The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change

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  • 1 International University of Altdorf.
  • PMID: 19235361

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  • Christianity / history
  • History, 15th Century
  • History, 16th Century
  • History, 17th Century
  • History, Medieval
  • Life Change Events
  • Plague / history*
  • Social Change / history*

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The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change.

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The Journal of Psychohistory , 01 Jan 2009 , 36(3): 249-259 PMID: 19235361 

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High (Plague) Anxiety: Reading the Specter of Pestilence in Late 14th Century British Literature

Profile image of Mary M Alcaro

2017, NYU English Masters Thesis

Despite the widespread suffering caused by the Black Death in England from 1347-1351, few contemporary accounts of the plague or descriptions of plague bodies themselves survive. However, the absence of explicit representation should not be taken as an absence of widespread psychological effect on the medieval population; rather, the scars and anxieties of the plague very much marred the individual and collective psyche of plague survivors as it did their bodies: we just need to know where to look for them. This paper undertakes a search for representations of plague anxiety, for the ways that literature registered-- implicitly and explicitly-- the deep-seated trauma and cultural anxiety resulting from the Black Death from the mid to late 14th century; specifically, it reexamines bodies represented in 14th century devotional and literary texts as bodies suffering from the physical and psychological ravages of The Black Death. Sometimes plague is the overt subject of the text, as in Langland’s Piers Plowman. In other cases, such as Chaucer’s “Pardoner’s Tale,” plague is not named, but represented obliquely through a common set of metaphors. In some instances, trauma is revealed in the description of physical manifestations of sinfulness, as in the Dead Sea’s striking resemblance to a plague bubo in the Pearl Poet’s “Cleanness,” or as the crucified body of Christ resembles a plague-ridden body in Julian of Norwich’s Showings. By reexamining these texts through the lens of plague anxiety, we can see the influence plague-ridden bodies had on late 14th century Britons.

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Kimberly A Coles

the black death an essay on traumatic change

Nat Hardy, PhD, MFA, FRSA

Abstract This dissertation investigates the satirical anatomy of pestilence and the satiric disgust of plague in early modern London. Through the metaphor of the anatomy, satirical anatomists dissected and refashioned the threatened abject bodies of plague: the uninfected bodies and infected bodies of epidemical London. These discursively constructed bodies were symbolically dismembered in a rhetorical invective of satiric blame and disgust. The introduction establishes a definition of plague satire and constructs a methodological framework for its theoretical and historical method. This “grotesque historicism” contextualizes the social and intellectual climate, and the satirical temper as it affects both the early modern conception of “pestilential visitations” and our own understanding of epidemical crisis. Chapter one investigates the emergence of the satirical anatomy, the disciplinary violence and fraudulent empiricism of these allegorical vivisections, and how disgust was used to represent plague in the early modern period. The second chapter explores the mythical origins of the uninfected, abject body; an excremental ontology that was largely fashioned out of embellished biblical typologies. This section demonstrates how satirists used religion and natural philosophy to deform and muddy the grotesque body, a methodology that reestablished the body as a defiling vessel of dung. Chapter three examines the infected body’s toxic discharges and its taxonomy of suppurating sores. This chapter explains how the deformed body was punished through retributive justice, and why this discharging vessel was scapegoated as a source of fear and loathing owing to its contaminating presence. The fourth chapter investigates the infected body’s miasmatic effluents and the hysteria of smells. This chapter examines how anatomising satirists dissected the stench of pestilence, how the defiling moral properties of smells mirrored the prophane state of the body and the city, and how the repulsive odours of plague reinforced the phobic response to pestilence. The conclusion examines the grotesque history of plague satire, a history distorted through the metaphor of the anatomy. This concluding section surveys how the the anatomy helped cultivate a phobic hatred and misanthropical disgust for the “undisplaced myths” of this retributive disease and its sufferers.

