English Summary

India and its Neighbouring Countries Essay

India is a great country having extensive borders. Its total borderline is nearly 15000 kms. Its northern frontier stretches from Kashmiri and goes up to Arunachal Pradesh and Assam touching the border of Burma and Bangladesh.

On the periphery of India, lie many countries. In the north Kashmir is surrounded by Afghanistan, Pakistan, Tibet and China. Ladakh is the tri-junction where the frontiers of these three countries kiss each other. Afghanistan is though now friendly towards India, Pakistan and China are hostile.

Along the entire Himalayan range lies the kingdom of Bhutan. The Himalayan kingdom has a benevolent king Its customs, costumes, religion and manners are quite akin to India.

There is the beautiful Himalayan kingdom of Nepal. Nepal is a country, situated in the heart of the mighty Himalayas. Its capital is Kathmandu. Kathmandu is a lovely valley.

India and Nepal are closely linked culturally and historically. The borders of India also touch the plateau of Tibet. This heavenly kingdom is now under the direct control of Communist China. It does not have good relationships with India. Tibet is Shangrila, a land of tranquillity.

Pakistan is the closest neighbour of India. This country came into existence when India was partitioned in 1947. India has always tried her best to be friendly and cordial with Pakistan, but the latter has always been indulging in such activities as are injurious to India. Moreover, in September 1965, in December 1971 and in April-July, 1999, she launched attacks on India.

The relationships with Pakistan have never been friendly. Another neighbour of India is Bangladesh. She is sandwiched between Assam and West Bengal Bangla Desh was born after much bloodshed in December 1971.

She proclaimed her Independence on March 26, 1971, when General Yahya Khan let loose the military terror over the unarmed and innocent people of Bangladesh But the military might of the Pakistan rulers received a deadly blow in the war in December 1971 against India. A

gain, the military has taken over Pakistan and it is now an unstable state. But Indians want to be friendly towards all of their neighbours. Burma is another neighbour of India whose borders touch Assam Sri Lanka is also a neighbour of India.

It is an island that lies in the Indian Ocean, about 70 miles from Cape Comorin. Therefore, India has many neighbours around her Some of them are friendly while others carry on with a negative attitude towards India.

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Net Explanations

Essay on India and her Neighbouring Countries for Class 10, 12 and Mains Exam

Essay on india and her neighbouring countries for class 10, 12, mains exam (upsc, psc, ssc).

India is located in the Asian continent and it is the seventh-largest country in the world. It is the home to people of diverse cultures, traditions, languages and religion. It has gained paramount importance for the contributions it has made to the world. India promotes living in unity and so it has maintained peaceful relations with its neighbouring countries. India is the second most populous country in the world and has a democratic form of government. It has a developing mixed economy and is considered the world’s sixth largest economy due the purchasing power parity and nominal GDP. India shares borders with the supreme countries Bhutan, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, China, Srilanka and Myanmar.

India’s relation with her neighbour’s:

India is one of the founding members of South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) with an aim to promote cooperation, progress and development of the neighbouring countries. It’s relation with her neighbouring countries are briefly stated below:

India’s relation with Pakistan:

Pakistan never tried to maintain convivial relations with India. Whereas India made severe efforts to maintain jovial relations with it. Pakistan has been always been raising the issue to capture Kashmir for which it is engaging in bitter fights with India. Boththe countries maintain trade relations on food and pharmaceutical grounds.They are engaged with each other on grounds,such as, world cup cricket match, movie promotions, clothing, music, food and religion.

India’s relation with Bhutan:

India and Bhutan share a bilateral relationship, marked by understanding, cooperation, trust and goodwill.  Indian government supports the socio- economic development of Bhutan. The hydro-power cooperation benefits both the countries economically. Bhutan is India’s largest trading partner. India exports cement, dolomite, ferro-silicon, calcium carbide, silicon carbide, timber and cardamom. India fulfils the educational aspirations of many Bhutanese students by accommodating them in universities and providing scholarships.

India’s relation with Myanmar:

Myanmar shares a border with north-eastern India. India established the Sittwe port in Myanmar to obstruct China’s geostrategic impressionsin Rakhine. Indian companies such as Essar, ONGC Videsh Ltd., GAIL have invested in the energy sectors of Myanmar. Indian Myanmar Bilateral Army Exercise aims at promoting relations with the armies. Both the countries maintain cultural relations in terms of ancient histories of colonialism and Buddhist heritage. India is taking initiatives to restore the Ananda temple in Bagan and few of the Pagodas.

India’s relation with Nepal:

India and Nepal enjoygreat bilateral relations. They are politically united due to frequent visits of the leaders of the two countries. India assists the Nepal Army by providing sufficient training and sending equipment. Personnel from Nepal Army attend training courses in various Indian army institutions. Small and large rivers flow from Nepal to India and form a quintessential part of the river Ganges basin. India and Nepal signed the Power Exchange Agreement for meeting the energy requirements on the borders of the two countries. Nepal imports motor vehicles, petroleum products, electrical equipment, agricultural equipment, cement, coal from India. India provides scholarships to Nepalese students for pursuing higher education.

India’s relation with Bangladesh:

India’s largest trading partner is Bangladesh in the South Asian region. India has granted duty free access to Bangladeshi products. In order to encourage trade New Delhi has also reduced the non-tariff barriers. Kolkata is connected to Bangladesh by a bus service route that was launched in 1999. Maitri Express was launched by the two countries to initiate transportation. India provided assistance to Bangladesh for setting up orphanages, educational institutions and cultural centres. The visa process of the Bangladeshi tourists was also simplified by the Indian government.

India’s relation with Sri Lanka:

Sri Lanka and India maintains cordial relationships since the independence. Both of them enjoy a robust commercial relationship. India invested for Sri Lanka in areas of telecommunication,metal industries, real estate, banking, food processing, hospitality and tourism. Dabur, Ashok Leyland, Bharti airtel, LIC, Taj Hotels, Tata companies are Indian businesses organisations present in Sri Lanka.The Indian cultural organization in Colombo promotes Indian culture by offering classes in Indian dance, music and yoga.

India’s relation with Afghanistan:

Indi and Afghanistan share a strong bond based on historical and cultural links. The Strategic Partnership Agreement between the two countries provides help to reform and rebuild Afghanistan’s infrastructure. In order to encourage Afghanistan’s exports, India provides access them to duty free trade. Phoenix, APTECH, KEC, Spice Jet, Air India GSA are some of the renowned Indian companies doing business in Afghanistan. Indian film music and songs arealso influenced by Afghani music.

India’s relationship with China:

India and China do not share a cordial relation although India wanted to solve the boundary issues.China is India’s largest trading partner so it has tried to improve the relation to some extent. But China’s economic interests have always collided with that of India.

Conclusion:

India is a vast country with a mosaic of cultures. It has earned the position of respect in South East Asia. India has maintained good relations with all its neighbours due to its progressive mindset. India’s foreign policy involves maintaining cooperation, freedom and peace with all the neighbouring countries. Ignoring the conflicts of the pasts, Indian political leaders always try to cooperate with the neighbouring countries.

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India and her neighbours.

India and her Neighbours

India has always been known as a peace-loving country and has always strived hard to champion the cause of peace in the world. Being a country with a huge population of 1.5 billion people, India is surrounded by many neighbouring countries with whom she has traditionally tried to maintain friendly and good-neighbourly relations.

Read More :  First Impression is the last impression ,   Importance of Crops in India India’s neighbours are Pakistan, Afghanistan, China, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.  But from strategic point of view we will take Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal as a case study. Ever since India got her independence in 1947 she was eager to have friendly relations with all the countries of the world particularly her neighbours, with Pakistan being on the top of her priority list. With the exception of China and Pakistan, India has cordial and friendly relations with all her neighbours though problems keep brewing up. The foreign policy orientations and attitudes of all these countries towards India exercised profound influence on the framers of the India’s foreign policy. On its part India tried to maintain cordial and friendly relations with these countries but has found considerable difficulties in dealing with these neighbouring countries and often they have adopted hostile postures towards India, presumably at the instigation of these foreign powers. With India being situated in a politically turmoiled geography her relations with the neighbours are always characterized by ups and downs. In her relations with her neighbours, India has been following the five principles of the famous Panchsheel, which have mid dividends.

