers are uniquely placed to support the development of students’ understanding of gender-based violence. All educators are encouraged to explore the resources that we have created to help students understand that, tragically, gender-based violence exists all around them.

We need to teach students what it looks like and why it happens before we can empower them to collectively act to circumvent it in their lives and communities.

• Violence against women
• High school
• Transphobia
• Gender-based violence
• National Day of Remembrance and Action on Violence Against Women
• missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls
• MMIWG report
• Listen to this article

Project Officer, Student Volunteer Program

Audience Development Coordinator (fixed-term maternity cover)

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Director, Defence and Security

Opportunities with the new CIEHF

Gender Data Portal

Violence against women and girls – what the data tell us

Trigger warnings: rape, sexual violence, domestic violence/abuse.

Gender-based violence takes many forms: physical, sexual, emotional, and psychological. Examples include female genital mutilation, killing in the name of so-called ‘honor’, murder, forced and early marriage, and sex trafficking. Two of the most prevalent types of violence that women experience are intimate partner violence (IPV) and non-partner sexual violence (NPSV).

Almost one in three women across the world have experienced one or both of these forms of violence at least once in their lifetime. This story presents the latest findings based on the WHO study published in 2021 that estimated global and regional prevalence of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence against women.

Slow and steady progress in building the evidence base

As prevalent as violence against women is, building the global evidence base on it has been a slow process.

It was not until long ago that women’s rights to bodily integrity were fully recognized and enshrined in international law. The United Nations’ (UN) first Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women ( CEDAW ) wasn’t published until 1979, recording the UN’s action plan on gender equality. Violence against women was officially added as a form of gender-based discrimination in the updated 1992 version, recognizing this as a violation of women’s human rights ( OHCHR ).

Violence against women was first recognized as a violation of human rights in 1992.

Data on gender based violence, and sexual violence in particular, has been extremely important in putting this development issue at the center of gender equality efforts. With support from the World Health Organization (WHO), and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), countries have significantly scaled up efforts to collect data on violence against women. Whereas in 2010 only 82 countries had survey data available on the subject, that number has since risen to 161 ( WHO 2021 ).

The new World Bank Gender Data Portal , curates these data, making them accessible to policymakers, alongside research-informed resources on tackling the problem. The first step in designing essential prevention and support services for survivors of gender based violence is understanding the full magnitude of the problem. Who is experiencing violence? When is violence most likely to occur? And where?

Here is what the data tell us about gender based violence perpetrated by partners and non-partners.

Intimate partner violence

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) includes psychological, sexual, and physical violence committed by a current or former intimate partner or husband. All IPV statistics refer to ‘ever-partnered’ women. This means that the denominator for calculating these estimates only includes women who have ever been in an intimate relationship or in a marriage.

More than 1 in 4 women (26%) aged 15 years and older have suffered violence at the hands of their partners at least once since the age of 15. Applying this percentage to the 2018 population data from World Population Prospects , the WHO estimates that 641 million women have been affected. And an estimated 245 million (or 10% of women ages 15 and above) have experienced IPV in the last 12 months alone .

245 million women ages 15 and above have experienced intimate partner violence in the last 12 months alone.

These estimates are large, yet the true figures are likely to be even larger because of the difficulties women face in being open about experiences of violence. Evidence shows that violence from an intimate partner can often go unrecorded, due to social stigma and women not wanting to make things worse for themselves ( WHO ).

Women in every single country where data are collected have experienced IPV in the last year.

The two regions with the highest-known prevalence of IPV are Sub-Saharan Africa , where 33% of women aged 15–49 years have suffered IPV in their lifetime and 20% in the last year alone, and South Asia , where 35% of women in the same age bracket have experienced it in their lifetime and 19% in the last year.

Intimate partner violence affects women in every country

Adolescent girls are more at risk than adult women.

Young women aged 15 to 19 are the most affected by IPV. By the time they are 19 years old, almost 1 in 4 adolescent girls (24%) who have been in a relationship have already been physically, sexually, or psychologically abused by a partner ( WHO ).

By the time they are 19 years old, 1 in 4 adolescent girls who have been in a relationship will already have been physically, sexually, or psychologically abused by a partner.

IPV among teenagers is most common in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia: 1 in 5 of them have experienced IPV in the last 12 months. And in some regions, such as East Asia and the Pacific , teenagers aged 15 to 19 are three times more likely than women over 45 to face IPV.

Adolescent girls and young women are most affected by intimate partner violence

Non-partner sexual violence.

In addition to violence from intimate partners, non-partner sexual violence (NPSV) poses a risk to women’s safety and bodily integrity. NPSV refers to acts of sexual violence committed by any person that is not a current or former husband or male intimate partner. NPSV can be perpetrated by a family member, friend, acquaintance, or stranger. Since all women can be exposed to this type of violence, the denominator for calculations includes all women and not only those who have ever been married or had an intimate partner.

Worldwide, an estimated 6% of women and girls aged 15 to 49 years have been subject to sexual violence from a non-partner at least once since age 15.

6% of women worldwide have been subject to sexual violence from a non-partner.

The reported occurrence of NPSV is very different to intimate partner violence. It is more common in higher-income countries, especially Australia and New Zealand , where it has affected 19% of women, and North America , where 15% of women have been affected ( WHO ). In contrast, the estimated prevalence rates in Southern Asia (2%) and Sub-Saharan Africa (6%) are much lower.

However, these estimates need to be interpreted with caution. This form of violence is also stigmatized, and in traditional or patriarchal societies, survivors are often blamed and so might avoid disclosure to reduce potential consequences. As such, actual rates are likely to be much higher than estimated for low- and middle-income countries ( WHO ).

Drivers of sexual violence

The drivers of violence against women are complex and multi-faceted. Research has identified several factors at the individual, family, community, and national level that are associated with higher risks of experiencing IPV.

Growing up in an abusive household can create a cycle of violence. Studies show that boys who witness their mothers being abused are more likely to become perpetrators of IPV later in life and girls who witness the same are twice as likely to experience IPV in adulthood (Kishor and Johnson 2004). Experience of childhood family aggression communicates the acceptability of family aggression, increasing the likelihood of its occurrence in the next generation ( Kalmuss, D. 1984 ).

A woman’s risk of experiencing IPV differs by type of marriage. Polygamous marriage (where one person has multiple spouses) and getting married before the age of 18 each increase the odds by 22% . A husband that often drinks to excess is also dangerous, increasing a woman’s risk fivefold ( Voice and Agency report ).

A husband that drinks to excess increases a woman’s risk of intimate partner violence fivefold.

Cultural norms, laws, and individual attitudes are deeply intertwined and shape the acceptability of violence against women. In countries where IPV is outlawed, women’s acceptance of it is lower, and fewer women experience violence ( Voice and Agency report ). In contrast, in countries such as Guinea, Mali and Timor-Leste, more than 3 in 4 people think that wife beating is justified, for as little as burning the food or going out without telling their husband. Women who agree with these justifications for wife beating are 45% more likely to experience violence ( Voice and Agency report ).

Sexual violence is more prevalent in areas experiencing conflict. In these situations, unequal gender norms can be predominant and unchallenged. Other unstable situations, such as displacement and natural disasters, can also increase sexual violence. For example, a multi-country study found that forcibly displaced women in Colombia and Liberia were at 40% and 55% greater risk , respectively, of experiencing IPV in the past year compared to non-displaced women ( World Bank ).

Consequences of gender based violence

Violence causes lifelong damages to women, affecting their physical, mental, sexual, and reproductive health.

Physical consequences associated with experiencing IPV include acute injuries, chronic pain, gastrointestinal illness, gynaecological problems, substance abuse, sexually transmitted infections including HIV, a two- to three-fold increased risk of depression ( Beydoun, Hind A et al. , World Bank ), and even suicide ( Devries, Karen et al. ).

IPV has severe consequences for women’s reproductive control and health. Two decades of research have documented that IPV is linked to adverse reproductive outcomes for women and girls. In some studies, women subjected to IPV are twice as likely to report an unintended pregnancy than women who do not experience violence in their relationships ( Silverman and Raj, 2014 ). One study found that women in Ukraine, Moldova and Azerbaijan who have experienced IPV not only had higher risk of unintended pregnancies, but also a higher risk of their last pregnancy ending in abortion or an unwanted baby ( USAID ).

A global pandemic requiring local solutions

The data are clear: gender based violence is a pandemic. Thirty years since the landmark UN CEDAW commitment to end all forms of violence against women and girls, the problem remains immense. Understanding the prevalence of sexual violence and associated risk factors, however, is only the first step in developing essential prevention and support services for survivors.

The challenge is to put those data into action to help women and girls ( World Bank ). Combining data sources and examining multiple risk factors can help understand why violence against women and girls is still so pervasive.

Gender based violence is more prevalent when there are no legal consequences, sexist and patriarchal cultural norms, and in humanitarian emergencies or conflict. Younger people are more at risk, as are girls who grow up in abusive households. Women who married before 18 or are one of many wives are also more at risk.

Addressing these risk factors will require a close look at local circumstances as effective prevention and survivor services are built on contextual knowledge. An upcoming data story will look at successful interventions and how they potentially enable better outcomes for survivors of gender based violence. Such initiatives and investments are fundamental for effective protection for women and girls against violence.

Note: Portrait within header image from Cavan-Images/Shutterstock.com.

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• Gender-Based Violence: Risk Factors and Consequences
• Initiatives to Prevent and Respond to Gender-Based Violence
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Addressing Gender-Based Violence: A Critical Review of Interventions

Andrew Morrison (corresponding author) is a lead economist in the Gender and Development Group at the World Bank; his email address is [email protected] .

Mary Ellsberg is senior advisor for Gender, Violence, and Human Rights at PATH; her email address is [email protected] .

Sarah Bott is an independent consultant; her email address is [email protected] .

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Andrew Morrison, Mary Ellsberg, Sarah Bott, Addressing Gender-Based Violence: A Critical Review of Interventions, The World Bank Research Observer , Volume 22, Issue 1, Spring 2007, Pages 25–51, https://doi.org/10.1093/wbro/lkm003

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This article highlights the progress in building a knowledge base on effective ways to increase access to justice for women who have experienced gender-based violence, offer quality services to survivors, and reduce levels of gender-based violence. While recognizing the limited number of high-quality studies on program effectiveness, this review of the literature highlights emerging good practices. Much progress has recently been made in measuring gender-based violence, most notably through a World Health Organization multicountry study and Demographic and Health Surveys. Even so, country coverage is still limited, and much of the information from other data sources cannot be meaningfully compared because of differences in how intimate partner violence is measured and reported. The dearth of high-quality evaluations means that policy recommendations in the short run must be based on emerging evidence in developing economies (process evaluations, qualitative evaluations, and imperfectly designed impact evaluations) and on more rigorous impact evaluations from developed countries.

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The Problem of Gender-Based Violence Essay

Introduction, global context of the problem, gender-based violence among adolescents, gender-based violence towards the lgbtq community, ways to mitigate the problem.

With the development of humanity, the problems of gender interaction in society have become less acute compared to the situation in past eras. Nevertheless, despite the success of the struggle for equality and established moral values​, the issue of gender-based violence continues to exist. Women, in this case, are a vulnerable side, although there are cases of violence against men. According to the World Health Organization, the most common causes are domestic disagreements that account for 38% to 50% of women murdered by their intimate partners (5). The situation is aggravated by the fact that gender-based violence occurs not only among adults but also among young people, which creates additional difficulties and is a good reason to draw various stakeholders’ attention. Despite widespread access to information and opportunities to receive help, victims of physical abuse often seek to cope with their challenges individually, and this does not contribute to solving the issue effectively. Gender-based violence is an urgent problem that affects people of different ages, countries, and sexual orientations and requires addressing through the creation of an adequate preventive environment and strengthening measures to persecute aggressive citizens successfully.

As people move towards democratic freedoms and human rights, along with the values ​​of equality and mutual respect, gender-based violence remains a problem in a global context. The situation is aggravated by the fact that, in some world regions, the existing patriarchal foundations do not contribute to creating a favorable environment for dealing with the issue in question. Wood et al. examine the rural region of Tajikistan, the country in Central Asia, and note the distinctive perceptions of violence between men and women, particularly the empowerment of the male population (1). In such archaic conditions, women are not endowed with an opportunity to fight for their rights, and any manifestations of violence against them are permissible at the level of traditional perception and people’s cultural background.

Another factor proving the global context of the problem under consideration is the economic crisis in many world regions. As Dowd argues, gender-based violence develops where the authorities are more concerned about financial problems than social ones (42). Violence between intimate partners is a consequence of social and economic challenges that impede normal life and are a catalyst for aggression (World Health Organization 5). As a result, women often experience physical abuse while living in poverty because low social status is one of the concomitant factors of violence.

Today, a number of agencies work to strengthen the regulatory framework and publicize the problem at the international level. Simister cites the examples of UNECE, the World Health Organization, and some other organizations that aim to disseminate information about the inadmissibility of gender-based violence (190). As Gerlach notes, with the emergence of the United Nations, the first attempts to reduce pressure on women were undertaken globally and across different social spheres (86). However, given the aforementioned challenges, particularly economic difficulties and patriarchal canons, the problem has not been resolved until now. Therefore, in an international context, conducting targeted work to help vulnerable populations and prevent physical abuse has weight as an activity to emphasize the importance of this issue and its urgency in modern society. Notably, the manifestation of violence among young people is an acute problem within the stated topic.