Paola Baseotto

Philomathes

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Plague literature by Poe and Lucretius remains highly relevant today as we encounter a human future still defined by infectious diseases. This essay analyzes the oscillation of plague metaphor and non-metaphor in De Rerum Natura (Book VI) by Lucretius and “The Masque of the Red Death” by Edgar Allan Poe. These plague texts are literary palimpsests, with Lucretius rewriting Thucydides and his account of the Athenian plague, and Poe rewriting Boccaccio’s Decameron and its portrayal of literary escape from the bubonic plague. The accounts of plague in Lucretius and Poe 1) oscillate between metaphorical representations of disease and non-metaphorical representations of disease and 2) possess abrupt textual disruptions and failures of metaphor. These disruptions allow for an opening of interpretation and new metaphors, but also invite inquiry into the authors’ biographies and literal deaths. The liberatory possibilities via these textual disruptions may allow the reader participation in a more authentic Being-towards-death as understood by Heidegger in Being and Time. Moreover, the contemplation of our actual future deaths, alongside those of plague victims past and present, with the interrelated moral, ethical, and social implications, may inaugurate a more authentic human relationship to both death and time.

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The Journal of Early Modern Studies

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The article analyses the connection between seventeenth-century English needlework, drama, and plague. Frog pouches-needleworked, perfumed sweet bags used to repel the miasmatic spread of plague-reveal wider attitudes about foreign landscapes in seventeenth-century London and England more generally. This article, then, uses the works of Shakespeare, Jonson, and other playwrights and authors of the period, as well as the materials of frog pouches themselves, to explore the exoticism and accessibility of those environments that frogs inhabit. Foreign animals that lived far from English shores, the article argues, thus provided the scents for pouches. The animals that these pouches mimic reveal a reverence for the rural landscape closer to home but just as unknown.

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Plague Literature: Lessons for Living Well during a Pandemic

Dustin Peone

In the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, many new techniques for remaining healthy have been introduced, but there is little public discussion about how to live well. “Social distancing” is good medicine for the body, but the health of the spirit depends on wisdom. We are all in strange territory, and under such conditions we can only look to the past for counsel. In this book, the philosopher Dustin Peone offers reflections on ten literary classics set during plague times. From each work, he draws one central insight that is applicable to our situation today. These insights are lessons in prudence, taught by the sages of the past. This is a book about how to pursue the good life during a pandemic and what it means to flourish in dark times.

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In this work, I discuss how and why certain texts, published during or immediately after cholera epidemics, opt to represent the plague instead of cholera. They are Paul LaCroix's serial novel La Dance Macabre (1832), Flaubert's short story La Peste a Florence (1836), Ainsworth's Old Saint Pauls' (1841) and Manzoni's I Promessi Sposi (1842). In order to analyse these texts, I will use tools of comparative literature and will dialogue with recent plague scholarship (Palud 2014; Cooke 2009; Totaro 2005; Boeckl 2000).

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Jerrold Atlas

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Jerrold Atlas

  • Other Affiliations: add
  • Research Interests: International Business () edit
  • About: Focused on group theory-behavior, motivations, interpretation of why groups act. On psychohistorical motivations within groups. edit
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Publisher: SAGE Publishing

Publication date: 2009, publication name: journal of psychohistory, research interests: christianity , history , social change , medieval history , life style , and 11 more medieval islamic history , medicine , humans , child , psychohistory , europe , child abuse , plague , historical studies , child rearing , and life change events ( medieval islamic history , medicine , humans , child , psychohistory , europe , child abuse , plague , historical studies , child rearing , and life change events ), publication date: 2007, research interests: psychology (), publisher: the journal of psychohistory, publication name: the journal of psychohistory, research interests: christianity , history , social change , life style , medieval islamic history , and 10 more medicine , humans , child , psychohistory , europe , child abuse , plague , historical studies , child rearing , and life change events ( medicine , humans , child , psychohistory , europe , child abuse , plague , historical studies , child rearing , and life change events ), publication date: 2006, publication date: 2008, research interests: psychology and psychohistory (), research interests: christianity , social change , life style , medieval islamic history , humans , and 7 more child , europe , child abuse , plague , historical studies , child rearing , and life change events ( child , europe , child abuse , plague , historical studies , child rearing , and life change events ), publication name: the journal of psychohistory.