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India and Pakistan tied by history but divided by destiny have so much in common-geographically, historically, culturally and economically as both constituted a single entity till 1947. The partition of the country into a muslim and hindu nation with Kashmir being a bone of contention have only embittered the realtions between them. Some of the problem that threatenend Indo-Pak relations are boundary dispute, refugee problem, canal water dispute, question of princely states and so on. Kashmir still remains an unresolved problem even today with three wars fought for it in 1948, 1965 and 1999. In 1971 india was dragged into a third war by Pakistan and the result was the liberation of Bangladesh. The Simla Agreement between India and Pakistan after the 1971 Indo-Pak war was the culmination of India’s efforts for restoration of peace and reconciliation in the sub-continent. But owing to false apprehensions Pakistan has failed to extend her cooperation towards normalisation of relations with India. Pakistan gave a negative twist to the peaceful nuclear explosion by India and levelled unwarranted and baseless allegations against India. Thus, the progress towards restoration of friendly relations with this immediate neighbour of India has been rather slow. To top it Pakistan’s nefarious brains and rogue intelligence agency has always been behind the spate of violence in Kashmir and attacks in India. 

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In 1978, visit of India’s External Affairs Minister to Pakistan gave a new turn to the relations between the two countries, when they agreed to improve their relations on basis of equality, non-interference and goodwill. But the Kargil war in 1999 further embittered the relations between the two. Former President General Pervez Musharaff started malicious propaganda against India resulting in the failure of Agra Summit in 2001. After that dialogues and talks were held from both sides with no concrete results till 2007 when due to internal squabbles Benazir Bhutto was assassinated leading to emergency in Pakistan.

With India proclaimed as a ‘soft state’ Pakistan continued to bleed it white with 26/11, being the most brutal scar to India’s integrity. Both the countries continue to attend secretary level talks and exchanging dossiers with the perpetrators of terror attacks roaming free and no concrete solution being achieved till now.  The relations between India and Sri Lanka have been historical and both have remained cordial for a long term particularly during Nehru’s and Bandarnaika’s tenures. The era of warmth suddenly came to an end due to racial disturbances in Sri Lanka. Though under Rajiv-Jayawardana accord (July 24, 1989) Indian Peace Keeping forces (IPKF) landed in Sri Lanka, they had to be recalled due to vehement criticism both at home and abroad. India had to pay a heavy price including the life of our soldiers and then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. After that India followed a policy of non-intervention in the ethnic conflicts of Sri Lanka. India and Sri Lanka succeeded in finalizing the free trade agreement in March 1999 which proposes phasing out of tariffs on large number of items. By 2000 the attitude of both Lankan government and LLTE got a change. This is due to the prompt response of India in despatching aid to flood ravaged areas in Lanka in 2003. After the death of LTTE leader Prabhakaran much has now been calm between the two countries. President Rajapakshe further strengthened the bond by attending the World Cup 2011 final match between India and Sri Lanka in Mumbai.

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Indo-Bangladesh relations continued to be further strengthened and consolidated in all spheres in the spirit of close friendship, mutual confidence and co-operation. It was in the spirit of goodwill and cooperation that the land boundary question between the two countries was settled for the cause of peace, welfare and progress of the peoples of the two countries. The visit of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to India and that of Shri V.V. Giri to Bangladesh in 1974 provided an opportunity to the two nations to strengthen the growing ties of cooperation between them. After the assassination of Rehman, the policy of Bangladesh towards India witnessed a change. There are some points of disagreement which, according to India, can be settled by bilateral negotiations. The Farakka accord on sharing of Ganga Waters signed in September 1977 is a historic agreement negotiated between India and Bangladesh. The present Prime Minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Hasina is maintaining a cordial relationship with India, with the latter supporting with all necessary economic aid. In return, India has asked not to provide shelter to Maoists who flee to Bangladesh. There exists an ethno demographic relationship between India and Nepal with high rate of migration, cross-border marriage and family relationships as principal feature of this relationship. Though there were strains in the initial stages with anti-India feelings, the sworning in as Prime Minister by Girija Prasad Koirala helped to establish a very cordial relationship. The bond of friendship further increased when India included Nepalese language in the VIII schedule of the constitution. During the crisis of restoring peace and democracy in the country India offered her good offices in restoring peace. Indo-Nepalese economic relations are intimate with India being a major participant in Nepal’s economic development.

Thus, India’s relation with her neighbours has not been cordial. In one way or the other we have misunderstandings with our neighbours. Circumstances forced India, the universal apostle of peace to wage war with her neighbours particularly Pakistan and China not only once but many times. Smoke still emerges out of Indo-Pak and Indo- China borders. Illegal activities surrounding the border are posing many threats to India’s security. In such a scenario India should adopt a stance of initiating meaningful dialogues with its troublesome neighbours as ‘dialogue is the backbone of diplomacy.’ And with India progressing with leaps and bounds it is emerging as a major global player in international affairs and now the whole world is looking to it with an altogether different perspective. Thus, India should adopt the foreign policy that “in international relations there is no permanent friend and no permanent foe, only the interests are permanent.” 

Read More :  Valentine's Day- What it means to you! ,     Dreaming Big is the First Step to Success

Read More :  Peace begins with a smile ,    A quitter never wins and a winner never quits

For such topics of Basic understanding on the subject matter which may be useful for CAT 2011 admissions and for Essay writing / GD & PI sessions, please keep on visiting www.mbarendezvous.com , Portal with Management by objective approach. 

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essay on india and its neighbours

Evolution of ‘India’s Neighbourhood First Policy’ Since Independence

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  • Published: 06 February 2023
  • Volume 60 , pages 224–232, ( 2023 )

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The ‘Neighbourhood First Policy’ is the anchor point of India’s general foreign policy since independence in 1947. Subsequently, the Neighbourhood First Policy has evolved, was debilitated, and has been reformed under the various prime ministers of India. Based on preferences and perceptions about the South Asian neighbourhood, the Neighbourhood First Policy has been implemented differently. This article aims to analyse the Neighbourhood First Policy of India under four different prime ministers (Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Inder Kumar Gujral, and Narendra Modi). The article investigates the pretexts behind each premier’s way of handling the Neighbourhood First Policy followed by an empirical analysis.

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General Conclusions

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Introduction

Bhutan, Afghanistan, the Maldives, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Pakistan all share borders with India, and these states vary in strengths, resources, and sizes. The connection between India and the countries of South Asia is the focus of the Neighbourhood First Policy (NFP), which is also known as the South Asian Foreign Policy (SAFP). India’s strategy towards its near neighbours is based on efforts to promote South Asian peace and cooperation. Its NFP approach prioritises countries on the periphery, with an emphasis on promoting trade, connectivity, and contact among people. It is critical for India to build long-term links between its domestic ambitions and its foreign policy objectives if it is to play a significant role in the growing politics of a multipolar world.

India’s political and socioeconomic progress is highly dependent on the stable, safe, and peaceful environment of its neighbours (Das, 2016 ). ‘No nation can become a genuine power in the world arena’, according to Mohan ( 2007 ), unless it has long-term primacy in its own neighbourhood. According to Muni and Mohan ( 2004 ), ‘India’s ability to manage its own neighbourhood will determine whether it achieves its goal of becoming one of Asia’s major powers.’ India considers its NFP as a main instrument of its foreign policy. At the same time, the policy has been criticised for being inconsistent and misinterpreted. Our aim is to investigate India’s NFP from the point of view of four prime ministers of India.

First, we evaluate the approach of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru towards his neighbours. Nehru took a broad view of India’s neighbours and placed them within a larger Asian context. Iran, Russia, and Central Asia were among India’s strategic neighbours at that time. Due to its interest in Tibet and Xinjiang, China became India’s new neighbour at the same time in 1950–1951. New Delhi had previously dealt and communicated with Tibet and Xinjiang as separate entities (Singh 2019 ). In this section, we explore how the NFP got trapped between Nehru’s attempt to balance idealism and realism.

Second, we evaluate the approach of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi towards the neighbourhood. During the Indira Gandhi era, India’s foreign policy was far more focused on regional issues in South Asia than it had been on the preceding two decades of independence. There are various pretexts on which Gandhi became assertive in regard to the handling of the Indian neighbourhood, which is briefly discussed in this review. It is difficult to separate her unique position and contribution from other elements, such as domestic political events and external relations and conditions, when discussing India and its neighbours.