Gender-based violence in adolescence is a particularly dangerous phenomenon since the psyche of young people is not formed comprehensively, and physical abuse based on gender can be a stimulus for the development of severe disorders. According to Mathews and Gould, adolescents who have experienced gender-based violence are prone to intellectual disabilities and even chronic illnesses (61). However, despite these threatening prospects, this form of social conflict exists, and individual social constraints exacerbate it. For instance, Chandra-Mouli et al. state that “the percentage of countries with gender gaps in school attendance increases from 37% for primary education to 54% and 77% for lower and upper secondary education, respectively” (239). Teenage girls become objects of health-harming acts, and the current social regulations cannot address this issue adequately due to the lack of proper control and sustainable policies to protect vulnerable adolescents.

The existing social norms of some groups can also be a negative driver of gender-based violence in relation to vulnerable adolescents. Sommer et al. remark that gender-based stigma may arise, and what is contrary to modern values ​​in a civilized society may be acceptable in individual communities (155). As an example, the authors cite the concept of victim-blaming, according to which a girl is initially guilty of committing violence against her due to her overly defiant behavior, appearance, and other controversial factors (Sommer et al. 155). This practice does not fit into modern social norms, which, nevertheless, does not affect the episodic nature of cases of violence. Moreover, according to the World Health Organization, young boys can also be targets of violence from older girls, and precedents exist (21). As a result, stigmatization manifests itself against both genders, albeit unequally.

The need to ensure the protection of vulnerable adolescents from gender-based violence is felt acutely during military conflicts. Etienne gives dire cases of young females’ abuse by soldiers and notes that such incidents should be regarded as a war crime against humanity and punished to the fullest extent of the law (139). However, even if victims of violence are assisted, they are at risk of developing dangerous mental disorders caused by acute shocks. Ensuring the safety of adolescents from gender-based abuse should be a mandatory practice in a modern democratic world, and this category of the population should be given no less attention than adults. Thus, discussing the ways to mitigate these issues from different perspectives is critical.

Issues related to gender-based violence arising from the topic of sexual orientation are the problems that concern both adults and young people. In particular, the LGBTQ community is vulnerable, and many of its members are forced to face stigma and bias from the sexual majority. Crooks et al. state that schoolchildren who identify themselves as belonging to the LGBTQ community are often harassed and pressured by peers (45). This, in turn, affects their morale negatively and is a favorable factor for the development of concomitant mental disorders. Therefore, countering such a form of bullying is an important aspect of creating a normal environment in which people with equal opportunities can defend their interests.

To provide vulnerable categories of the population with protection from gender-based violence, targeted work should be carried out from an early age. Crooks et al. propose to create special youth programs for primary and secondary school children, which include teaching social interaction skills (31). This practice can be useful as a tool to educate children and adolescents about the dangerous consequences of gender-based abuse, and building healthy behaviors is a valuable outcome of such work.

Maintaining an adequate preventive environment at the international level should be supported by responsible organizations and agencies dealing with social regulations. The World Health Organization offers a special algorithm that includes several stages of targeted work, in particular, joining the efforts of different committees, investing in maintaining a stable regulatory framework, and developing individual community practices (19). The aforementioned problem of the perception of gender-based violence within outdated cultural values ​​can be addressed through the involvement of local representatives to implement corresponding security programs at the regional level. These initiatives may contribute to addressing the issue as effectively as possible while taking into account the characteristics of each population group.

With regard to gender-based violence in the LGBTQ community, special measures can be taken. In particular, Crooks et al. pay attention to the program of assistance to schoolchildren with non-traditional sexual orientation as one of the tools to address the problem (45). Such a program aims to give students an opportunity to share experiences and create a communication environment in which bullying gives way to positive interaction. Addressing this form of gender-based violence at an early age is an important aspect of the formation of appropriate social values ​​and norms. As a result, in adulthood, the likelihood of facing open aggression can be minimized due to timely work with the population.

In addition, educating the adult population as a tool for strengthening preventive work is no less important aspect than corresponding regulatory decisions. According to Simister, education is an effective form of combating gender-based violence since, despite distinctive deviant features in different communities, the background of the problem is the same – abuse allowance by the gender factor (70). The more often people hear about the inadmissibility of humiliating others’ honor and dignity, the higher are the chances of reducing the incidence of physical abuse against vulnerable groups. Moreover, through education, stakeholders can not only build but also assess the sustainability of specific measures taken to reduce risks (World Health Organization 21). Therefore, outreach work, complemented by appropriate regulatory constraints, is a valuable practice.

Addressing the issue of gender-based violence by introducing both relevant legal practices and educational projects at different levels is a crucial task due to the dangerous implications of this social problem. Particular attention should be paid to the topic of physical abuse by the gender factor among children and adolescents since their psyche is the most vulnerable, and a number of health problems can develop. The representatives of the LGBTQ community are also under the threat of social pressure and may need support and protection to defend their interests and social rights. The reasons for gender-based violence can be distinctive, but the main prerequisites for the issue are economic constraints and impaired cultural norms promoted in individual communities. According to Etienne, local groups can educate the population successfully and build an adequate preventive environment (139). At the same time, international organizations’ activities are also valuable due to the popularization of the issue globally and an opportunity to attract public attention.

Chandra-Mouli, Venkatraman, et al. “Addressing Harmful and Unequal Gender Norms in Early Adolescence.” Nature Human Behaviour , vol. 2, no. 4, 2018, pp. 239-240.

Crooks, Claire V., et al. “Preventing Gender-Based Violence Among Adolescents and Young Adults: Lessons from 25 Years of Program Development and Evaluation.” Violence Against Women , vol. 25, no. 1, 2019, pp. 29-55.

Dowd, Douglas. Inequality and the Global Economic Crisis: Douglas Dowd . Pluto Press, 2009.

Etienne, Margareth. “Addressing Gender-Based Violence in an International Context.” Harvard Women’s Law Journal , vol. 18, 1995, p. 139.

Gerlach, Christian. Extremely Violent Societies: Mass Violence in the Twentieth-Century World . Cambridge University Press, 2010.

Mathews, Shanaaz, and Chandré Gould. “Preventing Violence: From Evidence to Implementation.” ChildGauge , edited by Lucy Jamieson, Lizette Berry, and Lori Lake, University of Cape Town, 2017, pp. 61-67.

Simister, John. Gender Based Violence: Causes and Remedies . Nova Science Publishers, 2012.

Sommer, Marni, et al. “How Gender Norms Are Reinforced Through Violence Against Adolescent Girls in Two Conflict-Affected Populations.” Child Abuse & Neglect , vol. 79, 2018, pp. 154-163.

Wood, Elizabeth A., et al. “Exploring the Differences Between Men’s and Women’s Perceptions of Gender-Based Violence in Rural Tajikistan: A Qualitative Study.” BMC Women’s Health , vol. 21, no. 1, 2021, pp. 1-15.

World Health Organization. RESPECT Women: Preventing Violence Against Women . World Health Organization, 2019.

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IvyPanda. (2022, October 23). The Problem of Gender-Based Violence. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-problem-of-gender-based-violence/

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International Perspectives on Gender-Based Violence pp 227–232 Cite as

Conclusion: Combatting Gender-Based Violence: Reflections on a Way Forward

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Part of the book series: Advances in Preventing and Treating Violence and Aggression ((APTVA))

Gender-based violence is a serious violation of human rights and with long-term physical and mental health consequences, even death. Although anyone can be a victim of violence, we know that it disproportionately affects women and girls putting them especially at risk. Whilst not a comprehensive guide, this book attempts to explore and represent a nuanced understanding of gender-based violence. It hopes to highlight the far-reaching impacts of gender-based violence, and its many related practices, along with policy and practice responses. The conclusion chapter presents a summary of the book and urges thinkers and scholars to come together from different perspectives to combat this deeply pervasive and complex crime.

• Gender-based violence
• Feminist theory
• Global south
• Sexual violence
• Global perspectives
• Combatting GBV

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Take action: 10 ways you can help end violence against women

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During the annual 16 Days of Activism against Gender-based Violence , UN Women stands united with survivors, activists, decision-makers, global citizens, and the UN system. Together, we are spotlighting the urgent need for robust funding, essential services, and financing of prevention initiatives and data collection that shape better-informed responses to gender-based violence.

Ending violence against women is everyone’s business. Here are ten ways you can make a difference, safely and impactfully.

1. Listen to and believe survivors

When a woman shares her story of violence, she takes the first step to breaking the cycle of abuse.

It is on all of us to give her the safe space she needs to speak up and be heard.

It is important to remember that when discussing cases of sexual violence, a victim’s sobriety, clothes, and sexuality are irrelevant.

The perpetrator is the sole reason for assault and must bear the responsibility alone. Call out victim-blaming and counter the idea that it is on women to avoid situations that might be seen as “dangerous” by traditional standards.

Survivors of violence are speaking out more than ever before, and everyone has a role to play to ensure they can have justice.

Do not say, “Why didn’t she leave?”

Do say: “We hear you. We believe you. We stand with you.”

2. Teach the next generation and learn from them

The examples we set for the younger generation shape the way they think about gender, respect, and human rights. Start conversations about gender roles early on, and challenge the traditional features and characteristics assigned to men and women. Point out the stereotypes that children constantly encounter, whether in the media, on the street, or at school, and let them know that it is OK to be different. Encourage a culture of acceptance.

Talk about consent, bodily autonomy, and accountability in an age-appropriate way to boys and girls. For example, discuss the importance of a clear “yes” from all involved, the fact your body is yours and you make choices over what happens to it, and of how we must always take responsibility for our actions. It is important to also listen to what children have to say about their experience of the world. By empowering young advocates with information and educating them about women’s rights, we can build a better future for all.

3. Call for responses and services fit for purpose

Services for survivors are essential services.

This means that shelters, helplines, counseling, and all support for survivors of gender-based violence need to be available for those in need.

Every year, the 16 Days of Activism campaign calls for united, global action to end all forms of violence against women and girls.

This year the United Nations, together with our partners, are demanding increased investments to end violence against women and girls.

Join us in calling on governments to bridge funding gaps to address violence against women and girls , invest in prevention initiatives, ensure essential services for survivors of violence are maintained, implement prevention measures, and invest in collecting the data necessary to adapt and improve life-saving services for women and girls.

4. Understand consent

Freely given clear consent is mandatory, every time.

Rather than listening for a “no”, make sure there is a clear “yes”, from all involved. Adopt clear consent in your life and talk about it.

Phrases like “she was asking for it” or “boys will be boys” attempt to blur the lines around sexual consent, placing blame on victims, and excusing perpetrators from the crimes they have committed.

While those that use these lines may have fuzzy understandings of consent, the definition is crystal clear. When it comes to consent, there are no blurred lines.

Learn more about consent .

5. Learn the signs of abuse and how you can help

There are many forms of abuse and all of them can have serious physical and emotional effects. If you’re concerned about a friend who may be experiencing violence or feels unsafe around someone, review these signs and learn about the ways to help them find safety and support.

If you think someone is abusing you, help is available . You are not alone. If you’d like to talk with a trained advocate at a helpline, we compiled this list of resources around the world .

6. Start a conversation

Violence against women and girls is a human rights violation that’s been perpetuated for decades. 

It is pervasive, but it is not inevitable, unless we stay silent. 

Show your solidarity with survivors and where you stand in the fight for women’s rights by oranging your social media profile for the 16 Days of Activism – you can download banners for Facebook and Twitter here . 

On Instagram, you can use UN Women’s face filter to spread the word and encourage your community to do the same. 

Use #orangetheworld, #16Days, and #GenerationEquality to start your own conversation about gender-based violence, or share some of the content from our social media package .

7. Stand against rape culture

Rape culture is the social environment that allows sexual violence to be normalized and justified, fueled by the persistent gender inequalities and attitudes about gender and sexuality. Naming it is the first step to dismantling rape culture.

Every day we have the opportunity to examine our behaviours and beliefs for biases that permit rape culture to continue. Think about how you define masculinity and femininity, and how your own biases and stereotypes influence you.

From the attitudes we have about gender identities to the policies we support in our communities, we can all take action to stand against rape culture.

Learn more ways to stand against rape culture .

8. Fund women’s organizations

Donate to local organizations that empower women, amplify their voices, support survivors, and promote acceptance of all gender identities and sexualities. 

UN Women works with women’s organizations everywhere to end violence against women, assist survivors, and secure equal rights for women and girls everywhere. Donate now . 

Find out more about how women ’ s organizations prevent violence against women and girls.

9. Hold each other accountable

Violence can take many forms, including sexual harassment in the workplace and in public spaces.

Take a stand by calling it out when you see it: catcalling, inappropriate sexual comments, and sexist jokes are never okay.

Create a safer environment for everyone by challenging your peers to reflect on their own behaviour and speaking up when someone crosses the line, or by enlisting the help of others if you don’t feel safe.

As always, listen to survivors and make sure they have the support they need.

10. Know the data and demand more of it

To effectively combat gender-based violence, we need to understand the issue.  

Relevant data collection is key to implementing successful prevention measures and providing survivors with the right support. 

Gaps in gender sensitive data collection have become more glaring than ever. Call on your government to invest in the collection of data on gender-based violence.

Find out at how UN Women works to bring about a radical shift in how gender statistics are used, created and promoted .

Originally published on Medium.com/@UN_Women .

• Ending violence against women and girls

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Related links, hts theological studies, on-line version  issn 2072-8050 print version  issn 0259-9422, herv. teol. stud. vol.78 n.1 pretoria  2022, http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v78i1.7754 .