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Black Death

By: History.com Editors

Updated: March 28, 2023 | Original: September 17, 2010

Black Death

The Black Death was a devastating global epidemic of bubonic plague that struck Europe and Asia in the mid-1300s. The plague arrived in Europe in October 1347, when 12 ships from the Black Sea docked at the Sicilian port of Messina. People gathered on the docks were met with a horrifying surprise: Most sailors aboard the ships were dead, and those still alive were gravely ill and covered in black boils that oozed blood and pus. Sicilian authorities hastily ordered the fleet of “death ships” out of the harbor, but it was too late: Over the next five years, the Black Death would kill more than 20 million people in Europe—almost one-third of the continent’s population.

How Did the Black Plague Start?

Even before the “death ships” pulled into port at Messina, many Europeans had heard rumors about a “Great Pestilence” that was carving a deadly path across the trade routes of the Near and Far East. Indeed, in the early 1340s, the disease had struck China, India, Persia, Syria and Egypt.

The plague is thought to have originated in Asia over 2,000 years ago and was likely spread by trading ships , though recent research has indicated the pathogen responsible for the Black Death may have existed in Europe as early as 3000 B.C.

Symptoms of the Black Plague

Europeans were scarcely equipped for the horrible reality of the Black Death. “In men and women alike,” the Italian poet Giovanni Boccaccio wrote, “at the beginning of the malady, certain swellings, either on the groin or under the armpits…waxed to the bigness of a common apple, others to the size of an egg, some more and some less, and these the vulgar named plague-boils.”

Blood and pus seeped out of these strange swellings, which were followed by a host of other unpleasant symptoms—fever, chills, vomiting, diarrhea, terrible aches and pains—and then, in short order, death.

The Bubonic Plague attacks the lymphatic system, causing swelling in the lymph nodes. If untreated, the infection can spread to the blood or lungs.

How Did the Black Death Spread?

The Black Death was terrifyingly, indiscriminately contagious: “the mere touching of the clothes,” wrote Boccaccio, “appeared to itself to communicate the malady to the toucher.” The disease was also terrifyingly efficient. People who were perfectly healthy when they went to bed at night could be dead by morning.

Did you know? Many scholars think that the nursery rhyme “Ring around the Rosy” was written about the symptoms of the Black Death.

Understanding the Black Death

Today, scientists understand that the Black Death, now known as the plague, is spread by a bacillus called Yersinia  pestis . (The French biologist Alexandre Yersin discovered this germ at the end of the 19th century.)

They know that the bacillus travels from person to person through the air , as well as through the bite of infected fleas and rats. Both of these pests could be found almost everywhere in medieval Europe, but they were particularly at home aboard ships of all kinds—which is how the deadly plague made its way through one European port city after another.

Not long after it struck Messina, the Black Death spread to the port of Marseilles in France and the port of Tunis in North Africa. Then it reached Rome and Florence, two cities at the center of an elaborate web of trade routes. By the middle of 1348, the Black Death had struck Paris, Bordeaux, Lyon and London.

Today, this grim sequence of events is terrifying but comprehensible. In the middle of the 14th century, however, there seemed to be no rational explanation for it.

No one knew exactly how the Black Death was transmitted from one patient to another, and no one knew how to prevent or treat it. According to one doctor, for example, “instantaneous death occurs when the aerial spirit escaping from the eyes of the sick man strikes the healthy person standing near and looking at the sick.”

How Do You Treat the Black Death?

Physicians relied on crude and unsophisticated techniques such as bloodletting and boil-lancing (practices that were dangerous as well as unsanitary) and superstitious practices such as burning aromatic herbs and bathing in rosewater or vinegar.

Meanwhile, in a panic, healthy people did all they could to avoid the sick. Doctors refused to see patients; priests refused to administer last rites; and shopkeepers closed their stores. Many people fled the cities for the countryside, but even there they could not escape the disease: It affected cows, sheep, goats, pigs and chickens as well as people.

In fact, so many sheep died that one of the consequences of the Black Death was a European wool shortage. And many people, desperate to save themselves, even abandoned their sick and dying loved ones. “Thus doing,” Boccaccio wrote, “each thought to secure immunity for himself.”

Black Plague: God’s Punishment?

Because they did not understand the biology of the disease, many people believed that the Black Death was a kind of divine punishment—retribution for sins against God such as greed, blasphemy, heresy, fornication and worldliness.