Third, Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral attempted to redefine India’s NFP by adding a ‘big brother responsibility’ flavour to it. The Gujral Doctrine is a set of five principles laid out by Gujral, who had served as India’s foreign minister before becoming prime minister, to guide the conduct of India’s diplomatic relations with its near neighbours. The Gujral Doctrine is credited for significantly altering the way India’s bilateral interactions with its immediate neighbours, particularly the smaller ones, were conducted. The philosophy was also well received by the latter, who were enthusiastic about the concepts it outlined (Murthy, 1999 ).

Fourth, since 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has tried to revive the NFP by first inviting all heads of state from South Asia to his oath-taking ceremony. Modi picked Thimphu as his first port of call 3 weeks after beginning his first term as the prime minister of India with a glittering swearing-in ceremony in New Delhi attended by the leaders of numerous South Asian countries (Bhaumik 2021 ). Kathmandu was his second overseas destination in the area, which he visited on August 3 and 4, 2014. Throughout the first term and in his second term, Modi supposedly anchored his foreign policy through the NFP. However, the scenario of bilateral relations of India with most of its neighbouring states and the current situation on regional integration tell us otherwise.

This is a qualitative study based on the analysis of primary and secondary sources. It applies discourse analysis and comparative analysis to these sources. Discourse analysis means analysing the speeches and decisions made by the prime ministers and the resulting transformations in how the NFP was construed. The study focusses on four prime ministers to delineate the following sequence. First, Nehru laid a foundation by being more region-centric and pragmatic in his last phases as the prime minister. On the basis of that, Indira Gandhi portrayed herself as an assertive realist in terms of her NFP. The Gujral Doctrine laid an optimistic and wise NFP, and based on that foundation, Modi has tried to revive the NFP since 2014.

Nehru’s Approach to Neighbourhood: A Mixture of Ignorance and Optimism

India’s NFP was shaped primarily during the British rule as a form of geopolitics, and it continued in the postcolonial era in the subcontinent. The British conceived the neighbourhood in terms of a ‘diplomacy of dependency’ (Mohan, 2013 , p. 4). Wilson ( 1990 pp. 42) observed that the foundation of India’s post-independent NFP started with a speech by the first prime minister of India, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, specifically about Nepal. However, the speech regarding Nepal reveals India’s overall intention regarding its small-state neighbours in South Asia. On 6 January 1950, Nehru said in the Indian Parliament: ‘... As much as we appreciate the independence of Nepal, we cannot allow anything to go wrong in Nepal or permit that barrier to be crossed or weakened, because that would be a risk to our own security’ (Thapliyal 2012 ). After the speech about Nepal, Indian neighbourhood policy extended to the Himalayan group states (Bhutan, Nepal, and Sikkim) and later expanded to the second group of countries which included Pakistan, East Pakistan (Bangladesh), and Sri Lanka.

Singh ( 2020 ) argued that Nehru was successful in dealing with South Asian countries, and his major achievement was bringing Bhutan and Nepal into the domain of Indian security interests. For example, the ‘Treaty of Friendship’ with Bhutan was signed in 1949, and one year later (1950), the ‘Treaty of Peace and Friendship’ with Nepal was signed. A similar kind of treaty was also signed with Sikkim in 1950. While China’s expansion towards Tibet has posed security concerns in South Asia, the agreement with Nepal and Sikkim was specifically targeted to mitigate China’s march towards India’s neighbourhood. Based on the agreement, New Delhi got the right to deploy troops in Sikkim which reflected realism in Nehru’s approach. Here, Nehru showed a strong realist tendency to manage the Himalayan state of South Asia, which was important for India’s security perspective, but it also led to various criticisms (Mohan, 2013 , p. 2). 1-2.; Singh, 2020 , p. 11-12). As it was against Gandhian principles, this move was criticised by fellow party members of the Indian National Congress (INC).

Basically, Nehru considered the subcontinent as ‘an exclusive sphere of influence for New Delhi’. He pragmatically tried to promote democracy in the Himalayan states in order to pursue India’s security interests. Mitra ( 2020 ) defined the Nehruvian approach as ‘a special relationship’ with these Himalayan states, and Nehru’s approach was centred on the ideas of democracy, motivated treaty, manipulation, and overwhelming diplomacy. All this pushed the Himalayan states strategically towards the buffer states. Nehru’s increasing strategic closeness with the Himalayan states made the Chinese anxious about the intentions of India. As a result, the 1962 Sino-Indo war occurred which violated 1954’s Panchsheel Agreement signed between India and China (Mitra, 2020 , pp. 235-236). Although Panchsheel was an agreement signed between India and China, it remained India’s leading foreign policy for the South Asian states. The principles of Panchsheel included (1) mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, (2) mutual non-aggression, (3) mutual non-interference, (4) equality and cooperation for mutual benefit, and (5) peaceful coexistence. The 1962 war with China exposed India’s poor defence strategy and forced New Delhi to improve its defence. The war worked as an alarm for India’s strategic thinking as the leaders realised that India cannot rely only on an idealistic mindset of a peaceful coexistence.

Dutt ( 1980 ) argued that Nehru’s overall Himalayan and immediate neighbourhood policy was driven by a sentiment which Dutt described as a ‘big brother approach toward little brothers’. Nehru instructed Vallabhbhai Patel (the then former deputy prime minister of India) to activate ‘democratic forces’ in Bhutan, Nepal, and Sikkim. The instruction projected Nehru’s intention to create an environment where states such as these three would show a willingness to join India or choose to remain in India’s sphere of influence zone. This was carried out as a part of Nehru and Patel’s attempts to accommodate many princely states in India after independence. This move cautioned Nepal, and Nepal made it clear that they would accept India as a defence partner bounded by the friendship treaty, but would not compromise their sovereignty. The concerns of Nepal turned out to be well founded later when the friendship treaty between India and Sikkim was terminated and Sikkim chose to be part of India (between 1974 and 1975) with a special status (Article 371F as per the Indian constitution). Nepal and Bhutan both got membership in the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and 1971 respectively. In addition to Bhutan and Nepal, other independent Himalayan states remained dependent in terms of trade and security which secured the fact that India remained a dominant actor in these states. India continues to provide development assistance to these Himalayan states to advance its geopolitical motives (Dutt, 1980 , pp. 71-78).

Overall, Lal ( 2009 ) identified three assumptions in Nehruvian foreign policy: (1) After independence, New Delhi continued the British role and responsibility as a leader of the Indian subcontinent. The subcontinent lies between Iran and Indonesia, the Indian Ocean, and the Hindukush-Himalayas. (2) India was the main leader of the anticolonial struggles and wanted to create a buffer for the third-world countries and influence the balance between the first and second world. After World War II, the world was caught in the dilemma that ensued during the Cold War between two power rivals. Nehru became a torchbearer of the Non-Alignment Movement to balance peace and stability as well as security in the subcontinent along with other newly independent countries. (3) Nehru’s idea was to collaborate with China to maintain the freedom of Asian states with superpower rivalry (Lal, 2009 ; Mitra, 2020 , p. 237). In general, Nehru wanted a safe environment in the Indian subcontinent and a strong security link around the Indian territories to maintain India’s new independence and mitigate internal as well as external challenges. There were external and internal defence challenges, and at the same time, India was engaged in the strong task of internal unification. Nehru’s assumption that the Himalayan states would be easier in terms of maintaining security and close relations also turned out to be a challenging task.