ORIGINAL RESEARCH

Gender-based violence in South Africa: A narrative reflection

Department of Practical Theology and Mission Studies, Faculty of Theology and Religion, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa

Correspondence

The pervasiveness of gender-based violence (GBV) against women and children constitutes the most severe expression of discrimination and dehumanisation of women and children in South Africa. Even before the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic came, domestic violence was already one of the greatest human rights violations. Women for centuries suffered different forms of violation and continue to struggle in subtle forms in the 21st century. This article investigates the sociocultural theories, narrative reflections and COVID-19 pandemic challenges associated with the prevalence of GBV in South Africa. The article argues that patriarchal culture, religion, gender norms, lockdown and violence in South Africa perpetuate gender-based abuse. Therefore, the article unfolds this research through a literature review and narrative approach which is used to allow the co-researchers to share their stories. The article embarks on sociocultural experiences, the scourge of GBV in South Africa, the impact of COVID-19 pandemic, qualitative interviews and theological reflections and concludes by suggesting future possibilities to fight GBV. CONTRIBUTION : This article contributes to an understanding that abafazi nabantwana baphefumla ngenxeba [women and children are breathing through the wound] amid the global COVID-19 pandemic. It discusses the prevalence of GBV, the intersection of religious cultural effects, social sciences, gender inequality and the continued oppression of women and children

Keywords : gender-based violence; narrative; violence; sociocultural; COVID-19 pandemic; qualitative interviews; practical theology; South Africa.

Introduction

I have been reading and reflecting on social critical matters affecting 'women and children in South Africa'. Also, listening narratives of violence and sociocultural aspects that probably escalate the gender-based violence (GBV) during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. I observed the theme of the conference, Discerning Times, Doing Practical Theology in a Post-Pandemic World. 1 The topic has been a challenging one concerning questions that can be presented in the post-pandemic world: where we have been, where we are and where we are going? Is COVID-19 gone for now or gone for good or in remission? This article is driven by the gross killings of women and children in South Africa under lockdown regulations during the COVID-19 pandemic. Ward (2017:5) defines 'Practical Theology as any way of thinking that takes both practices and theology seriously'. In this regard, practical theology responds to the contextual needs of the church and society. The article attempts to respond to this national crisis and the ramification of the pandemic through a literature review, narrative inquiry and a practical theological reflection. In this article, we shall listen to the co-researcher's narratives and interpretations concerning GBV during COVID-19. This will be done using narrative research and qualitative interviews. Literature studies reveal that 'gender abuse, domestic violence and sexual assault affect anyone, regardless of race, age, gender, religion, culture, social class or sexuality' (Boonzaier & De la Rey 2004:444; Ratele 2008). The methodology of the study follows the qualitative research design grounded in the narrative theoretical framework. Narratives have been accepted as a particularly instructive method of studying the human drive for meaning (Moro et al. 2008:9), and through narration, co-researchers construct meaning (Chase 2005:2).

This article aims to discover the meaning, social constructs and experiences that probably led to this gross perpetual violation of the rights of women and children during the COVID-19 pandemic. The National Police Minister Bheki Cele (Comins 2021:1) 'released the latest crime statistics between July and September 2021 that 9556 people, most of whom were women, were raped'. In addition to that (Vellai 2021:1), 'Over 9500 gender-based violence cases were reported, 13 000 cases of domestic violence and during the quarter 897 women were murdered'. Vellai (2021) states that 'sexual offence cases increased by 4.7%, with 9556 rapes between July and September up to 7.1% from the previous year's second quarter 8922'. President Cyril Ramaphosa expressed that 'these statistics are shameful, we are in the grip of a relentless war, being waged on the bodies of women and children, despite our best efforts, there are no signs of abating' (Desk of the President, 22 November 2021).

A sociocultural theory

This study contends that sociocultural factors such as language use, customs, belief systems and 'gender inequality exacerbate gender-based abuse' (Ratele 2008:10). The use of male-dominant language in households and African cultural practices, such as lobola and ulwaluko , 2 'indirect reinforces abuse against women' (Frieslaar & Masango 2021:4). Various factors, including 'individual characteristics, family dynamics and socio-economic contexts interact with each other to form particular constructs that dehumanise women and children' (Matebeni 2014:22; Msibi 2013:109). For example, 'cultural practices that consider men as sole economic providers for women and children aggravate gender abuse'. Additionally, researchers contend that (Frieslaar & Masango 2021:4); 'when men are seen in this way, they are mainly perceived as providers and women as receivers of financial benefits even in intimate relationships'. According to Crowell and Burgess (eds. 1996:32), 'GBV is a complex phenomenon, a result of various factors operating at different levels'. Heise adds that (1998:262), 'the ecological model conceptualises violence, as a multifaceted phenomenon grounded in the interplay of personal, situational and sociocultural factors, each influencing the likelihood of GBV within a specific setting'. Lastly, Heise (2011:vii) says that one of the structural factors that affect this ecology is 'religious institutions and ideology, with its resultant messaging, beliefs and norms'. For example, some religious institutions support patriarchy and teach that divorce is a sin. As a result, some women stay in an abusive marriage relationship in obedience to their partners and God. Kobo (2016) argues vehemently against patriarchy that:

Patriarchy violates the life of a child who is brought up in such disintegrated spaces where she/he has to learn to preserve the status quo. How does it help us in producing responsible men that do not rape, physical abuse and assault women and children? (p. 4)

To affirm this, Bond-Nash (2002) argues that:

[ M ]any women are socialised to believe women are powerless and have no right to 'own' power and it becomes more painful when women as agents of socialisation drive this harmful trend. (p. 45)

In support, Bond-Nash (2002) alluded to, Rahma, Sili and Wati (2017) argue that:

These stereotypes are the wrong impression for women to gain a place in a public position. Even the challenge against women gaining position is not only opposed by the men but also by their sex which is women. (pp. 14-15)

The experiences related to the 'oppression faced by women necessitate a rational response' (Kobo 2018:3). How women at times articulate God concerning who he is blocks that rational response or at times women themselves perceive God as a male and that makes them inferior to men (Kobo 2018). The persistence of 'sociocultural norms, traditional beliefs and gender stereotypes is the most frequently cited obstacle', which perpetuates GBV (Kobo 2018). Msibi (2013:104) articulates that 'different treatment of boys and girls are strengthened by the culture, social norms and historical traditions of gender inequality'. In agreement with Msibi, in some African homes, boys are taught, disciplined and socialised differently from girls. Boys are taught to be strong, brave and leaders, hence the term indoda ayikhali [man does not shed tears, it is considered weakness] emerged. On the other hand, girls are socialised to behave well, cook and do house chores as future mothers.

Abafazi nabantwana baphefumla ngenxeba

The above sub-heading derived originally from the Xhosa 3 term Siphefumla ngenxeba 4 which was a reverberating term in every corner of the global community towards the end of 2019. Siphefumla ngenxeba is a term which was used on television by Outsurance vehicle insurance as an advert, in the same year 2019, the brutal murder of Ms Uyinene Mkrwetyana, the 19-year-old student at the University of Cape Town (Lyster 2019:1; cf. Rasool 2020) shattered everyone in South Africa. Ms Uyinene Mkrwetyana was strangled to death by a man working in the post office while she went to collect her parcel in the afternoon. The South African crisis concerning GBV prompted the president of South Africa, President Cyril Ramaphosa, to address the nation on 05 September 2019 and declare GBV as a national crisis. The rise of the slogan 'Am I next movement?' was co-opted by abafazi nabatwana baphefumla ngenxeba in South Africa (Lyster 2019:1). The notion was that amadoda abulala abafazi nabantwana [men are killing women and children], as there were other incidences where women and children were grossly killed in South Africa. It is stated that (Lyster 2019:1), 'a twenty-five-year-old boxing champion, Leighandre Jegels was shot dead by her ex-boyfriend in East London, a policeman, while she was driving'.

The Star (2018) newspaper reported that 'half of the women killed were murdered by someone with whom they had an intimate relationship'. The phrase andikwazi ukuphefumla [I cannot breathe] became popular all over the world in 2020 when George Perry Floyd was suffocated to death by a white policeman in the United States of America (CNN 2020). The phrases: 'I can't breathe, Am I next, Black lives matter and Siphefumla ngenxeba ', became slogans at awareness campaigns and protests in South Africa and worldwide against the brutal killing of women and children, racism, oppression and marginalisation. The World Health Organization (WHO) (2020) declares that 'violation and killing of women have become a global threat' (p. 1). The WHO (2020) states the following aspect:

Violence against women is highly prevalent. Intimate partner violence is the most common form of violence. Globally, 1 in 3 women worldwide has experienced physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner or sexual violence by any perpetrator in their lifetime. Most of this is intimate partner violence. (p. 1)

The 'political instability, social ills, economic stress and the impact of COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated pre-existing toxic social norms and gender inequality' (Dlamini 2020:3). The increased psychological stress, fears of contracting a virus and financial challenges aggravated the level of GBV (UN Women 2020):

[ T ]he possibility of job loss and restricted movement, which requires victims and perpetrators to remain close and constant contact with one another, are just some of the more obvious factors which spike GBV during the global lockdown. (p. 3)

Dlamini (2020:4) articulates that, 'restriction of visits during COVID-19 lockdowns meant that fewer people, especially, family members, can spot abuse and neglect including GBV against women and girls in households'. The limitation on movement allowed the culprits to isolate the victims from social support and protective networks by using a virus as a manipulation tool to trap them in houses (Dlamini 2020; UN Women 2020):

[ A ]t the time when half of the world population was in lockdown, due to COVID-19, the number of women and girls between the ages of 15 and 49, who had been subjected to sexual and/or physical violence perpetrated by an intimate partner (GBV) was no less than 243 million. (n.p.)

President Ramaphosa (Ellis 2020:1) described femicide and the scourge of GBV that, 'one woman is killed every 3 hours in South Africa'. According to Mile (2020):

[ A ] woman dies at the hands of a partner, and as of June 2020, 51% of South African women had faced violence from their male partners; accounting for more than 14 million women. (p. 1)

Rasool (2020:65) espouses that 'some women may be reaching out for help, while others have less access to support and protection because of lockdown conditions. With the COVID-19 pandemic, the increasing number of GBV worsens the situation in South Africa. At least, '21 women and children were murdered in South Africa, during level-5 lockdown, five women killed in June alone' (June 2020, Catholic Bishops Conference). Ramaphosa called GBV 'second pandemic' in a country where 'COVID-19 infected over 97,000 people and killed 1,930' (Agenzia 2020:2). Germanos (2020:5) states that, 'the nature of violence and, in particular, gender-based violence (and even more particularly, during this pandemic) is indicative of a very disturbed societal psyche, with very serious social issues'.

The methodological approach

In this article, the narrative methodological approach is used. In her reflections, Moen (2006) places narrative research within the framework of sociocultural theory:

[ W ]here the challenge of this article is to examine and understand how human actions are related to the social context in which they occur and how and where they occur through growth. (p. 56)

It is described (Dlamini 2020:2; WHO 2021) that 'the most common narratives of GBV occur in the family, but it also takes place in other areas of society, private and public'. Muller (2009) states that:

[ T ]he narrative or social constructionist forces us to first listen to the stories of people struggling in real situations, not merely to a description of a general context, but to be confronted with a specific and concrete situation. (p. 295)

Narrative research : It is increasingly used in various studies, practices and experiences, chiefly because 'human beings are storytellers who individually and socially lead storied lives' (Connelly & Clandinin 1990:7). Narrative research is a study of how 'human beings experience the world, and narrative researchers collect these stories and write them' (Gudmundsdottir 2001:56). It has been shown in previous studies that the dominating narrative of patriarchy in South Africa (Davis & Meerkotter 2017:18) remains the key driver in the perpetration of GBV. This study endeavours to take the above issues further, exploring sociocultural narratives of GBV in a South African context, simultaneously attempting to address the research by listening to stories of the co-researchers during the COVID-19 pandemic:

[ … ] Our lives are multistoried, many stories are occurring at the same time and different stories can be told about the same events. No single story can be free of ambiguity or contradiction and no single story can encapsulate or handle all the contingencies of life[ … ]. (Morgan 2000:8; cf. White & Epston 1990:11)

Qualitative research : According to Rubin and Rubin 1995, 'qualitative interviewing is a way of finding out what others feel and think about their worlds'. Schurink (2003:3) states that 'qualitative research is concerned with how the social world is interpreted, understood, produced or experienced - it focuses on discovery, description and meaning'. While narrative theory views human beings as social actors who, through linguistic and cultural scripts, continuously make meaning of themselves and their interactions with other people (Crossley 2007:138), qualitative research takes place within what has been described as an interpretative paradigm (Denzin and Lincoln 2005).

Co-researchers : This qualitative study will comprise two co-researchers, a black man from Alexandra Gender-Based Violence Walking Support Centre and a coloured 5 woman who is a clinical psychologist from a Pretoria suburb. The co-researchers were selected because of their intense involvement in work related to violence, abuse, gender, sexual assault and counselling. They are Christians coming from different races, cultures, gender and class. Alexandra is a black underprivileged community township in Johannesburg separated by a highway from the highly affluent suburb of Sandton, and these cities are in Gauteng province. The co-researchers are aged between 30 and 40 years.

Consent and interviewing method : A consent for the study was obtained at multiple levels. In order to maintain the co-researchers' anonymity and confidentiality, names are removed from the article. The interviews were conducted on the zoom platform with the co-researcher from Alexandra and in person with the clinical psychologist. In each interview, it was explained that the researcher is interested in hearing the narratives that lead to the perverseness of GBV in South Africa particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic. In a narrative interview, 'the agenda is flexible, open to change and only partially guided by the researcher's meaning frame' (Hollway & Jefferson 2000:34). The unstructured interview was guided by a broad open-ended question, aimed at eliciting the co-researchers' stories of their experience and understanding of GBV. The interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim.

Narrative interpretations : The co-researchers' accounts were interpreted using a narrative approach. Therefore, 'a narrative research process can only be "understood and evaluated" in the light of narrative discourses' (Muller & Schoeman 2004:8). An understanding and interpretation of GBV stories, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, should be part of the research process.