By this logic, the only way to overcome the plague was to win God’s forgiveness. Some people believed that the way to do this was to purge their communities of heretics and other troublemakers—so, for example, many thousands of Jews were massacred in 1348 and 1349. (Thousands more fled to the sparsely populated regions of Eastern Europe, where they could be relatively safe from the rampaging mobs in the cities.)

Some people coped with the terror and uncertainty of the Black Death epidemic by lashing out at their neighbors; others coped by turning inward and fretting about the condition of their own souls.

Flagellants

Some upper-class men joined processions of flagellants that traveled from town to town and engaged in public displays of penance and punishment: They would beat themselves and one another with heavy leather straps studded with sharp pieces of metal while the townspeople looked on. For 33 1/2 days, the flagellants repeated this ritual three times a day. Then they would move on to the next town and begin the process over again.

Though the flagellant movement did provide some comfort to people who felt powerless in the face of inexplicable tragedy, it soon began to worry the Pope, whose authority the flagellants had begun to usurp. In the face of this papal resistance, the movement disintegrated.

How Did the Black Death End?

The plague never really ended and it returned with a vengeance years later. But officials in the port city of Ragusa were able to slow its spread by keeping arriving sailors in isolation until it was clear they were not carrying the disease—creating social distancing that relied on isolation to slow the spread of the disease.

The sailors were initially held on their ships for 30 days (a trentino ), a period that was later increased to 40 days, or a quarantine — the origin of the term “quarantine” and a practice still used today. 

Does the Black Plague Still Exist?

The Black Death epidemic had run its course by the early 1350s, but the plague reappeared every few generations for centuries. Modern sanitation and public-health practices have greatly mitigated the impact of the disease but have not eliminated it. While antibiotics are available to treat the Black Death, according to The World Health Organization, there are still 1,000 to 3,000 cases of plague every year.

Gallery: Pandemics That Changed History

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    The Black Death: An Essay on Traumatic Change - ProQuest Preview Available Scholarly Journal The Black Death: An Essay on Traumatic Change Atlas, Jerrold. The Journal of Psychohistory; New York Vol. 36, Iss. 3, (Winter 2009): 249-259. Copy Link CiteAll Options You might have access to the full article...

  2. The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change

    The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change J Psychohist. 2009 Winter;36 (3):249-59. Author Jerrold Atlas 1 Affiliation 1 International University of Altdorf. PMID: 19235361 No abstract available Publication types Historical Article MeSH terms Child Child Abuse / history* Child Rearing / history*

  3. The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change.

    The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change. J Psychohist. 2009; 36 (3):249-59 (ISSN: 0145-3378) Atlas J PreMedline Identifier: 19235361 From MEDLINE®/PubMed®, a database of the U.S. National...

  4. The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change.

    The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change. Atlas J. Author information. Affiliations. All authors ...

  5. The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change

    The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change. Jerrold Atlas. Journal of Psychohistory 2009, 36 (3): 249-59. No abstract text is available yet for this article.

  6. The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change.

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  7. High (Plague) Anxiety: Reading the Specter of Pestilence in Late 14th

    In his essay on the Black Death's traumatic effect on late 14th-century survivors, Jerrold Atlas argues that the lasting impression of the plague on its 10 survivors was "'group memory', sometimes thought of as 'trauma relieved'." ... "The Black Death: An Essay on Traumatic Change," The Journal of Psychohistory , 36 (3 ...

  8. Jerrold Atlas

    The Black Death: an essay on traumatic change more. by Jerrold Atlas. Publication Date: 2009 Publication Name: The Journal of psychohistory. Research Interests: Christianity, Social Change, Life Style, Medieval Islamic History, Humans, and 7 more Child, Europe, Child Abuse, Plague, Historical Studies, Child Rearing, and Life Change Events

  9. The Black Death (article)

    The Black Death arrived on European shores in 1348. By 1350, the year it retreated, it had felled a quarter to half of the region's population. In 1362, 1368, and 1381, it struck again—as it would periodically well into the 18th century.

  10. Black Death

    The Black Death was a devastating global epidemic of bubonic plague that struck Europe and Asia in the mid-1300s. Explore the facts of the plague, the symptoms it caused and how millions died from it.

  11. Psychological and Geographical Health Impacts

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