For Nehru, Panchsheel remained the leading policy for dealing with India’s neighbours (Sahoo, 2016 , p. 70-71). But Nehru’s idea of neighbours had a broader Asian framework with a geostrategic spectrum that included Iran, Russia, and Central Asia. Similarly, India projected its interest to maintain autonomous state-level relationships with Tibet and Xinjiang during 1950–1951. Muni ( 2003 pp. 187) argued that Nehru wanted to build an ‘East Federation’ of India along with the major Asian countries. This was an idea that sought a ‘broader vision of unity and solidarity’. On this front, Muni also argued that in the aspiration to build a broader role for India, Nehru had a ‘tendency to take smaller neighbours for granted’. Nehru considered New Delhi’s strategic interests primarily in terms of ‘ensuring peace and stability in its neighbourhood’. On the contrary, Nehru’s adversary Ram Manohar Lohia (leader of the Socialist Party of India) presented an ‘idea of confederation with Pakistan and other neighbourhoods’ (Chattopadhyay, 2011 , p. 95) which was neglected by Nehru. According to Singh ( 2019 ), Nehru propagated the ‘family approach’ as a main anchoring idea of his NFP aiming to treat its neighbour as ‘part of a one whole’. As a result, Nehru chose to micromanage its neighbours, which in many instances turned out to be counterproductive. One among them was the fact that the Nehruvian NFP was mainly concentrated on security aspects rather than economic dimensions. The building of infrastructure and development projects had barely been part of Delhi’s strategy towards its neighbours under his tenure.

Indira Gandhi and the Neighbourhood: A Phase of Regional Assertion

Indira Gandhi abandoned the ‘family approach’ of the Indian NFP. Gandhi took some decisive actions in India’s neighbourhood. Two major successes were credited in her neighbourhood approach: (1) the inclusion of Sikkim (later merged with India in 1975) under the Indian protectorate and (2) the liberation and independence of Bangladesh from Pakistan (Singh, 2019 ). As forcefulness and decisiveness had never been a part of Nehru’s leadership towards the neighbourhood, Indira showed a more assertive and realist approach in South Asia. Indira Gandhi’s foreign policy was based on the famous ‘Monroe Doctrine’ to position India in its South Asian neighbourhood. Mohan ( 2003 ) explained Gandhi’s belief in the ‘Indian neighbourhood’, where she believed it to be an exclusive zone of supremacy and dominance. She also wanted that ‘no foreign power would be allowed to interfere’ in the region. Mohan regarded India’s Monroe doctrine as ‘buttressed by the principle of bilateralism’. He called it the ‘Indira Doctrine’, and New Delhi believed that the problem of the South Asian region must be resolved bilaterally and there is no place for external players to interfere in those affairs. (Sahoo, 2016 , p. 71).

Wariavwalla ( 1983 pp. 278-281) characterised the ‘national security of Indira’s India’ as an era of ‘high defence spending’. These were reflected in the mobilisation of India’s security strength against any external enemy. Gandhi believed that India is surrounded by multiple security threats. Similarly, Wilson ( 1990 ) argued that Gandhi was more concerned about the ‘greater challenges to New Delhi’s geostrategy in the region’. Naming it ‘India interest’, Indira’s policies to safeguard Indian benefit in the neighbourhood are often described as ‘more than what Nehru did’. She forged the idea of South Asia as a ‘troubled region’ which then gave her an opportunity to intervene in the regional matters. Her intervention in Sikkim and Bangladesh is the best example of protecting India’s interests (Wilson, 1990 , p. 43-51). Chattopadhyay ( 2011 pp. 96) regarded Indira Gandhi’s NFP as ‘a wide range of assertive and realistic Indian-centric orientation[s]’ where she also included the dynamics of ‘technological defence capacity’ in India. It was a warning to neighbours that India will act aggressively in a hegemonic nature if New Delhi got a sense of threat to its unity and territorial integrity. (Dixit, 2001 , p. 30).

Bhattarai and Pulami ( 2020 , p.42) presented Indira Gandhi’s NFP as an intention of ‘keeping foreign powers away from any kind of conventional influence in the regional security framework’. Appadorai ( 1982 ) perceived Indira’s neighbourhood approach as ‘far from idealism, not guided by sentimentalism, and a mixture of very clear thinking and hard-headed decision making of the situation’ (Das, 2016 , p. 21). Biswas ( 2020 , p. 1321) mentioned Indira Gandhi’s policies were motivated by establishing a subcontinental hegemony to protect India from territorial hostilities. Likewise, Richter ( 1987 ) argued that ‘Mrs. Gandhi’s Neighbourhood policy was anchored by her personality and the style of functioning’. He also added that not only did Mrs. Gandhi reduce the size of Pakistan by forming a separate nation, Bangladesh (1971), but also her vision helped to form the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in 1985. Although it has been argued that the establishment of SAARC was a ‘small states gang-up against India’, it nonetheless shows Indira’s intention to unite the region as one. Richter defined Indira’s NFP in three arguments: (a) regional relations took place within a well-established Indo-centric and India-dominant geopolitical context, (2) her personal style of reacting to internal and external threats with a massive force had a considerable impact on relations with neighbours, and (3) India’s relations with other South Asian nations during this period depended greatly on the mixture of leadership and her personal attributes (Richter, 1987 , p. 250).

During Indira Gandhi’s prime ministership, Indo-Pakistan relations were hostile because of the tri-party struggle for the independence of Bangladesh. The recognition of Bangladesh became the responsibility of Mrs. Gandhi, which led to her visit to the US and European capitals to gain a vote of confidence—and she emerged victorious. In 1972, Gandhi and the Pakistani president settled their differences peacefully in Shimla, known as the ‘Shimla Agreement’. During her tenure, the predominant position of India in the region was widely recognised, especially by the USA. Having dealt with domestic political issues, Gandhi was also criticised for her ‘increasing authoritarian nature’ domestically and in South Asia. During Gandhi’s era, there was considerable political drama in the South Asian region. There was no place for a ‘cultural cooperation’; rather, it was the game of geopolitical supremacy among these states. Richter said that the Indian authors used the term ‘neighbour’ and ‘neighbourhood’ to refer to its smaller neighbouring countries. In fact, Burma (Myanmar) and China shared a long border with India, but both countries were ‘frequently excluded’ from the status of ‘neighbourhood’. The inclusion of Afghanistan in India’s neighbourhood was conditional based on political interest (Richter, 1987 , p.; Behuria, Pattanaik & Gupta, 2012 , p. 236).

We found that her domestic politics was based on a socialist structure, but her approach to the neighbours was assertively realist in nature. Most authors have analysed Mrs. Gandhi as a powerful lady, and it was reflected in India’s neighbourhood policy. But it was Tharoor ( 1982 pp. 55) who manifested the personality of Mrs. Gandhi as one driven by insecurity and a ‘desire to dominate or else she will be dominated’. Thus, she ‘transformed the system to ensure her personal survival and dominance’. She made many controversial decisions to hold her power, for example, the 1975 emergency and military footsteps in the Golden Temple of Amritsar, Punjab. So, domestically, she faced major challenges and lost her power in the 1977 General Assembly election, which was the first occasion when a non-Congress party made the government. That was the phase where she faced criticism both domestically and externally. Unlike her father, her policy towards the neighbourhood was implemented mainly in a geopolitical arena. Her role in India’s foreign policy can be summed up as an era of New Delhi’s footprints dominating the region of South Asia.

The Gujral Doctrine: The Dream of Being a Responsible Big Brother

After Indira Gandhi’s assertive neighbourhood engagement, a notable NFP was initiated under the Union minister of external affairs, Inder Kumar Gujral (who later became the prime minister of India from April 1997 to March 1998). The policy that he had initiated became famously known as the ‘Gujral Doctrine’. The Gujral Doctrine is credited for significantly altering the way India’s bilateral interactions with its immediate neighbours, particularly the smaller ones, were conducted. The doctrine is based on five principles that suggest how India should treat its neighbours. The five principles are (Murthy 1999 ):

India does not demand reciprocity from its neighbours Bangladesh, Bhutan, the Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, but instead gives and accommodates what it can in good faith and trust.

No country in South Asia should allow its territory to be used against the interests of another in the region.

No country should interfere in another’s domestic affairs.

All countries in South Asia must respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of each other.

All of their disagreements must be resolved through peaceful bilateral dialogue.

India assumed a natural leadership role in the South Asian area due to its size, geography, and economic potential. On the other hand, the overbearing presence of India as a neighbour with aspirations for global leadership caused concerns among India’s neighbours. Bhasin ( 2008 ) opined that India’s presence in South Asia has become a dilemma better captured in the phrase ‘Perceived Hegemony vs. Reluctant Leadership’.