A narrative interpretation interview process involved a repeated reading of the interview transcripts, to acquire a sense of an entire narrative. The transcripts were read by the researcher and sent to the co-researchers for verification and confirmation. Subsequent readings, which involved a more detailed interpretation, elicited general themes that are followed throughout the narratives. The narrative interviews were conducted in English. The narratives experienced by the co-researchers are 'informed by the society and culture in which they are situated' (Atkinson & Delmont 2006:167).

Themes emerged, integration of interviews and literature reflection

In the following section, the article focuses on the themes that emerged from the narratives, integration of interviews and literature reflection. The findings are illustrated using excerpts from the interview transcripts. The two co-researchers' excerpts have some commonalities, differences, critical arguments and convergences in their narratives. Moreover, Boonzaier and De la Rey (2004:449) state that; 'narrative and discursive researchers are less concerned about the "truth value" of participants' stories and more concerned with subjectivity, language and meaning'. Congruent with Rubin and Rubin (1995:3), 'qualitative research listens to people, describe how they understand the worlds, in which they live and work'. Qualitative research focuses on co-researchers, experiences and the context. Meaning is constructed and finds its expression in stories (Muller 2009). The illustrations of excerpts from both the male (M) and female (F) co-researchers are marked with (M) and (F) and attached numbers for clear discussion purposes. Due to the small sample size, participant information has been limited to protect anonymity.

Patriarchy and family

The literature states that the root cause of GBV is contributed by patriarchy and family construction. According to Klaasen (2018:2), 'centuries of hierarchy and patriarchy, in all facets of the identity of women and men, have made negative normative for girls and women'. In the following paragraph by the male co-researcher:

'Gender-based violence is broad and it is contributed by different factors, patriarchy and culture are one of the contributing factors, as we grew up, we knew back home that a man is the head of the family and gender-based violence is happening inside the families and in relationships, but not recognised. During the COVID-19 pandemic other men lost their jobs so these men grew up knowing that they had to support their families. These men started to have a problem with violence, and mental health challenges so these are the problems that came into effect during this time. You know that we come from different cultures and beliefs, so patriarchy is the culture and practice that we believe in.' (M)

The male co-researcher explains that although he is in an urban environment, GBV in men is precipitated by their home cultural and traditional family backgrounds. He says that, 'man is a head of the family and GBV is not easily recognised in family relationships'. The patriarchal culture of the Bible and our culture subscribe to same kind of socialisation that 'teaches that boys and men are to be leaders, authority figures, independent, strong and aggressive while girls and women are to be followers, obedient and dependent' (Maluleke & Nadar 2002:14-15). The aforementioned sentences are a saturated catastrophe in South Africa that abafazi nabantwana baphefumla ngenxeba ngenxa yamadoda [women and children are breathing through the wounds because of the evilness perpetuated by men]. The festering of GBV challenges the South African common phrase derived from the women of 1956 that wathinta abafazi, wathinta imbokodo uzofa 6 [you tampered with women, you struck a rock and you shall die].

The excerpt from a female co-researcher reflects:

'I think it is probably problems in people's backgrounds, the way they grew up in their family homes, and difficulties that could cause gender-based violence in their relationships. It could also be caused by childhood trauma that can affect your future relationship, it could carry you through your childhood until you are an adult, and your relationship will face problems. I think modelling the behaviour of parents is very important, like if you had a mother and father growing up and your father used to physically abuse your mother or verbally or sexually, you can get that behaviour. The children look up to their parents, they reciprocate that behaviour in their relationships and if the behaviour is negative, then they can take it with them into their relationships. However, some will dislike that behaviour and never do it and others could go with positive depending on the experience.' (F)

The female co-researcher shares the same views with the male co-researcher on patriarchy and home family backgrounds. She refers to childhood trauma and family modelling behaviour as critical factors that could lead to GBV. The psychologist, Albert Bandura (1925-2021) explains 'the link between violence exposure, a recurrence of violence; violence is considered a learned behaviour, acquired through modelling and reinforcement of the same behaviour by others' (Moffitt & Caspi 2003:113).

Masculinities

Men are expected to adhere to traditional and cultural norms which exist within a certain social construct. Ratele (2008:520) says 'men are not by nature men, they are imbued with ideas about male practices'. Men take pride in working, having money and providing for the family. In the paragraph below, the man argues about some traditional roles that are embedded in men in their families, and when men are unable to fulfil these roles, they feel emasculated. However, I differ with his interpretation of the African wedding song mentioned in the paragraph that the song is rather entrenching domestication than violence.

'When you get married, there is a traditional wedding song perpetrating violence, the one that says UMAKOTI NGOWETHU UZOSIPHEKELA ASIWASHELE , which means the bride is ours, she is going to clean, cook for the family of the man. So, if that is not happening that is where the violence starts firing up. The man is regarded as the financial provider, if the man is unemployed and does the house chores wholeheartedly and looks after the children by the belief of patriarchy he is considered a man EDLISIWEYO (bewitched through traditional medicine).' (M1)

The man gives an argument that GBV is indirectly entrenched by boys' parents. He mentions in the following statement that men and boys can become victims of GBV by being expected to comply with masculinity and gender traditional norms:

'The parents also perpetrate violence when saying to a boy child, you can't be beaten by a girl. By saying that, they do not understand that they are perpetuating violence, they expect a boy child to be strong and use masculinity.' (M2)

The female co-researcher presents her argument as follows:

'We grew up, learning from the Word and learning from our Christian grandparents, who believed in the Word, the scripture also says that GOD created Adam and also created Eve who came from Adam's rib. This comes from many centuries, that is how we grew up and that is possibly why males would have picked the concept of gender-based violence because we grow up with stronger male figures and it is only changing now. But, it has not changed enough, women are still submissive and they are meant to be quiet, but it will possibly change with our kids if they see the behaviour of our generation.' (F1)

The female co-researcher argues that the historical concept of the scripture has been used to justify oppression against women. She argues the religious hegemony of women's submission to their husbands with a principle for change in this generation and generation to come. She attests that GBV is also driven by the submission of women to men. However, nowadays women seem to have changed more than women in the past. According to Klaasen (2018:18), 'theologians seek to transcend, the present reality and seek the authenticity of humanity, beyond the distorted notion of the image of God'.

South Africa is regarded a violent, angry country in the world and 'it has dropped in the latest index, with an index score of 57, and is now ranked the fifth most dangerous country out of the 144 countries covered' (Gullup 2020). Some people argue that 'the history of violence is traced to colonialism, apartheid and post-apartheid' (Gupta & William 2010:2). However, this does not justify GBV towards women and children. The female co-researcher's paragraph notes that violence can be the result of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and if that is not dealt with it can cause violence in a man's relationship:

'I would say that violence and anger come from the issues you have not dealt with, and what you have been through in your life, for example, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and apartheid abuse. A lot of people stay with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder with them. For example, losing a job would be a trigger, having communication problems in a relationship, having a child with an illness, a lot of things trigger certain things in a person's mind, it could lead to a fight or flight situation and then you just fight physically.' (F2)

In the excerpt below, the man shares his experience as one of the leaders of the GBV community forums. Men do not find it easy to report abuse; they are reluctant to come to the police station or social support group. They find it hard to express emotional abuse or any form of abuse perpetrated by a woman because of the embedded masculinity syndrome. Men have a term that says indoda ayikhali, ikhalela ngaphakathi [Men do not cry, only sob and die inside]. The narrative below reflects that men and boys could be subjected to GBV but become silent because of the stigma of being harassed by other men and law enforcement officers:

'I can tell you what I see, the man starts being violent because when he goes to the police station he becomes a laughing stock. After all, they know that men are masculine, when he opens a case saying that his woman beats him they laugh at him. Because they grew up knowing the man is the head of the family and a man can use his masculinity in any way. If a woman is harassed by a man, she can report it easily to the police, but a man cannot report that freely.' (M3)

For instance (Sida 2015):

[ M ]en and boys could feel ashamed and teased for not being 'real' men, by not complying with social expectations on manhood and masculinity norms, like gay, trans, bisexual and/or being identified as belonging to a low-status masculinity identity. (p. 6)

Theological reflection

According to Klaasen (2018:4), 'theology is about imagination characterised by willingness and beyond, we are agents of God's creation and we must practice vulnerability'. Therefore, this article avers that women and children 'are human beings created in the image and likeness of God, imago Dei ', Genesis 1:27. Berman (2015) says:

[ O ]ne does not mean to argue that femaleness is perfect as opposed to maleness, but holds an equally shared participation in humanity and the God-image, which lead to a healthier state of God's creation. (p. 131)

Sadly, patriarchy defines 'women as inferior to men, perpetuating the oppression of women by religion and culture' (Frieslaar & Masango 2021:6). The women under some church leaders remain vulnerable and deplorable and the Bible is a tool being misused. In support of this, Magezi and Manzanga (2021) assert that:

The notion of women's inferiority by Christian men in church emanates from the belief that women were 'created inferior to men'. This view springs from and is sustained in churches through invalid interpretations of certain biblical passages. For example, one of the interpretations is that Eve was created from the man's rib and was named by Adam. (p. 1)

In light of the above, research reveals misinterpretation of the scriptures as well by some churchwomen. For example, Nason-Clark (2000) states that churchwomen could sacrifice their lives for the sake of marriage relationships:

Religious women tend to think that marriage vows are forever, that they promised God, families, as well as their partners that they would love their husbands until death, do them apart - the biblical admonition (Mat. 18:21-22) to forgive 70 times seven means a perpetual cycle of hope and humiliation, or that women's cross to bear may be abuse in the family (Luk. 14:26-27). Women often blame themselves and cling endlessly to the hope that the relationship will improve and the violence will stop. (pp. 364-365)

Violence and oppression towards women have the potential to disguise the divine creation embedded in both men and women, which is the Imago Dei . It is the responsibility of both 'women and men to transcend the violent culture prevalent in South Africa, embedded in patriarchy and hierarchy' (Klaasen 2018:4). Theologically speaking, 'whatever diminishes or denies the full humanity of women, must be presumed not to reflect the divine or an authentic relation to the divine' (Ruether 1983:19). What does practical theology allow us to understand concerning GBV and the pandemic? For example, Genesis 3:16b says, 'God said to the woman your desire shall be for your husband, and he shall rule over you'. This text is misused to justify the control of men over women. However, Bond-Nash (2002:45) describes this passage 'as the result of sin entering the world and is a description of fallen humanity, rather than a prescription of what God had intended'.

Moreover, GBV is an ancient problem, the biblical text that pulls together various dimensions of women's exploitation by men, 2 Samuel 13:19-23, 'the narrative of Tamar who was tricked and raped by her half-brother Amnon' and Judges 19:22-30, 'the narrative of the unnamed woman who was raped, abused and killed'. The aforementioned biblical passages show how women have been often subjected to gross oppression and their inability to defend themselves in a patriarchal-dominated society. Magezi and Manzanga (2019:6) propose that 'Practical Theology should engage everyday concerns, issues of GBV which entails intentional focus, on making the church, interface with non-ecclesial communities'. The church should engage the community to fight GBV against women. In this regard, practical theology is expected to respond to the needs of the Christian communities and globally. There is a notion that 'the church is certainly involved, sadly, more from the point of burial of the victims of GBV than from remedial interventions' (Banda 2020:2). Therefore, the church is challenged to change in the way of doing the ministry, with the hope of a society of peace, in which GBV will come to an end. Lastly, the church must model the leadership of Jesus. There is nowhere in the Bible where Jesus mocked or oppressed women. I concur with Borland (2017:n.p.) when he emphasises that 'Jesus demonstrated the highest regard for women, in both his life and teaching, He honoured women, taught women, and ministered to women in thoughtful ways'.

Future possibilities

In a narrative approach, nothing is ever finished and completed because the stories are being storied. In response to the challenge of GBV, interventions should target multiple social levels, including public policy and government officials. Additionally, individual men, women and families, community leaders, schools and faith-based organisations such as churches should work together in the fight against GBV. Churches are significant in communities and in social institutions, which could play a pivotal role in addressing GBV, both traditional and cultural stereotypes. The GBV should be taken seriously by South Africans as a dreadful pandemic. Civil society should contribute to building strong advocacy and awareness about the scourge of GBV. Preventative measures should be the focus of a long-term solution to reduce violence. Harmful behaviours, distorted beliefs, negative attitudes, and bad social and cultural practices must be unlearnt and corrected (Sida 2015):

[ P ]revention strategies, entail a shift from ' victims ' to ' survivors ' with a focus on women and girls, efforts to increase women's political, economic empowerment, sexual and reproductive rights and to incorporate men and boys into work. (p. 4)

The male co-researcher mentioned the following in one of his excerpts:

'There is a saying take a girl child to work, to reverse the past situation and working opportunities are for women, what about the boys? If you look at empowerment programmes, they focus on women and girls, what about the boys and men who are left out of the system? They are talking about women's empowerment to address the imbalances of the past that were there before in the 60s and 70s and those are the people who grew up without equality. Nowadays when the government equalises they do it extremely, they hire more women than men in projects.' (M4)

The study assertion is that there is no justification for GBV or the killing of women and children; everyone has a right to life. Men and women should play their roles to solve their intimate relationship problems. The boy and girl children should model proper behaviour from their parents to stop the scourge of GBV. Community structures and local community projects should assist the people, and the men's forum should be actively involved in every community in South Africa to complete the end of the GBV. As Kobo (2016:3) suggests, 'this will somehow reduce the way men view women as sexual objects and eradicate the belief by some men that women are property to be owned'. The study demonstrated the significance of qualitative and narrative research through the findings from the co-researchers which were attested to the literature. This article found through narratives that men and boys feel neglected by the democratic government system in terms of empowerment. The article argued, on the other hand, that cultural norms such as gender roles, social construct, COVID-19 impact and misinterpretation of the scriptures contribute to GBV. The issue that remains a problem for the researcher and future challenge is how the government can create a space where men and women could engage in dialogue together on issues of GBV without excusing men's violent behaviour.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank the female Clinical Psychologist from Pretoria and the man from Alexandra Gender-Based Violence Walking Support Centre for their willingness to be interviewed as part of the support and contribution in conducting this research.