Before the reorientation of India’s NFP, some of the major developments in the region can be seen to have created a ‘fear psychosis’ among the small neighbouring states which essentially worked against India. For example, India was accused of exploiting the 1987 India-Sri Lanka agreement as a pretext to show its military might in the region. The agreement enables India to play a diplomatic role in ending the conflict in Sri Lanka between the Tamils and the Sinhalese (Mehta, 2009 ). Similarly, in November 1988, the Indian military responded to a request from the Maldives’ de jure government by assisting in the suppression of an attempted coup on the island. The Maldives episode would not have drawn much attention if it had occurred alone, but the fact that it occurred less than a year after India’s military intervention in Sri Lanka exacerbated negative impressions of India (Brewster 2014 ).

Gupta ( 1997 ) argued that for the first time in 50 years, the Gujral Doctrine had lowered tensions and conflicts between India and all its neighbours. In 1996–1997, the contract with Nepal to temper the Mahakali River to generate hydroelectricity practically coincided with the resolution of the water sharing conflict with Bangladesh in barely 3 months. It was followed by agreements with Sri Lanka to deepen developmental cooperation, as well as some unilateral moves by India to overcome the long-standing impasse in Indo-Pakistan relations. The Gujral Doctrine has been known for its action-orientated diplomatic thrusts. Chattopadhyay ( 2011 ) argued that the Gujral Doctrine stands out as a conflict resolution mechanism initiated by the Indian government in the South Asian region.

However, the Gujral Doctrine has been criticised for various reasons, although it managed to achieve results. Jain ( 1999 ) argued that India conveyed the incorrect signals to Pakistan by promoting such a concept, as the then–foreign minister Gujral did. In fact, Islamabad’s leadership circles publicly accused India of isolating Pakistan because the Gujral concept did not need reciprocity from any other South Asian country except Pakistan. Additionally, in the region, the concept smacked of Indian hegemony. Ghosh ( 1997 ) agrees with Jain that although the Gujral Doctrine has been argued as a leading policy of conflict resolution in the region, it completely failed to resolve the issue with Pakistan. Jain also criticised the personification of such a doctrine. He argues that the doctrine gives the appearance that, like Eisenhower, Nixon, Kennedy, and Clinton, India is devoted to maintaining its global or superpower status, which is far from the case. Such ideas are untenable in a parliamentary democracy, as opposed to a presidential democracy. Even if this is true, the philosophy should be known as ‘the Gowda doctrine’ (the prime minister when the Gujral Doctrine was formed) because in the Indian parliamentary form of government, it was the prime minister, not Mr. Gujral, who benefited from such a privilege.

The successor of Gujral, Atal Bihari Bajpayee, centred his campaign by criticising Gujral’s idea of regional politics. The BJP-led federal government abandoned the Gujral ideology. Vajpayee stated that India’s relations with its neighbours would be based on reciprocity. This obviously demonstrates that Prime Minister Vajpayee had reversed the Gujral theory, which was at best a political gimmick or an attempt to build Bajpayee’s own image as a foreign policy pundit in India. Even after the Mumbai terrorist attack in 2008, a piece written in India Today managed to connect it to how it was Gujral’s fault. During his tenure, Gujral had shut down covert operations in Pakistan (Vinayak 2008 ).

Although A.B. Vajpayee’s NFP begins with the rhetoric that ‘We can change our friends but we cannot change our neighbours’, his action remained out of focus due to the nuclear test in 1998. After 1998, India’s foreign policy orientation shifted towards engaging western countries. Since 2014, Prime Minister Modi has tried to revive the NFP, and his attempts have been interpreted as a re-emergence of the ‘Gujral Doctrine’ with a Modi flavour.

Modi’s Hide and Seek with the Neighbourhood

After the landslide victory of the right-wing ‘Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’, Narendra Modi became India’s prime minister in 2014. India’s NFP under his government has been going through many ups and downs. Modi defied conventions by inviting the heads of state in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) members, a move largely regarded as a significant shift in India’s foreign policy. The rationale behind India’s neighbourhood strategy is that India cannot project its power outside of South Asia unless it can manage its relations with its neighbours, especially when all of these countries have asymmetric relationships with India due to its massive population, military, geography, and economy (Chand 2017 ). Following this rationale, Modi’s government reintroduced the so-called NFP. Likewise, Modi also revised the ‘Look East Policy’ to an ‘Act East Policy’ that projected India’s intentions to be more proactive in its East Asian Policy, as it is very vital to India’s securitization of its northern states. On the other hand, NFP aims to ‘strengthen regional forums like SAARC’ and ‘pursue cordial’ in the neighbourhood. Given Modi’s decision to invite all SAARC leaders to the organisation’s inauguration on May 26, 2014, his first trip out of the country, to Bhutan, demonstrates his commitment to enhancing India’s neighbourhood connections before focussing on the rest of the world (Aryal 2021 ).

Similarly, Panda ( 2014 ) argued that Modi, who ran on a platform of good governance and economic growth, would seek to improve India’s economy by strengthening ties with its neighbours and, ideally, elevating India to the status of a regional leader within the SAARC’s institutional structure. However, by 2022, the intentions Modi began with in 2014 of gathering all the heads of state from South Asia gave a dual impression. In retrospect, Dixit ( 2016 ) argued that it appears more like George V’s darbar (court), with local power brokers gathered to applaud the emperor king. The Modi approach to the neighbourhood came under scrutiny and was declared to have failed to achieve the essence of the NFP. There are three major events which signify that Modi’s NFP needs serious reform.

First, India has shown passive interest in the regional integration of South Asia. The SAARC is the only regional organisation that has all the South Asian states as members. The SAARC still lacks an effective platform for discussing and addressing terrorism-related issues in the region (Muzaffar, Jathol & Yaseen 2017 ). The number of cancelled meetings is another important aspect that adds to the slow pace of progress. Due to bilateral tensions, member state presidents have previously refused to attend the SAARC summit. For example, Pakistan was set to host the 19th SAARC Summit in 2016, but India declined due to Islamabad’s role in the Uri incident. The grenade strikes carried out by four terrorists near the town of Uri in the Indian Union state of Jammu and Kashmir are known as the ‘Uri attack’. The ‘Uri attack’ is considered as ‘the bloodiest attack on security forces in Kashmir in two decades’ (Aryal & Nair 2021 ). After this incident and India’s increasing pessimism regarding SAARC, they have focused more on sub-regional groupings which intentionally exclude Pakistan and Afghanistan. India later advocated for sub-regional organisations such as BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, and Nepal) and BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation), both of which exclude Pakistan (Gilani 2019 ).

Second, the bilateral relations of India with most of the South Asian states are facing challenges. The India-Pakistan relation debacle concerning Kashmir has existed since the partition after independence. After the contentious promulgation of the Indian constitution in 2015, India maintained an unofficial blockade in Nepal, causing relations to deteriorate. Modi stated during a visit to Nepal in 2015 that it was critical to protect the rights of the Madhesi minority people in the Terai region (Bhatnagar & Ahmed, 2021 ). This event triggered one of the largest humanitarian crises in Nepal. As a result, Nepal signed multiple agreements with China to decrease the asymmetric dependency towards India. Due to India’s contradictory NFP, China’s political participation in Nepal is growing day by day. After the map saga involving the disputed territory of western Nepal with India, relations are worsening. On May 8, 2020, Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh opened the 80-km-long road to Mansarobar , some of which is being built on Nepalese soil in the Lipu Lekh area, reviving border tensions. In reaction to Nepal’s outspoken opposition to the road’s unilateral construction, India’s external ministry quickly declared that it was built ‘totally within Indian territory’ (Subedi & Timilsina, 2021 ). India’s relations with Sri Lanka also have been impacted by turbulence under the Modi government. The Indian academic diaspora claims that Sri Lanka has been pressurised by China to act against India. The following examples are given to support this claim: the Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) project between India and Japan, the suspension of the Japan-funded Light Rail Project, and the potential of abandoning the Millennium Challenge Corporation Project (MCC) funded by the USA. In short, the programme implied that Sri Lanka was losing long-time allies and slipping more towards China’s sphere of influence. However, this analysis completely missed the perspective on how India itself created such a space for China to infiltrate Sri Lanka. There is much evidence available that India has supported Tamil rebellion during the first days of civil war in Sri Lanka (Nieto 2008 ). Thus, the Indian government has always had a strained relationship with the Rajapaksa government of Sri Lanka. President Mahinda Rajapaksa claimed that he lost the 2015 presidential elections due to Indian and other foreign interventions (Fernando 2020 ).