Competing interests

The author declares that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

Author's contributions

W.B. is the sole author of this article.

Ethical considerations

This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

Funding information

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Data availability

Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.

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Received: 16 May 2022 Accepted: 16 Sept. 2022 Published: 22 Dec. 2022

1 . This article was presented at the Society for Practical Theology in Southern Africa (SPTSA) conference, hosted by the University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics from 17 to 19 February 2021. 2 . Ulwaluko , 'when a male gets to a certain age, he is permitted to undergo the rites of passage, such as ulwaluko among amaXhosa and lebollo (Moja) among Basotho' (see Ratele 2008). This circumcision initiation rite is intended to prepare boys to enter into manhood. However, the outcome is negative at times as some men claim to have authority over the women and children. They demand certain respect, tend to abuse alcohol and attend elderly meetings in the community such as imbizo or legotla, while young women of their age do not attend. Lobola is a bride price which is given by the groom through negotiations arranged by the elders and the aim is to unite the families. Unfortunately, ' lobola is one of the reasons for violence against black women since it reduces women to the property of men' (Kobo 2016:4). 3 . Xhosa is one of the 11 official languages and the second spoken language in the country. It is dominant in the southern part of South Africa in Eastern Cape and Western Cape provinces. 4 . Siphefumla ngenxeba is the term that was popularised by Bakhepi on OUTsurance advert 'switch and save' in November 2019. The term means 'breathing through the wound', and is used to refer to being in a heavily uncomfortable situation. The term became more popular in May 2020 during the incident of George Perry Floyd who was apprehended and strangled by a white policeman. 5 . 'Coloured' is a legal classification as per the Apartheid Population Registration Act of 1950 . This term is still in use. Academically, the term can be used in a critical manner (like people of mixed ancestry in South Africa). In countries such as the United States of America, they are classified as black people, while in some other countries, they refer to people of mixed race. 6 . Wathinta abafazi, wathinta imbokodo uzofa meaning, 'you strike women, you strike a rock, and you will die'. This phrase comes from the famous resistance song symbolising a courage and strength expressed at Women's March of 1956 when 'South African women refused to give into increasing oppression without some form of protest' (Clark, Mafokoane & Nyathi 2019). Women marched into Union buildings against the pass laws.

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Migrant experiences of sexual and gender based violence: a critical interpretative synthesis

Sze eng tan.

1 UNU-MERIT / Maastricht University, Boschstraat 24, 6211 AX Maastricht, The Netherlands

Katie Kuschminder

2 Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam, Nieuwe Achtergracht 166, 1018 Amsterdam, WV Netherlands

Associated Data

Gender based violence (GBV) is a critical issue and migrants are at higher risk of experiencing and being victimized by GBV. This critical interpretative synthesis (CIS) examines migrants experiences of GBV with a focus on different migrant groups and experiences at different stages of the migrant journey.

The guiding question of this review is: “how do migrants experience gender-based violence?” A total of 84 studies were included in the CIS, of which 67 peer-reviewed academic articles were selected from 2356 studies found on WebofScience, MedLINE, and ProQuest, and 17 relevant studies from the grey literature were selected from the time period 2011 to 2020. All final studies were reviewed and synthesized using a critical inductive approach to formulate the key results.

The results demonstrate a high prevalence of GBV amongst migrants, and in particular among vulnerable migrant groups such as forced migrants and irregular migrants, with an emerging focus on male victims. Findings of the CIS revealed three key themes: 1) Most GBV occurrences are rooted in unequal power dynamics; 2) Victims often live with long-lasting consequences that are worsened by their fear of disclosure and stigmatization; 3) There are differential understandings of victimhood across organizations, communities, and victims themselves. In order to support access, sampling, and methodological challenges in this field of research, this article also reports its findings on common risk-factors identified, consequences and coping mechanisms reported, protection policies targeting GBV, and finally, available databases and data collection methods.

Further directions for research should be encouraged to move beyond prevalence reporting into identifying risk-factors and possible prevention in both sexes. In addition, more research on GBV experiences throughout migrants’ journeys, and coping mechanisms should be encouraged.

Introduction

Gender-based violence (GBV) poses a significant health and judicial concern to societies worldwide, carrying devastating consequences for victims as well as their families, relations, and communities. Within the context of migration, GBV experiences are difficult to record, with research and support policies mainly relying on self-disclosure rates which differ across data collection methods [ 1 ]. Not only experiencing, but also being exposed to GBV can be distressing and socially stigmatizing, making it difficult to provide GBV-specific support to victims who prefer not to disclose their experiences [ 2 ]. Further, migrants with unstable residency status in the host countries experience economic, social, and institutional barriers in seeking judicial redress and support [ 3 , 4 ]. The lack of pathways for these migrants to seek protection from GBV without fear of consequences such as deportation, detention, or ostracization from the community has a direct deterrence effect on the reporting of GBV experiences [ 5 , 6 ].

This critical interpretive synthesis (CIS) has started from the question: How do migrants experience GBV? With the sub-questions of:

• How is GBV experienced by different types of migrants?
• When and where is GBV experienced by migrants, including at what stage of their migration cycle?

As a CIS, these questions have loosely guided the review. The aim of this article is to present the CIS results in order to first, understand current academic developments on this topic and second, critically synthesize and identify emerging themes within this field of study to lead to further theorization of the relationship between migration and GBV.

The first section of this article presents an overview of guiding definitions used in the article for GBV and migration. The second section details the CIS methodology used in this article. The third section presents a descriptive overview of the sources selected for inclusion in the CIS and the fourth presents the results of the CIS. The findings of this article are split into an overview of the prevalence and severity of GBV experienced by migrants, followed by three emerging themes: 1) Most GBV occurrences are rooted in unequal power dynamics; 2) Victims often live with long-lasting consequences that are worsened by their fear of disclosure and stigmatization; 3) There are differential understandings of victimhood across organizations, communities, and among victims themselves. The final sections of the article provide a discussion including limitations of the CIS and a summative conclusion.

Background and definitions

Although there are many different definitions of GBV, the most commonly used definitions are provided by the The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UNWomen) and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). UNWomen defines GBV as:

“Gender-based violence (GBV) refers to harmful acts directed at an individual or a group of individuals based on their gender. It is rooted in gender inequality, the abuse of power and harmful norms” [ 7 ].

UNHCR follows a similar notion in its definition, but further elaborates that GBV is:

“An umbrella term for any harmful act that is perpetrated against a person’s will and that is based on socially ascribed (i.e. gender) differences between males and females. It includes acts that inflict physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering, threats of such acts, coercion, and other deprivations of liberty. These acts can occur in public or in private. (…) Acts of GBV include but are not limited to; purposeful denial of opportunities, intimate partner violence, trafficking for purposes of sexual exploitation, sexual abuses, forced child marriage, female genital mutilation, sexual servitude, and compelled transactional sex [ 8 ]”.

This article follows the UNHCR definition for GBV due to elaboration of the scope of GBV acts that it provides. In order to make a distinction across the levels of voluntariness in migration and thus vulnerability to GBV, common terminologies used are defined below in Table  1 .

IOM definitions used for identifying different migrant types

a The Prima Facie recognition of refugee status is applied on the basis of apparent circumstances, whereby often, entire groups have been displaced and members can be considered as refugees individually, in absence of evidence to the contrary. The mentioned circumstances that qualifies one as a refugee is defined as per the 1951 Refugee convention (p.171)

b Although states differ in the type of family relations recognised for family reunification, they are most commonly spouses or children (below a specified age whereby they are still dependent on their parents) (p.44). However, it is known that some countries also grant entries for dependent (elderly) parents, and / or other relatives under specific considerations as per the country

Methodology

Critical interpretive synthesis (cis) approach.

Critical Interpretive Synthesis (CIS) was selected as the most suitable approach to this subject as it allows for integration of both quantitative and qualitative empirical studies into one review [ 10 ]. Given that this article seeks to understand the phenomenon of GBV in migration beyond its occurrence, qualitative studies provide a crucial insight into the severity, coping mechanisms, and human behavior of migrants when faced with (the risks of) GBV.

CIS is characterized by its interpretation and synthesis across literature, in which an inductive approach is applied to create an overarching understanding of the field. This is done by reviewing, comparing, and analyzing relevant literature for emerging themes and phenomena [ 11 ]. In the CIS approach, no well-defined research question is necessary at the onset of the process – rather, a fuzzy review question at the onset becomes consistently refined through the search and review process [ 12 ]. This iterative process incorporates flexibility in its search, sampling, and synthesis process which undoubtedly affects its findings. The lack of current CIS reviews on migrants’ experiences of GBV worldwide, along with the broad subject of GBV, makes CIS a suitable methodology for our research question. However, the iterative process in CIS also means that some parts of the process may not be reproducible, which this review acknowledges as its primary limitation. To this effect, we seek to maximize internal validity with more rigorously tracked and explicit reporting of procedures for literature search including that of grey literature, findings of empirical research, along with more elaboration on the derivation of concepts and conclusions from selected literature. As a result, a list of search terms, definitions guiding the ex/inclusion criteria, and a detailed figure presenting the review results are presented in the next section.

Literature search and sampling

For academic literature, a search for relevant terms was conducted between 1st February 2021 to 22nd February 2021 on three major databases: WebofScience (all), MedLine, and ProQuest. Only peer-reviewed articles from between 2011 to 2020 were searched. We used a timeframe from 2011 to 2020 to get a robust overview of contemporary discourse in this field that emerged within the past decade. Furthermore, a preliminary search covering 2011 to 2020 confirmed that the timeframe yielded sufficient results to reflect on the research questions. Table  2 below lists the search strings used.

Search terms and databases used for academic literature search

The inclusion criteria consisted of any English language articles published after 2011 on GBV and migration. Articles were considered relevant if they are original articles with empirical evidence, or if they carried theoretical, legislative, methodological contributions to the field of GBV and migration. As there is a large number of articles on the topic of GBV which intersect with or involve migrants as a secondary interest, a decision was made to select only articles that carry migrants as the primary subject in document titles and abstracts. Any migrant types and geographical locations were accepted during the search process in order to capture a wide set of lived experiences. We only considered papers centering on acts of sexual violence where; 1) it was perpetuated against a person’s will and/or, 2) is perpetrated based on socially ascribed differences between genders. This removed papers that discussed broader forms of sexual discrimination (eg: unequal access to reproductive health care, asexualisation of female domestic workers, and so on).

In line with most CIS reviews, grey literature was also considered for this review. This refers to documents, usually reports, working papers, or policy documents that have not necessarily gone through a peer-review process. Given the humanitarian nature of GBV as a topic, reports by international organizations and non-governmental organizations such as UNHCR, IOM, and MSF that are involved in the frontlines of migrant GBV prevention and support undoubtedly contain salient insights on the topic. The search for grey literature was informed by prior sampling and reviewing of academic literature, where relevant organizations and search terms were identified.

During the first phase of the search process, academic article titles were screened for any possible relevance and noted down. Reading of abstracts then refined the number of papers selected. In the second phase of the search, entire articles were carefully read and labelled for themes. Through the reading process, themes and phrases that commonly occurred were identified and added as search terms, repeating the process in Phase I until no new key terms emerged from reading. In this phase, knowledge was also developed on key organizational and institutional stakeholders in the field, which informed the grey literature search. The third and final phase was the backwards snowballing of references from the existing list of academic and grey literature. References were selected by reading, in order: the title, abstract, and the full paper for relevance. Replicated papers were excluded.

As GBV is largely characterized by differentiation between genders, the acts of violence in itself can overlap in definitions. During the process of sampling and reviewing papers, we have also identified several key terms and their established definitions which helped with further identification of literature. The definitions listed in Table  3 are those provided (ad verbatim) by the corresponding institutions. It is important to note that this list serves as guiding definitions found and subsequently used in the iterative search process – it is not an exhaustive or all-encompassing list for the types of sexual violence that individuals may experience. A total of 2653 journal articles were identified on migration and GBV. After the three phases of search, a total of 67 peer-reviewed journal articles and 17 grey literature documents were selected for this review. Most academic articles were taken from WebofScience (WoS) as it was the first database searched. Fewer papers were selected from subsequent databases as results were mostly repeated from WoS. The review process, initial search results and the number of final selected papers from each database can be seen in Fig.  1 below.

Definition of Key Terms by United Nations (To appear at the end of Page 11)

Review process and selected records

Overview of studies

Table  4 below shows the geographical coverage of the studies included in the review. As only papers in English were selected due to accessibility of databases and language knowledge, this review is arguably limited in geographic coverage. However, our methodology was unable to assess the degree of under-representation of non-English reporting regions.

No. of studies selected, by region of GBV occurrence or data collection (excluding 4 policy documents and two review documents)

Table  5 shows the number of studies focusing on different groups of migrants. The majority of studies were focused on forcibly displaced migrants. However, through the review we have identified that there is a lack of data on refugees living outside camps, asylum-seekers, and other irregular migrants.

No. of studies selected, by migrant type (excluding 4 policy documents)

Existing statistics on quantitative data collection

Regarding existing quantitative data on GBV – UNHCR publishes microdata containing GBV-related variables in their Protection Monitoring data collected by fieldworkers [ 16 ]. These variables include prevalence of sexual harassment, exploitation, rape, and transactional sex. Similarly, the Mixed Migration Centre publishes regular trend reports with data collected on GBV prevalence and characteristics [ 17 ] – although the microdata is not yet available for viewing, an interactive data portal [ 18 ] has also been launched. 1 The European Union (EU) agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) collects and publishes data on violence against women within the EU, where survey data can be differentiated between immigrants and local residents [ 19 ]. For minors, United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) collects and publishes data in situation reports on GBV and child migrants. UNICEF’s Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) include variables related to sexual harassment and violence from migrant children that can be useful in GBV research [ 20 ]. Within the Asia-Pacific region, The Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UN ESCAP) publishes data on prevalence of sexual violence within its data explorer – although this data does not focus on migrants specifically, it may be useful as a tool for comparison on migrants’ GBV prevalence in origin and host countries [ 21 ].