Similarly, the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019, enacted by the Modi government, has sparked severe tensions between India and Bangladesh; likewise, it opened the whole new range of discourses of immigration and its impact on Indian north-eastern states (Ray 2011 ). Reference to “Bangladeshis” in a statute that grants citizenship to non-Muslim minorities from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh who entered the country on or before December 31, 2014, has raised many concerns in Dhaka (Ahuja 2021 ). Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina reacted to the CAA and stated: ‘we don’t understand why [the Indian government] did it. It [CAA] was not necessary’ (Hindustan Times 2020 ). When Bangladesh and India had resolved a decades-old border dispute with a land swap agreement that began on July 31, 2015 (Hindustan Times 2015 ), it was expected that the relationship between them was moving towards mutual cooperation. However, the CAA has jeopardised the progress both sides had made. Likewise, in October 2021, Bhutan signed an agreement with China on a ‘three-stage’ roadmap to resolve the long-standing border dispute. In 2017, India and China entered a serious border conflict in the Doklam region. Doklam is part of Bhutan’s territory, and Beijing and Thimphu have a territorial dispute over it and other areas. Bhutan’s claims to this land are supported by India. It is located near India’s strategically vulnerable ‘chicken neck’, a 12-mile-wide corridor that connects India’s seven northern states to the mainland (Kumar 2020 ). And now, Bhutan signing a MoU without any consultation with India has created many speculations about the condition of the India-Bhutan relationship which traditionally was close and stable.

Third, India’s relationship with the great powers under Modi has created a similar situation for smaller states of the region, as it was during the Cold War. Although India is a torchbearer of the ‘non-alignment movement’, India had close economic and defence cooperation with the Soviets during the Cold War, which had put tremendous pressure on small states of the region in terms of choosing a side. At the current time, India’s closeness to the USA under the Modi government has also created a similar situation. When India asked the USA for help against Pakistan or China, it appeared that India undervalued its neighbours. At the same time, when India asks for help from the USA, no other superpower seems to step forward, even if they diplomatically support the Indian objectives. As a result, China has become an active participant not only in regional trade but also in the geopolitics of South Asia. Through the goodwill of China’s economic and trade power, India has gradually but surely lost its dominance in South Asia to China, allowing China to become an active stakeholder not only in the economy but also in influencing geopolitics in the region—by ‘Acting West’ (i.e. looking to the USA for support) (Aswani, 2021 ).

In general, the evolution of India’s NFP has gone through various phases. There are mainly three conclusions that we can draw based on the discussions above. First, the approach adopted by the Indian premierships has overlooked the expectation of the small states towards the big brother of the region. Nehru’s idealistic perception of world politics has ignored the accommodation of the perspectives of smaller states. For example, Nehru has completely overlooked the impact his proximity towards the Soviets had on South Asian neighbours. Likewise, Indira’s assertive approach towards the neighbourhood has certainly produced good results for India; however, it also has worked as a foundation for fear and anger towards India.

Second, inconsistency in NFP has been counterproductive in terms of India’s relationship with its neighbours. For example, if we only see how Prime Minister Modi has shaped his NFP, we can see the inconsistency visibly: for example, his calling all the heads of state in his oath-taking ceremony but ignoring the SAARC completely. Visiting Nepal and Bhutan has failed to resolve bilateral tensions, especially with Nepal. Resolving a long-standing border dispute with Bangladesh but creating turbulence through CAA is another inconsistency. Similarly, on the other hand, India’s NFP has not been able to translate its economic and defence capabilities into mutually beneficial factors for the region. Thus, it opens up the window for China to engage with India’s neighbours.

Third, India’s overall foreign policy objective and the neighbourhood approach have been in contradiction. By definition, a successful Indian foreign policy is one that creates the external conditions that allow India to achieve its fundamental goals, namely, protecting its physical security and decisional autonomy, expanding its economic prosperity and technological capabilities, and achieving its global status claims. However, India lacks a clear road map on how it is going to achieve global leadership and what role neighbouring countries are playing in the journey. In general, to achieve these goals, New Delhi must interact on three levels: within the subcontinent and its immediate perimeter, the intermediate level of the international system populated by various medium powers, and the core level of the international system populated by the great powers.

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The authors would like to thank Prof. Jakub Zajaczkowski and the reviewers of this article.

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Saroj Kumar Aryal designed the framework and wrote the Gujral and Modi section. Simant Shankar Bharti wrote two sections of the paper, India’s neighbourhood policy under Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi. After the completion of an assessment, Mr. Aryal wrote a conclusion.

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Aryal, S.K., Bharti, S.S. Evolution of ‘India’s Neighbourhood First Policy’ Since Independence. Soc 60 , 224–232 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12115-023-00819-y

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Accepted : 20 January 2023

Published : 06 February 2023

Issue Date : April 2023

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s12115-023-00819-y

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Essay on India

India is the largest democratic country. It is a big country divided into 29 states and 7 union territories. These states and union territories have been created so that the government can run the country more easily. India also has many different kinds of physical features in different parts of the country that are spread over its states and union territories. India is a very diverse country as well, which means that the people around the country are different in many ways. Even though India is such a diverse place, it is united as one country. 

Political Divisions

India is the seventh-largest country and has the second-largest population in the world. Here is the map of India showing 29 states and 7 union territories. These political divisions are made so that the government can run the country more easily. Though we live in different states, everyone is an Indian first.

[Image will be uploaded soon]

Physical Features

The Indian subcontinent has many different physical features shared with its neighbours that are also in the subcontinent – Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh. The physical features of India form six different natural regions. 

The Northern Mountains

The Northern Plains

The Great Indian Desert

The Southern Plateau

The Coastal Plains

The Island Regions

The Northern Mountains: These are the Himalayas, the highest mountain range in the world. They form a natural boundary between India and a large part of Asia. Two neighbouring countries, Nepal and Bhutan are situated in these mountains. 

The Northern Plains: They are located to the south of the Himalayas. They extend into Pakistan in the west. Bangladesh is situated on the eastern part of the plains. 

The Great Indian Desert: The western part of India is a desert with less rainfall. This desert is called the Thar Desert. 

The Southern Plateau: This plateau region lies to the south of the Great Northern Plains and is called the Deccan Plateau. The Vindhya and Satpura ranges in the north, the Western Ghats and the Eastern Ghats surround the Deccan Plateau. 

The Coastal Plains: The Eastern coastal plain lies between the Bay of Bengal and the Eastern Ghats. The western coastal plain lies between the Arabian Sea and the Western Ghats.

The Island Regions: The island regions of India are two archipelagos on either side of Peninsula India. The Lakshadweep Islands are in the Arabian Sea and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands are in the Bay of Bengal. 

The Rivers of India

The Indian subcontinent has many rivers. Some important rivers are the Indus, Ganga, Yamuna, Brahmaputra, Sutlej, the Narmada and Tapi rivers. 

These physical features and rivers link the people of India.

National Symbols

The National Flag of India is in the tricolour of deep saffron at the top, white in the middle and dark green at the bottom in equal proportions. The saffron stands for courage, sacrifice and the spirit of renunciation, the white for purity and the truth and the green for faith and fertility. In the centre of the white band, there is a wheel of law in the Sarnath Lion Capital.

The National Emblem of India is a replica of the Lion of Sarnath and symbolizes India’s reaffirmation of its ancient commitment to world peace and goodwill. 

The National Anthem of India is Jana Gana Mana and the National song is Vande Mataram.

The National Animal of India is Tiger, which symbolizes grace, strength and power.

The National Bird of India is Peacock, which symbolizes beauty, majesty and pride. 

The National Flower of India is Lotus, which symbolizes purity, wealth, richness, knowledge and serenity.

The National Tree of India is the Great Banyan Tree and because of its characteristics and longevity, the tree is considered immortal and sacred. It is an integral part of the myths and legends in India.

The National Fruit is Mango and it is the most cultivated fruit of the tropical world. 

Indian food is diverse. The geography of a region influences the food that people eat. The staple food of people is what grows in their regions. In North India, the staple food is Wheat. In East and South India, the staple food is Rice. In West India, the staple food is Millet. Daals are eaten in almost the entire country and prepared in different ways. 

Indians speak different languages. The Constitution of India mentions 22 languages. However, India has around 800 languages. Hindi is the official language of India. 

India is a country of many different religions and each has different festivals. Some important festivals are Baisakhi, Diwali, Eid, Ganesh Chaturthi, Dussehra and Christmas. 

Unity in Diversity

The people of India, their foods, festivals and languages – all these make India a very diverse country. However, there are also things that unite the people of India:

The National symbols like the Indian flag and the National Anthem.

The Constitution of India, which was written in the early years of our Independence. It unites the Indians because it has rules and laws that are the same for all people. 

The Constitution says that all Indians are equal in the eyes of the law.

All Indians who are over the age of 18 and have registered as voters can vote in elections.

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FAQs on India Essay

Q1. Describe the National Flag of India.

Ans. The National Flag of India is in the tricolour of deep saffron at the top, white in the middle and dark green at the bottom in equal proportions. The saffron stands for courage, sacrifice and the spirit of renunciation, the white, for purity and the truth and the green for faith and fertility. In the centre of the white band, there is a wheel of law in the Sarnath Lion Capital.

Q2. What is the population of India?

Ans. The population of India is 1 billion 325 million. India has the second-largest population in the world.

Q3. What are the important Festivals Celebrated in India?

Ans. Some of the important festivals celebrated in India are Diwali, Dussehra, Eid and Christmas.

Q4. Why is India called the largest Democratic Country?

Ans. India is the largest democratic country because the citizens of India have the right to elect their representatives who form and run the government.

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  • Home ›   Public Diplomacy ›   Distinguished Lectures ›   India's relationship with its neighbours: Conflict and Cooperation

India's relationship with its neighbours: Conflict and Cooperation

 Amb (Retd) Achal Malhotra

By: Amb (Retd) Achal Malhotra Venue: Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak Date: March 06, 2014

At the outset I would like to express my gratitude to the Management of the Maharshi Dayanand University of Rohtak and Public Diplomacy Division of the Ministry of External Affairs for giving me the opportunity to address the students of this University. This is my second visit to your University and I vividly recall my interaction with well-informed audience last year. I have been assigned the task to speak to you on India’s foreign policy approaches towards its neighbourhood. Let me begin with a quickly sketched profile of South Asia which accounts for the bulk of our neighbourhood. I will later touch upon our next door neighbours in East Asia namely China and if time permits also Myanmar. India’s neighbourhood which the member-countries of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) namely Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives, Pakistan and Sri Lanka comprise, is a fairly complex geographical entity. This is to say the least. In fact India can be said to be living in a dangerous neighbourhood. The constituent countries-individually as well as collectively-represent a world of historical links, shared legacies, commonalities as well as diversities which are so elaborately reflected in their ethnic, linguistic, religious and political fabric. China and Myanmar, the other two neighbours, are no less complex. The South Asian region is also full of contradictions, disparities and paradoxes. In the post-colonial period, the South Asia has been a theatre of bloody inter-state as well as civil wars; it has witnessed liberation movements, nuclear rivalry, military dictatorships and continues to suffer from insurgencies, religious fundamentalism and terrorism, besides serious problems associated with drugs and human trafficking. The region also has the dubious distinction of having over 540mn people who earn less than $ 1.25 a day and account for 44% of developing world’s poor. The region has produced several powerful female leaders and yet in the overall much remains to be done for the empowerment of women. On the barometer of religious tolerance, the constituent countries range anywhere between flexible secular minded and rigidly fundamentalist. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has remained in existence for over 27 years; yet South Asia is considered as the least integrated of the global regions; this is despite the stipulation in its Charter that "bilateral and contentious issues shall be excluded” from its deliberations, thus making it possible to put the contentious issues on the back burner and focus on areas of possible cooperation. On the positive side, the region has been registering a healthy growth (average 6% per annum) during the past several years. Also democratic forms of governance (howsoever flawed and feeble) are beginning to gain some ground in most parts of the region. Where does India stand in this rather volatile region? India’s position is unique in more than one sense. As a matter of an interesting geographic factor, India shares borders with all other South Asian nations whereas no other South Asian nation (except Afghanistan and Pakistan) shares borders with any other South Asian nation. Notwithstanding some shortcomings, democracy and rule of law as instruments of political governance are well entrenched in India. Transfer of power has been more or less peaceful and transparent. In relative terms India can be arguably considered as the most stable country in the region, moving ahead on the fast tracks of development, even though the growth has of late slowed down. Further in terms of its population, territory, GDP, its image as an emerging world economy and a responsible de-facto nuclear State, and as a country which is destined to play a larger role on international arena, and also for several other reasons, India stands apart amongst the bunch of other South Asian countries. In fact India can be said to dwarf others in the South Asian region which in turn has created misperceptions about India and its intention. India thus has reasons to be proud of its achievements. However, in the regional context, "India’s pride”, unfortunately is also "neighbours’ envy”. There are unjustified and erroneous perceptions about India floating around in the region: "Big Brother bullying the smaller neighbour”; "India treats its neighbours as a neglected backyard” etc. etc. There is no justified explanation for the "trust deficit”. On top of it there are vested interests and lobbies for whom being anti-Indian is synonymous with being patriot and nationalist. And then there are strong institutions within the framework of a more or less failed and rogue State in the neighbourhood (Pakistan) which would like to see relations with India in a state of perpetual suspension. India’s motives are suspected even in cases of innocent proposals for economic cooperation which would lead to win-win situations. At times the domestic compulsions in India arising out of regional and coalition politics complicate matters further. It is against the above backdrop of various challenges one has to look at the options which India’s foreign policy makers have at their disposal for this region. In a scenario where we have incorrigible Pakistan at one end and genuinely friendly Bhutan at the other end of the spectrum, and everyone else somewhere in between, it is perhaps difficult to write one single foreign policy prescription for the entire region. Nevertheless, there are some basic approaches which India has consistently endeavoured to adopt and apply; these include for instance:

  • India advocates the policy of constructive engagement, despite such serious provocations as have been in the past (attack on Parliament, Mumbai terrorist attacks etc). It believes that violent retaliation and confrontation can only complicate the matters. This applies in particular to Pakistan- the origin of State-sponsored terrorism targeted at India. The policy of engagement is not be allowed, however, to be misunderstood as weakness. Strong and loud messages must emanate from India each and every time our patience is tested.
  • India adheres to its benign and noble policy of non-interference into internal affairs of other countries in the region. However, if an act - innocent or deliberate - by any country has the potential of impinging upon India’s national interests, India does not hesitate in quick and timely intervention. Mind it: intervention is qualitatively different from interference, particularly when the intervention is made at the request of the country concerned.
  • Foreign policy in India by and large enjoys national consensus. At times, however, there are instances when it appears that the foreign policy is being held hostage to domestic regional politics. Bangladesh and Sri Lanka are the most glaring examples. Domestic sentiments and genuine concerns of the segments of the society must be taken into consideration but not allowed to determine country’s foreign policy which must be guided solely by the overriding national interests and must be made in New Delhi.
  • India has endeavoured to deal with the government-of-the-day, be it a democracy, monarchy or military dictatorship, insisting that the choice of the form of government is best left to the people of the country concerned. India does not believe in exporting democracy but does not hesitate in promoting democracy wherever potential exists; this is done by proactively providing assistance in capacity building and strengthening the institutions of democracy;
  • In contemporary globalised world, the foreign policy and the foreign economic policy objectives stand integrated and cannot be addressed divorced from each other. Creation of an external environment which is conducive to all inclusive growth in the country is one of the integral component of India’s foreign policy. All diplomatic skills and political leverages are being put to use to impress upon the partners in the region that joint exploration of natural resources can lead to win-win situations. India’s cooperation with Bhutan in hydropower generation is an example to be cited and followed. In contrast, as a result of its reluctance to collaborate with India in this field, Nepal remains a net importer of electricity despite its enormous hydro resources.
  • India has skilfully used its policy of non-prescriptive development assistance as its soft power since early 1950s. In return India has sought "good will” and "friends of India”. In a slight departure India is gradually switching over from pure charity to a judicious mix of outright grants and soft loans linked to project/commodity exports. Also India is judiciously working to ensure that the "goodwill’’ thus earned must get translated into concrete political and economic dividends.
  • Finally, India is ready to go an extra mile in seeking the integration of the region. As often cautioned by the International Financial Institutes, only through regional cooperation can the South Asia be a part of Asian century.