On trafficking, other than trafficking statistics published by The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) [ 22 ] and IOM’s Counter Trafficking Data Portal [ 23 ], the Asian-Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence also publishes consolidated data related to GBV within the Asia-Pacific region [ 24 ]. The Global Slavery Index also consolidates indicators published by the International Labor Organization (ILO) and IOM on Global Estimates of Modern Slavery, which includes trafficking and abuses of (ir)regular migrants [ 25 ]. A non-exhaustive list of publicly available data source is shown in Table  6 .

Publicly available and known data on migration and GBV

Participatory methods and qualitative research

It is evident that primarily qualitative methods have been used in previous studies. Given the sensitivity of the topic it is unsurprising that qualitative methods are used more frequently to build rapport and trust with migrants, as well as to provide space for them to fully explain their experiences and stories.

Among the studies reviewed in this article, the largest academically collected data sample was completed through community-based participatory research (CBPR) This method is encouraged as a way of establishing mutual trust and deeper understanding between researchers and respondents [ 26 – 28 ]. This is in line with conventional guidelines on GBV research methodologies [ 29 ].

Other methods for qualitative data collection within the studies included focus-group discussions and following of migrants’ journeys over a period of time to identify areas of vulnerabilities and structural violence. Qualitative studies found in this review had a mix of sample sizes, ranging from 25 to 223 respondents depending on the targeted population, with most studies including upwards of more than 50 respondents. Most qualitative studies were focused on the causes (risk-factors) and possible prevention of GBV through inputs from stakeholders. These studies make substantive contributions to informing understandings of GBV processes and possible interventions for prevention and treatment.

Data collection techniques

Data on migration and GBV are difficult to collect due to the sensitivity of the topic, stigma attached to GBV and resulting low rates of self-disclosure. Evidence has shown that the gender of the interviewer or researcher should be taken into consideration, not merely for establishing trust with female respondents, but also in accessing female respondents within more patriarchal communities. Thambia, Chakraborty [ 30 ] reflected that there is a necessity for female researchers to develop coping mechanisms and to learn how to negotiate with gatekeeper violence when trying to access female migrants within male-dominated contexts.

Anonymous, self-administered surveys are considered an effective way to collect GBV data that bypasses the psychological need to deliver socially acceptable answers [ 1 ]. The ASIST-GBV, a form of anonymous self-administered GBV survey, has been used to screen for GBV within humanitarian settings [ 31 ]. The study by Roupetz, Garbern [ 32 ] elaborated on their measure of using a SenseMaker survey – a self-administrated survey that does not ask explicit questions on GBV but instead allow for narratives to allow GBV experiences to become apparent. These methods of data collection have been considered to be largely successful thus far by the cited studies.

The following section presents the findings from the CIS of the key themes represented in the studies. The first section presents an overview of the prevalence of GBV experiences of different types of migrants, where the experience occurred and at what stage in their migration journeys. This section is largely in response to our initial scoping of the study. The results are furthered by an inductive analysis presenting key themes emerging from the studies that have been synthesized. This includes: the interplay of power dynamics between victims and perpetrators, lasting consequences and the fear of disclosure, and differential understandings of victimhood.

Prevalence and experiences of GBV

Across the studies, it is consistently observed that rates of victimization are first, higher for migrants than compared to local populations and second, significantly higher for vulnerable groups of migrants. The latter are defined as such due to their documentation status or individual characteristics (gender, sex, age-group, etc.,) which places them at higher-risk for GBV victimization. This section discusses the emerging focus on vulnerable migrant groups, children, and male victims.

High prevalence among vulnerable migrants in destination and transit countries

Empirical studies consistently show high rates of victimization among undocumented migrants, asylum-seekers, and refugees both while in transit and within destination countries [ 26 , 33 – 36 ]. In particular, a cross-sectional study by Oliveira, Keygnaert [ 34 ] conducted in European reception asylum facilities (EARF) across seven EU countries 2 found that 50.1% of facility residents interviewed experienced at least one case of GBV in the year prior to the interview. Another study by Keygnaert, Vettenburg [ 37 ] in Belgium and Netherlands found that more than half of all interviewed migrant GBV victims experienced direct or peer victimization of violent sexual assaults such as rape, sexual abuse or harassment since arrival in the EU.

Migrants face a high risk of victimization when transiting through third (or subsequent) countries. Female asylum-seekers heading towards the EU during the 2015 EU refugee crisis through the Mediterranean route faced heightened threats of GBV during transit. These were usually in the form of forced transactional sex, coercion by smugglers and/or coastguard, and while in detention in Turkey [ 38 ]. This is similar to findings from the Nissling and Murphy-Teixidor [ 39 ] survey of over 5000 migrants in Libya stating that women are significantly more likely to experience sexual violence than men in Libya. A study on migrant women in a Sexual Violence Relief centre in Turin, Italy, found that 58.8% of respondents experienced violence while in Libya [ 40 ]. In interviews with 72 migrants at an asylum reception centre in France, Reques, Aranda-Fernandez [ 35 ] found that 53% of female respondents and 18% of male respondents reported experiencing sexual violence in Libya.

These findings on experiences of GBV while in transit, and in particular Libya, are relatively unsurprising in light of existing reports and articles on the subject. Migrants that travel without legal documentation are vulnerable to multiple types of exploitation and abuse. At the same time, the synthesis stresses the high prevalence of GBV for women in transit and the need to provide further options for protection for this group.

A 2011 IRC rapid assessment showed changes in type of GBV from sexual assault and rape to Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) as refugees moved from Syria to Lebanon [ 41 ]. This provides important evidence on how GBV may change forms at different stages of the migration journey as migrants are exposed to different vulnerabilities. As will be elaborated in the next section, findings of this study suggests that differences in authority, (and thus, power), have a direct impact on migrants’ risk of victimization. The lack of documentation and / or financial means to travel in the desired manner contributes to and widens the power potential perpetrators hold over migrants.

Emerging focus on male victims

Although this field of study traditionally focuses on female victims, research on male victims has emerged in recent years. Studies largely show that in some migratory contexts, GBV perpetration against males and boys can equal that of females and girls. UNHCR reports of widespread GBV against adolescent boys and men in Lebanon and Jordan at rates similar or higher to women [ 42 ]. In Jordan, a 2013 inter-agency UN assessment found that refugee boys are perceived to be of higher risk for sexual violence as compared to refugee girls [ 43 ]. The socially ascribed values to girls’ sexuality and virginity creates the perception that the rape of boys is less harmful. Parents are also more attentive to girls’ whereabouts as compared to boys – making young boys a more accessible target for predators (Chynoweth, 2017 p.30) [ 44 , 45 ]..

Adult males are also at-risk of GBV victimization, especially within the migratory context. A 2020 study using MSF clinic data from seven African countries found that more than one-third of all male victims experienced sexual violence within migratory contexts [ 2 ]. An IOM report [ 46 ] based on a survey conducted with approximately 12,000 migrants who arrived in Italy through the Mediterranean from 2016 to 2018 suggested that male respondents and those between 14 and 24 years old are more likely to have experienced some form of abuse, exploitation, or human trafficking (p.197). Thus, the emerging attention on males and comparative studies between genders have highlighted that males – especially younger males – are also at high risk for GBV perpetration. It is therefore essential to not overlook boys and males in GBV screening and future research.

Power imbalance as a primary risk-factor

Across the studies, perpetrators of migrant GBV tend to be those that hold some form of authority over the victim, showing the involvement of unequal power dynamics. Smugglers aiding in the travel, authorities such as border guards and/or local police, and where applicable, soldiers of armed groups in conflict or employers [ 26 , 40 , 47 – 51 ]. Some studies also suggest that locals can be perpetrators in the context of unaccompanied minors, asylum-seekers and refugees [ 52 ]. Keygnaert et a.l [ 37 ] found that within the context of asylum-seeker arrivals into EU reception centers, the most common perpetrators of GBV are (ex-)partners and asylum professionals. 3 Delving more into IPV, female irregular migrants, asylum-seekers, and rural-to-urban households seem particularly vulnerable to IPV due to the stresses induced by migration on the perpetrators [ 32 , 53 – 56 ].

Economic hardship as a source of power imbalance

Studies raise the saliency of economic hardship of the victims in exposure to GBV, demonstrating an unequal relationship between victims and perpetrators in control of (access to) resources. Other than vulnerability to being trafficked for sexual exploitation, lack of income-generating activities or lack of the right to work create vulnerabilities when migrants of both sexes have to resort to transactional sex as a survival strategy [ 26 , 37 , 57 , 58 ]. Living in insecure housing such as tents or co-ed asylum facilities also increases the risks of GBV for female migrants [ 3 , 59 ], while the lack of secure transport to places of work can also expose migrants to risk of GBV [ 60 ]. GBV may also be used to maintain or express power in times of economic hardship - men’s frustration over their inability to provide for the household, and disruption of traditional gender roles when women enter the workforce to provide or when women are registered as head of households as beneficiaries, may contribute to IPV and/or GBV perpetration [ 41 , 61 – 63 ].

(Lack of) documentation as a source of power imbalance

While maintaining an undocumented status posits high risks to GBV on its own, female migrants tend to face different risks compared to male migrants. In transit, females who travel with smugglers tend to be exposed to heightened risks of GBV and transactional sex [ 38 , 64 ]. Meyer, Robinson [ 64 ] suggested from a study in Thailand that undocumented females are significantly more at risk of GBV with one in three having experienced unwanted sex – with males experiencing more non-sexual physical violence. Border crossings, roadsides, and prison / detention centers are common areas where risks of GBV victimization are higher [ 52 , 65 ], sometimes to the extent where transactional sex was normalized and ‘expected’ from females [ 66 ]. While female migrants face higher rates of transactional and compelled sex, GBV that occurs towards undocumented male migrants tend to be more physically violent [ 52 , 64 , 67 , 68 ]. In facing difficulties such as GBV abuse and injuries during travel, men are less likely to be given help and more likely to be left alone [ 69 ].

Rights from national legislations

National legislations regarding the rights of irregular migrants, asylum-seekers, and refugees, can also expose migrants to higher risks of GBV. Fear of deportation or identification due to securitization policies can make migrants more vulnerable to GBV victimization [ 5 ], being a threat that potential perpetrators can leverage on. For example, Briddick [ 70 ] argued that sponsorship-based foreign partner visas in the EU risks third-country nationals enduring GBV without reporting. Provisional statuses for asylum-seekers or refugee status that do not allow formal employment can also drive migrants into economic hardship, increasing their vulnerability to sexual exploitation and violence [ 65 ]. Fear of deportation by losing employment status, partner, or residential status also posits a large barrier to receiving post-GBV care [ 71 ]. National legislation and laws are thus risk-factors to GBV victimization when it creates inequalities that put migrants in yielding positions.

Lasting consequences and fear of disclosure

Migrants are a significant sub-group among those that seek post-GBV care, with studies finding that up to a-fifth of those in Belgium GBV clinics are migrants [ 72 ]. Particularly for females, unwanted pregnancies and gynecological health are usually focused on as a push factor for self-disclosure and seeking help. Bronsino, Castagneri [ 73 ] suggests that asylum-seekers in Italy between 2016 to 2017 who have reported GBV encounters are more likely to be pregnant and to ask for abortion. In addition, Castagna, Ricciardelli [ 40 ] found that more than a-third of migrant females in rape centers in Italy has lasting physical scars after the rape encounter. Pannetier, Ravalihasy [ 3 ], using the 2013 Parcours suvey of SSA migrants in Paris, also suggests that social hardship and sexual violence while abroad is strongly associated with situations of HIV aquisition.

Since GBV occurrence to males are usually more violent and used as a form of humiliation or torture [ 52 , 74 ], health consequences can be more devastating. The qualitative study by Chynoweth, Buscher [ 52 ] narrates the extent of physical damage on male migrant GBV victims across refugees from Myanmar, DRC, Somalia, and South Sudan – physical damage often affected male migrants’ ability to socialize and work such as in the case of fecal incontinence. In addition, cultural expectations of male invulnerability posited huge barriers for accessing post-violence care [ 2 ]. Since most post-violence clinics may be adapted to female-specific needs, and promoted towards females, males victims have less points of access into care [ 2 ].

Differential understandings of victimhood

Conceptualization and understanding of GBV victimhood differ across stakeholders. Care-providers and international organisations define GBV victimization differently from the communities and victims involved. GBV may be normalized or even expected by victims within certain contexts, to the extent that victims do not consider themselves to be victims. Furthermore, the definition of victimhood should be expanded in order to encompass forced exposure to GBV whom often also struggle with distress and lasting psychological effects.

Between organisations and communities

Hough [ 75 ] argued that migrants’ conceptualization of GBV may be largely different from those of international organisations’ – blurring the lines on whether some victims actually consider themselves as victims. The author elaborated that the concept of sexual consent does not have clear transferability between cultures – sexual passivity, modest refusal and marital partnership can be sometimes denoted as markers of clear consent. The study by Oliveira, Rosário [ 76 ] in EARFs similarly found that SGBV conceptualization of residents differed according to respondents’ time of arrival, host country, and type of accommodation. In terms of GBV protection and migration, this makes it difficult for organizations to engage with victims who do not consider themselves as victims, or to approach perpetrators who do not understand the fault of their actions.

Normalisation of GBV

In transit, females who travel with smugglers tend to be exposed to heightened risks of GBV and transactional sex [ 38 , 64 ]. As stated previously, border crossings, roadsides, and prison / detention centers are common areas where risks of GBV victimization are higher [ 52 , 65 ], sometimes to the extent where transactional sex was normalized and ‘expected’ from females [ 66 ]. Normalisation of partner abuse, internalized social norms on the subservient position of women within households, and stress from forced displacement all contribute towards IPV occurrence [ 36 , 54 , 61 , 64 ]. The study by Welton-Mitchell, Bujang [ 36 ] found that over 80% of both male and female Rohingya refugee respondents agreed that men have a right to punish women. At the same time, qualitative research by Chynoweth, Buscher [ 52 ] show that men in transit also experience sexual violence with respondents stating such experiences “are normal”.

Indirect victims of GBV

A further distressing theme that emerged from the literature was that refugees and asylum-seekers often report forced- witnessing or exposure to GBV and / or being compelled to rape [ 2 , 26 , 52 , 77 , 78 ]. This may be in combination with personal GBV experiences, but these victims usually do not identify themselves through normative understandings of victimhood and thus are usually subsidiary in GBV studies, targets of anti-GBV campaigns, and post-violence clinics. Palillo (2020) explored the strain on young male migrants that have been exposed to woman being violently raped in Libya and being unable to intervene or help them. The loss of masculinities and feelings of helplessness lead to lasting psychological challenges. More research in this area is warranted as forced exposure and compelled rape can also have heavy psychological consequences for victims.

Discussions

This review has demonstrated the high prevalence of GBV amongst migrants and the need for further research and programming to assist this vulnerable population. Several key themes have emerged through the synthesis of the 84 studies.

First, GBV experiences often differ across the migration stages, leading to migrants experiencing different forms of GBV at different stages of migration by different perpetrators. It is necessary for further understandings in this area of how GBV experiences change across time and space in the migration experience, and resultantly how support programmes and interventions can be targeted at the different migration stages towards different forms of GBV.

Second, it is clear from the studies that migrants’ experiences of GBV victimization occurs within the context of power imbalances. Common perpetrators are those that hold some form of power over the migrant – for example, border authorities, smugglers, or even locals within host countries. Accordingly, vulnerable migrants that travel without documentation, taking precarious routes, and whom may seek to evade detection by local authorities are at-risk of GBV victimization. In some cases, females even partner up with males when facing GBV risks – engaging in (usually forced) marriages for male protection [ 32 , 41 ], which should be examined as an attempt to gain power in facing other, potential perpetrators.

Power imbalances in gender-based violence have been well-studied, albeit to a much lesser extent within the field of migration and GBV. Factors such as the lack of documentation and financial means reduces the ability of migrants to firstly, seek redress for any injustice. The inability to report on GBV experiences or to seek formal medical help without detection of irregular status or stigma allows for potential subjugation of the migrants with little to no real consequences. Secondly, traveling with little legal and / or financial means forms a reliance on the goodwill and discretion of those surrounding the migrants. Just as border guards may rely on their discretion to allow a migrant through, locals, smugglers, or even other migrants can report an irregular migrant over a small dispute. The reliance on others’ discretion places migrants in a submissive position with little authority and control over their own trajectories. This widening disparity of power undeniably increases migrants’ risk of GBV victimization.

Third, both emotional and physical coping mechanisms for GBV victims are largely internalized – meaning that victims often do not seek help unless there are acute physical concerns that need to be addressed. Most migrants fear the stigmatizations attached to being a victim of GBV and therefore do not disclose their experiences. In particular, male victims are less likely to seek help. This means that the number of male GBV experiences are likely to be severely under-reported and consequently, under-researched as compared to female GBV experiences.

This leads to the fourth key point that there is a need for further research on male migrants’ experiences of GBV, as a victim, partner, and through other forms of exposure. There are few studies comparing GBV characteristics between both genders, as most studies are focused on either females or males. While it may be likely that female migrants face a higher risk of GBV as normatively understood, male GBV victims may experience more mental and social distress, barriers to receiving post-GBV care, and barriers to disclosure [ 52 ]. Other studies also suggest that GBV acts are associated with access to females [ 6 ] (lower access can transfer violence onto males) and humanitarian focus on females that neglect males [ 79 ]. More comparisons of GBV characteristics between genders and sexes can provide insights into how sexual violence can be displaced from one gender and sex to another. Such insights can also help to substantiate a critical discourse on the gender aspect of gender-based violence. There needs to be a clearer delineation between first, the relationship between genders within the field of GBV, and second, how gender is perceived by perpetrators, victims, and relevant third-parties. Such conceptualizations have a strong potential in framing future GBV prevention policies.

Fifth, the studies show that the understanding and conceptualization of GBV differ across stakeholders. In particular, care-providers and victims may differ in their understanding of victimhood and GBV acts. Notions of victimhood may also be challenged in cases where transactional or survival sex is normalized or expected, blurring the lines between victims’ understanding of forced or voluntary participation. Furthermore, victims of GBV often also include those who experienced forced-witnessing and forced-participation, despite not being the target of GBV acts themselves. There is a lack of research on these indirect victims and the consequences of their forced experiences. This brings forward the question of how to include indirect victims in research and programme support.

Lastly, the focus on females within GBV prevention and policies not only marginalizes male victims, but also deny males an active role to play in prevention. Across frameworks and policies, the marginalization of male migrant GBV prevention and support has been consistently raised in the literature [ 2 , 52 , 67 , 80 ]. This neglect was also replicated in policy evaluations and academic research - Kiss, Quinlan-Davidson [ 81 ] argued in a literature review that most intervention evaluations for GBV survivors do not provide male-specific components. This is despite multiple studies showing marked differences in GBV victim characteristics between males and females – males victims are more likely to present themselves to healthcare support when GBV disclosure is not necessary [ 2 ], face more undisclosed social stigma and risk continued victimization if identified as GBV victim [ 52 ] [ 82 ]. Targeting the root of power imbalances within community- or male-targeted interventions can potentially play a strong role in gender-inclusive GBV prevention.

Research and literature limitations

Due to the researchers’ language barriers, the study was unable to include non-English papers for review. This results in possible over-representation of migrants living or traveling towards English-speaking regions in our study. Moreover, the current labelling of types of gender-violence is not exhaustive – there are other types of experiences of GBV, such as witnessing and other forms of exposure, either to the acts, victims, or perpetrators. Since the search and review process was guided by existing terms, this study does not wholly represent all types of GBV. Further research on types of GBV and the sufficiency of current terms used in identification, prevention and protection should be encouraged.

In addition to the key points raised above from the inductive CIS approach, this review has also identified several limitations within the existing literature. First, topics of resilience were not frequently mentioned in literature. This is important in understanding the longer-term effects of GBV on migrants’ mental health and future life satisfaction and opportunities. This highlights that further research on how migrants cope with the aftermath of GBV and whether a singular incidence of GBV exposes the migrant to subsequent risks should be explored.

Second, within the discourse on the nature of GBV acts, only four studies compared experiences between pre-migration exposure to GBV and GBV incidences after movement [ 56 , 64 , 83 , 84 ]. These studies compared levels of GBV vulnerabilities faced in origin and destination countries, usually within the context of viewing conflict-related violence as part of migrants’ GBV experiences [ 64 , 84 ]. Further, only seven studies explored GBV prevalence and vulnerabilities during transit [ 5 , 40 , 47 , 52 , 66 , 69 , 73 ], with one study being conducted in a transit country [ 47 ]. There is a need for further research in both these areas in order to more comprehensively understand the extent of vulnerabilities faced by migrants throughout different parts of their journey.

Third, echoing the findings from the literature, in addition to insufficient research on male experiences of GBV, there is a dearth of literature on LGBTQI migrants’ experiences within the field of GBV. As evidenced in other areas of migration research LGBTQI migrants often face gender specific forms of discrimination and violence, suggesting the need for further examination of LGBTQI migrants’ experiences of GBV.

Policy and programme consideration

Finally, the review has identified two important areas for policy and programme considerations. First, a central finding in this review is that experiences of GBV were recorded the most amongst forced migrants and undocumented migrants, wherein during the migration journey migrants were at high risk of GBV. This stresses the importance of gender sensitive reception policies that are able to identify and support victims of GBV upon arrival to the EU or another host country. Within the EU context it is difficult to prevent GBV in countries such as Libya, wherein there has been an absence of state control and authority. However, gender sensitive reception approaches that takes into account differences in experiences and protection needs can better identify and provide care for victims [ 85 ].

A second consideration for policy and programming is the need for creating consensus in definitions and approaches to GBV that can enable a consolidation of GBV data among migration-related institutions such as UNHCR and IOM. This is necessary in order to establish clearer and comparative insights on how, when, and where migrants encounter GBV. Although some microdata currently exists on GBV among migrants, they are largely mixed with other migrant protection indicators. Isolating and therefore retrieval of GBV-focused data is difficult. Standardization of methodology such as on sampling methods and how survey or interview questions are asked (direct vs. indirect questions) can further support research in this field.

Further to this, academic research also needs to find alignment in terminology within the field of GBV. Given the regions of prevalence wherein migrants experience GBV it is important to have transnational cooperation in research in this field.

This critical interpretive synthesis sought to understand worldwide migrant experiences of gender-based violence. With an inclusion-criteria for literature search that focused on migrant experiences of gender-based violence, 67 peer-reviewed academic articles and 17 documents of “grey” literature were reviewed and synthesized. The results allowed us to form certain conclusions to inform future research. Syntheses of existing papers show that firstly, most GBV occurrences are rooted in power imbalances, second, have lasting consequences on victims, and third, that there are different understandings and conceptualizations of GBV victimhood across stakeholders. Overall, research on GBV is still primarily focused on prevalence reporting and consequences, especially on GBV occurrences in destination countries. Further research focusing on GBV experiences throughout migrants’ journey, coping mechanisms, and male experiences of GBV should be encouraged.

This review has identified several potential areas for future research including:

• The need for high quality discourse on how power imbalances increase GBV risks specific to the field of migration.
• The need to conduct high quality studies on effective approaches to prevent GBV within migrant populations covering their stay and transit.
• The need to conduct high quality studies on providing effective support to victims of GBV during their migration journeys covering their stay and transit.
• Sensitive longitudinal research to understand the lasting impacts of GBV experiences on migrant’s mental health.
• The need for a culturally sensitive standardized tool to assess prevalence, severity, and continuation of GBV experiences over time. This will not only help future policy planning, but also to have a clearer understanding on the types and severity of GBV encountered by migrants as they move from one region to the next.
• Testing of best methods for collecting data on GBV is necessary to ensure protection of migrants while also being able to provide more information for policy makers and practitioners on this sensitive topic.

Acknowledgements

Adriana S. M Peroza provided editorial assistance to this article.

Abbreviations

Authors’ contributions.

KK initiated the idea for the article. TS developed the search strategy, reviewed papers, and prepared the draft with guidance from KK. KK provided critical edits and inputs on the manuscript. Both authors read and approved the final manuscript.

This article has been written as part of the World Universities Network Gendering Migration: Women and Girls Experiences of Gender-based discrimination, abuse and violence across migratory stages project. The views presented in this article are those of the authors and do not represent the World Universities Network, nor the project partners.

Availability of data and materials

Declarations.

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

1 Launched on 3rd March 2021. As of the first submission date of this article, it only consists of COVID19 migration-related data until further updates to include more data.

2 Belgium, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Malta, The Netherlands, and Portugal

3 Referring to professional service provider staff working for and from asylum centres.

Publisher’s Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Contributor Information

Sze Eng Tan, Email: moc.liamg@tgneezs .

Katie Kuschminder, Email: [email protected] .

Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Gender Inequality — A Discussion on Gender-Based Violence

Gender-based Violence: Effects and Prevention Methods

• Categories: Gender Gender Inequality Race and Gender

About this sample

Words: 382 |

Published: Jul 17, 2018

Words: 382 | Page: 1 | 2 min read

Gender-based violence: essay introduction

Works cited.

• World Health Organization. (2013). Global and regional estimates of violence against women: Prevalence and health effects of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence. Retrieved from https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/85239/9789241564625_eng.pdf
• United Nations. (n.d.). Violence against women: Facts everyone should know. Retrieved from https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-and-figures
• Heise, L. L., & Kotsadam, A. (2015). Cross-national and multilevel correlates of partner violence: An analysis of data from population-based surveys. The Lancet Global Health, 3(6), e332-e340. doi: 10.1016/S2214-109X(15)00013-3
• García-Moreno, C., Hegarty, K., d'Oliveira, A. F., Koziol-McLain, J., Colombini, M., & Feder, G. (2015). The health-systems response to violence against women. The Lancet, 385(9977), 1567-1579. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(14)61837-7
• Jewkes, R., Flood, M., & Lang, J. (2015). From work with men and boys to changes of social norms and reduction of inequities in gender relations: A conceptual shift in prevention of violence against women and girls. The Lancet, 385(9977), 1580-1589. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(14)61683-4
• United Nations Development Programme. (n.d.). Ending violence against women. Retrieved from https://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/sustainable-development-goals/goal-5-gender-equality/overview/ending-violence-against-women.html
• Krug, E. G., Mercy, J. A., Dahlberg, L. L., & Zwi, A. B. (2002). The world report on violence and health. The Lancet, 360(9339), 1083-1088. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(02)11133-0
• Human Rights Watch. (n.d.). Violence against women. Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/topic/womens-rights/violence-against-women
• United Nations Women. (n.d.). Gender-based violence. Retrieved from https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-and-figures/gender-based-violence
• World Bank. (n.d.). Gender-based violence. Retrieved from https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/gbv

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Gender-based Violence in South Africa Essay Example

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a deeply concerning issue that continues to affect societies across the globe, and South Africa is no exception. As a Grade 9 learner, tackling an essay on such a profound topic can feel daunting, but it’s a valuable opportunity to explore and engage with important social issues that shape the world around us.

To begin your exploration of this topic, it’s vital to understand what GBV entails – these are actions that cause physical, mental, or sexual harm based on one’s gender. In South Africa, such acts unfortunately happen frequently and can range from intimate partner violence to harmful cultural practices.

Approaching an essay on GBV in South Africa, it’s beneficial to structure your writing into a few key sections. Start with an introduction that defines GBV and gives an overview of its prevalence in South Africa. This will set the stage for a deeper analysis in the following sections.

The main body of your essay should delve into the specifics of GBV in South Africa. Discuss its nature, prevalence, consequences, and possible solutions. Use reliable sources to support your points and don’t shy away from presenting both the harsh realities and the hopeful initiatives aimed at addressing this issue.

Finally, conclude your essay by summarizing your main points and reflecting on the importance of addressing GBV for the future of South Africa.

Remember, an essay isn’t just about presenting facts – it’s about demonstrating your understanding and perspectives on a topic. So, express your thoughts, share your ideas, and let your voice be heard. Good luck with your essay-writing journey!

Title: An Insight into Gender-Based Violence in South Africa

Introduction

Gender-based violence (GBV) remains a pervasive issue in South Africa, deeply rooted in societal norms and perpetuated through silence, stigma, and systemic failures. It’s a grave violation of human rights that impedes social progress and threatens the fabric of the society. This essay will delve into the nature, prevalence, and consequences of GBV in South Africa, as well as consider potential solutions.

Understanding the Nature of Gender-Based Violence

GBV encompasses acts that inflict physical, sexual, or mental harm or suffering based on gender differences. In South Africa, this violence is alarmingly widespread and often brutal, affecting individuals across all social strata. These acts range from intimate partner violence, sexual violence, human trafficking, to harmful cultural practices. Gender-based power imbalances, patriarchal societal norms, and economic inequalities are fundamental contributors to GBV.

Prevalence of GBV in South Africa

According to the South African Police Service (SAPS), GBV cases have reached alarmingly high levels, with thousands of murders and sexual offenses reported annually. The actual prevalence is likely much higher, considering many victims don’t report due to fear of reprisal, stigma, or lack of faith in the justice system. The COVID-19 pandemic and associated lockdowns have further exacerbated the situation, with a marked increase in cases, painting a grim picture of the state of GBV in South Africa.

The Consequences of GBV

The effects of GBV are profound, extending beyond the immediate physical harm. Survivors often grapple with psychological trauma, social stigmatization, and economic instability. GBV also contributes to public health crises, such as the spread of HIV/AIDS. Additionally, it inhibits societal growth and development by keeping a significant proportion of the population – women and girls – in fear, suppressing their potential contribution to social and economic progress.

Potential Solutions to GBV in South Africa

Addressing GBV requires a multi-faceted approach, starting with strengthening legal frameworks and improving their implementation to ensure justice for victims. This could involve enhancing police training, streamlining judicial processes, and strengthening victim support systems. Moreover, it’s essential to tackle the societal norms that perpetuate GBV through education, community dialogues, and public awareness campaigns. Economic empowerment initiatives for women can also help break the cycle of violence by providing financial independence and security.

In summary, gender-based violence is a critical challenge facing South Africa, deeply embedded within societal norms and structures. It demands urgent action from all sectors – government, civil society, and individuals alike – to ensure a safe, equitable society. Through a combination of strong legislative action, social awareness, and economic empowerment, South Africa can start to dismantle the structures that enable GBV, ensuring a safer future for all its inhabitants.

• 12 Reasons why incidents of Gender-based Violence in Communities Continue
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• How gender inequality in relationships could contribute to sexual abuse
• How gender inequality in relationships could contribute to teenage pregnancy
• Breaking the Cycle: How Society can Contribute to the Ongoing Displays of Gender Stereotypes in SA Communities
• The Causes of gender-based Violence During Lockdown
• The Negative Impact of Gender Differences in Sports Participation
• Strategies that Girls could Implement to Challenge Gender Stereotypes within the school
• 20 Examples of Traditional Gender Roles
• Why Both Men and Women could become Victims of Gender-based Violence
• What can Victims of Gender-based Violence do to Ensure Safety
• Reasons why Discrimination Against Gender is Illegal in the South African Constitution
• How Can NGOs Take Concrete Steps to Eradicate Gender-Based Violence?
• At what Age do Children Make Gender-Stereotyped Game and Toy Choices?
• Reasons Why Survivors of Gender-based Violence may Feel Hesitant to Report Human Rights Violation
• Strategies that Responsible Citizens may use to Help Victims of Gender-based Violence
• Feminist Legal Theory: is it Wrong to Treat Men and Women Differently on the Basis of Gender
• 10 Causes of Gender-Based Violence in South Africa with Examples
• A Critical Discussion on Gender-Based Violence as a Human Rights Violation in South Africa: Acts and Examples
• The Devastating Effects of Gender-Based Violence in South Africa: Real-Life Examples and the Way Forward

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• Smart Living

The Punching Incidents in New York Are Part of a Much Bigger Problem

Published on 4/3/2024 at 4:30 PM

Content warning: The following story contains mentions of sexual assault and gender-based violence.

Stories of New York women being indiscriminately punched in the face seem to be consuming TikTok. Between March 25-27, several women posted about being attacked unprovoked while walking in Lower Manhattan. (A suspect was ultimately arrested in connection with at least one of the incidents, per USA Today .) As dozens went on to recount similar experiences , a conversation was sparked online about the violence women experience on a regular basis in public spaces.

As a single woman , I am constantly on guard. When out in public, I'm aware of my surroundings, checking to see if anyone around me is acting suspicious. When I'm someplace new, whether a movie theater or a trendy restaurant, I keep a mental tab on how far I am from the nearest exit. And to prepare for the worst-case scenarios, I ensure that a handful of people in my life have access to my location at all times. It's draining.

Navigating life as a woman means being in constant fight-or-flight mode. And if we do seek to simply just exist and go about life normally, we're perceived as being careless, negligent even. We shouldn't have to be this alert just to exist.

We shouldn't have to be this alert just to exist.

For women of color, this is amplified to a degree that is difficult for many to understand – or believe, for that matter. The story of the New York punching incidents didn't start to gain traction until it started happening mainly to white women: multiple Black women living in New York detailed similar experiences dating back to 2022 , but their claims did not receive the same attention and coverage.

Take, for example, how the public treated Megan Thee Stallion after Tory Lanez shot her in the foot in 2020. Some invalidated her experience by saying that she faked the story, while others mocked her as if it was her fault. Years later, people are still debating the incident, long after Lanez's guilty verdict and sentencing .

A 2021 UN Women report found that 97 percent of the women surveyed (all between the ages of 18 to 24) have experienced some form of sexual harassment or violence. I, like most other women, am a part of that 97 percent.

I remember being catcalled at a young age and being told to "just keep walking and eventually they'll stop." But little did I know, it would never stop.

When I was a freshman in college, one of my close guy friends at the time sexually assaulted me while I was drunk. I was confused and in disbelief: how could someone I trust take advantage of me? It was hard not to blame myself even though I knew it wasn't my fault.

Immediately after my assault, the women in my life supported me and lifted me up, but the men continued to question me. My best friend and neighbor couldn't believe his friend did that. He tried to rationalize the situation and frame it as a misunderstanding. Another friend thought talking it out with my assaulter would make it better. It didn't. Because of my assaulter, I lost a part of myself and a few people I thought were my friends; in hindsight, the latter wasn't much of a loss.

After bearing the weight for far too long, I processed the assault in therapy and reported it to the university. It went as you might expect. Even with all the evidence, screenshots, and witness accounts, nothing happened. I did almost everything "right" in terms of reporting the incident , yet my pain was consistently met with doubt, mainly from men.

Even the way they framed questions after the fact was revealing about their subconscious processing of situations like mine. My girlfriends asked me if I was OK, how they could best support me, and overall tried to comfort me after experiencing such trauma. My friend Ashley even reached out to my older sister, who lived nearby, to come pick me up and be an extra layer of support for me.

My guy friends were more accusatory — their questions ranging from "how much did you drink?" to "are you sure you told him to stop?" It felt like I was being interrogated and forced to relive that night instead of processing it. It hadn't even been a full 24 hours before my character and judgment were being questioned for something someone else did to me.

This should not be normal. It shouldn't take multiple women getting punched in the face, more high-profile cases of sexual misconduct, or another documentary about serial abuse for us to talk about this epidemic of gender-based violence.

We continue to find ourselves at a crossroads. Even though the rise of the #MeToo movement was a pivotal turning point, there are still far too many stories of gender-based violence, from the recent fatal stabbing of Samyia Spain outside a Brooklyn deli to the murder of Gabby Petito. Violence toward women is nothing new, but something has to change, and men need to actively listen and join in on the conversation.

We know it's not all men, but how can it be 97 percent of women?

Daria Yazmiene is a freelance writer, social media manager, and advocate for BIPOC communities. She is a proud graduate of Arizona State University's Walter Cronkite School of Journalism.

• Personal Essay

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Regions & Countries

4. challenges in the classroom.

In addition to asking public K-12 teachers about issues they see at their school, we asked how much each of the following is a problem among students in their classroom :

• Showing little to no interest in learning (47% say this is a major problem)
• Being distracted by their cellphones (33%)
• Getting up and walking around when they’re not supposed to (21%)
• Being disrespectful toward the teacher (21%)

Some challenges are more common among high school teachers, while others are more common among those who teach elementary or middle school.

• Cellphones: 72% of high school teachers say students being distracted by their cellphones in the classroom is a major problem. A third of middle school teachers and just 6% of elementary school teachers say the same.
• Little to no interest in learning: A majority of high school teachers (58%) say students showing little to no interest in learning is a major problem. This compares with half of middle school teachers and 40% of elementary school teachers. 
• Getting up and walking around: 23% of elementary school teachers and 24% of middle school teachers see students getting up and walking around when they’re not supposed to as a major problem. A smaller share of high school teachers (16%) say the same.
• Being disrespectful: 23% of elementary school teachers and 27% of middle school teachers say students being disrespectful toward them is a major problem. Just 14% of high school teachers say this.

Policies around cellphone use

About eight-in-ten teachers (82%) say their school or district has policies regarding students’ use of cellphones in the classroom. Of those, 56% say these policies are at least somewhat easy to enforce, 30% say they’re difficult to enforce, and 14% say they’re neither easy nor difficult to enforce.

High school teachers are the least likely to say their school or district has policies regarding students’ use of cellphones in the classroom (71% vs. 84% of elementary school teachers and 94% of middle school teachers).

Among those who say there are such policies at their school, high school teachers are the most likely to say these are very or somewhat difficult to enforce. Six-in-ten high school teachers say this, compared with 30% of middle school teachers and 12% of elementary school teachers.

Verbal abuse and physical violence from students

Most teachers (68%) say they have experienced verbal abuse from their students, such as being yelled at or verbally threatened. About one-in-five (21%) say this happens at least a few times a month.

Physical violence is far less common, but about one-in-ten teachers (9%) say a student is physically violent toward them at least a few times a month. Four-in-ten say this has ever happened to them.

Differences by school level

Elementary school teachers (26%) are more likely than middle and high school teachers (18% and 16%) to say they experience verbal abuse from students a few times a month or more often.

And while relatively small shares across school levels say students are physically violent toward them a few times a month or more often, elementary school teachers (55%) are more likely than middle and high school teachers (33% and 23%) to say this has ever happened to them.

Differences by poverty level

Among teachers in high-poverty schools, 27% say they experience verbal abuse from students at least a few times a month. This is larger than the shares of teachers in medium- and low-poverty schools (19% and 18%) who say the same.

Experiences with physical violence don’t differ as much based on school poverty level.

Differences by gender

Teachers who are women are more likely than those who are men to say a student has been physically violent toward them. Some 43% of women teachers say this, compared with 30% of men.

There is also a gender difference in the shares of teachers who say they’ve experienced verbal abuse from students. But this difference is accounted for by the fact that women teachers are more likely than men to work in elementary schools.

Addressing behavioral and mental health challenges

Eight-in-ten teachers say they have to address students’ behavioral issues at least a few times a week, with 58% saying this happens every day .

A majority of teachers (57%) also say they help students with mental health challenges at least a few times a week, with 28% saying this happens daily.

Some teachers are more likely than others to say they have to address students’ behavior and mental health challenges on a daily basis. These include:

• Women: 62% of women teachers say they have to address behavior issues daily, compared with 43% of those who are men. And while 29% of women teachers say they have to help students with mental health challenges every day, a smaller share of men (19%) say the same.
• Elementary and middle school teachers: 68% each among elementary and middle school teachers say they have to deal with behavior issues daily, compared with 39% of high school teachers. A third of elementary and 29% of middle school teachers say they have to help students with mental health every day, compared with 19% of high school teachers.
• Teachers in high-poverty schools: 67% of teachers in schools with high levels of poverty say they have to address behavior issues on a daily basis. Smaller majorities of those in schools with medium or low levels of poverty say the same (56% and 54%). A third of teachers in high-poverty schools say they have to help students with mental health challenges every day, compared with about a quarter of those in medium- or low-poverty schools who say they have this experience (26% and 24%). 

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Table of contents, ‘back to school’ means anytime from late july to after labor day, depending on where in the u.s. you live, among many u.s. children, reading for fun has become less common, federal data shows, most european students learn english in school, for u.s. teens today, summer means more schooling and less leisure time than in the past, about one-in-six u.s. teachers work second jobs – and not just in the summer, most popular.

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