Resurgent India : Are there any Implications For the Neighbours

In the course of over six decades of its independent existence, India’s global image has undergone substantial change: from the distorted western perception of a land of Sadhus, Beggars and Snakes to one of a leading economy and emerging global player destined to play an important role in international affairs. The past fifteen years have been of utmost importance. India’s economy has moved out of insulated and protected shell and stands integrated into world market. The resilience it demonstrated during the global financial crisis had earned the Indian economy the due appreciation it deserved. The marginal slowdown in the recent past is in sync with the global trends, particularly in the emerging economies, and therefore has had no adverse impact on India’s global image. India’s credentials as a responsible de facto nuclear power are now well established. Most of those who matter in contemporary global affairs have placed on record their support for India’s candidature for Permanent Seat in UN Security Council as and when it is expanded. There is much more to celebrate India’s success story. It is often said against this backdrop that on international arena India does not punch according to its weight even though it aspires to sit on the high seat of UN Security Council. It is a matter of debate as to what should be the levels of aggression with which India should conduct itself at international fora. It is arguably clear however that India can ill afford to adopt aggressive postures in its neighbourhood, and will have to tread with caution while dealing with its oversensitive tiny neighbours.

Now from generics to some specifics:

Pakistan is and for foreseeable future will remain a permanent fixture on the agenda of India’s policy makers. The State Relations between India and Pakistan have remained less than normal ever since the partition of India and creation of Pakistan in 1947. Sporadic efforts made by the civilian authorities on the two sides of the divide to provide semblance of normalcy to bilateral relations have often been thwarted by the ISI and Army in Pakistan. History almost repeated itself in the recent past. Pakistani President Nawaz Sharrif made several conciliatory statements during and after his election in May 2013. He was reportedly advised by his Army Chief to go slow and exercise utmost caution while striving to improve relations with India; this was even before Nawaz Sharif was officially sworn in. As the prospects of a possible bilateral meeting between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in New York on the side-lines of the UNGA 2013 Session were looking bright and back-channel contacts had began, the ceasefire violations along the LOC accelerated, culminating in to the killing of five Indian soldiers(6th August 2013). India’s response was firm and strong. In a Statement, the Defence Minister of India A.K. Antony said that "It is now clear that the specialist troops of Pakistan Army were involved in this attack when a group from the Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) side crossed the LC and killed our brave jawans (soldiers) . We all know that nothing happens from Pakistan side of the Line of Control without support, assistance, facilitation and often, direct involvement of the Pakistan Army.”A chain of allegations and counter-allegations followed. In a resolution it adopted on 13th August, the National Assembly of Pakistan accused India of ‘unprovoked aggression by Indian military forces across the LoC”, promptly rejected and deplored by the Indian Parliament through identical resolutions in the two Houses of Parliament (Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha) reflecting the unity of approach to this issue by the ruling coalition as well as Opposition. Besides refuting the allegation and asserting that "it was the Pakistan Army that was involved in the unprovoked attack on an Indian Army patrol”, it also added "our restraint should not be taken for granted nor should the capacity of our armed forces to ensure the territorial integrity of our nation.” To top it up the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in his address to the nation on the 67th Independence Day singled out Pakistan by name and said "for relations with Pakistan to improve, it is essential that they prevent the use of their territory and territory under their control for any anti-India activity”. Against the backdrop of this vitiated atmosphere and divided civil society opinion, the Prime Minister of India decided in favour of meeting his Pakistani counterpart in New York on the sidelines of the UNGA. The focus of discussions during the meeting held on 29th September 2013 was on terrorism, reduction of tension on the borders and restoration of ceasefire. Addressing the media, NSA Sh Menon said "Both sides want to see a better India-Pakistan relationship than we have right now. Both want peace and tranquility along the Line of Control. The stage of broader dialogue has not come yet.” In my assessment the future of India-Pak dialogue would depend on i) whether or not Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is able to minimise Army’s influence and control over foreign and security policies ; ii) tangible deliveries from Pakistan on issues of India’s serious concerns particularly arising out of Pak-inspired/sponsored cross-border terrorism against India.

Afghanistan

As Afghanistan moves closer to multi transitions (NATO drawdown, Presidential elections, economic transition) and enters the phase of transformation decade, India’s focus on Afghanistan is becoming sharper in view of the stakes India has in Afghanistan from the perspectives of Its own security and strategic interests. India can ill-afford the return of Taliban. The emergence of a regime in Afghanistan which is a proxy of Pakistan and dominated by Islamic fundamentalists would not be in the interests of India. A stable and peaceful and prosperous Afghanistan is of no use to India if its territories are allowed to be used for the purposes which are inimical to the national interests of India. Indian policy makers will have to pick up the right option as the security situation evolves; in the event there is no deterioration in the current security situation, India could continue with its policy of commitment to contribute substantially towards reconstruction of Afghanistan and capacity building including training of Afghan Security Forces. [India has invested over $2bn in Afghanistan as development assistance; under its strategic partnership agreement, India is providing training to Afghan Security forces]. It could also adhere to its commitments as Lead Country in Istanbul CBMs. In case Afghanistan returns to chaotic and bloody civil war posing physical threat to Indian personnel’s presence in Afghanistan, India may find it difficult to continue to operate in Afghanistan. At the same time, India’s military intervention in Afghanistan is more or less ruled out.

India’s policy approach towards Sri Lanka is reflected In its response to a Question tabled in the Parliament (Lok Sabha Q. N. 1542 dated 14th August, 2013 ); the Government stated "India has long advocated the creation of an environment in Sri Lanka in which all communities, particularly the Sri Lankan Tamils, are masters of their own destiny within the framework of a united Sri Lanka. Our objective continues to remain the achievement of a future for the Tamil community in Sri Lanka that is marked by equality, dignity, justice and self-respect. In this context, India has been engaged with the Government of Sri Lanka at the highest levels on its stated commitment to implement the 13th amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution and to go beyond, so as to achieve meaningful devolution of powers.” India has adopted a multi- pronged approach since the liquidation of the LTTE; this policy has several components: i) India misses no opportunity to impress upon the Sri Lankan Government to abide by its commitments towards Sri Lankan Tamils particularly meaningful devolution of powers and the implementation of the 13th Amendment and beyond in a time bound manner; ii) India reassure as often as possible the Sri Lankan Tamils that it will make every effort to ensure the 13th amendment is not diluted and the future for the community is marked by equality, justice and self-respect; (In June last year "Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was explicit in conveying to the visiting Tamil National Alliance (TNA) delegation from Sri Lanka that he was "dismayed by reports suggesting that the Government of Sri Lanka planned to dilute certain key provisions of the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution ahead of elections to the Northern Provincial Council” [Ministry of External Affairs official statement, New Delhi, June 18, 2013] ; iii) India continues to invest into the reconstruction of Northern Sri Lanka; iv) As far the Tamil leadership in India, the Central Government in New Delhi listen to their demands, accommodates them to the extent feasible but ultimately exercises the prerogative of the Centre in the formulation of foreign policy taking broader national interests into account rather than being pushed by narrow regional priorities; v) India is monitoring carefully the Chinese overtures in Sri Lanka and check the latter’s drift towards China.

In terms of geographic and demographic dimensions, skilled manpower, civilizational depth, China is the only country in the region which qualifies for comparison with India. The two countries have a long history of civilisational links. Soon after its own independence and the Maoist revolution in China, India went an extra mile to reach out to the communist regime. India was quick in recognising China, and supported its entry into the United Nations; recognized Tibet as an autonomous region of China The 1962 border conflict therefore came as a political shock to India. While Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s landmark visit in 1988 began a phase of improvement in bilateral relations, it is the cumulative outcomes of seven key High Level visits in last 10years which have been transformational for India-China ties. [These were that of Prime Minister Vajpayee [2003], of Premier Wen Jiabao [2005 & 2010], of President Hu Jintao [2006], of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh [2008 and 2013] and of Premier Li Keqiang [2013]. It is noteworthy that more than 60% of the agreements between India and China have been signed during the last decade. As of today, both sides have established 36 dialogue mechanisms covering diverse sectors. Bilateral trade has registered enormous growth reaching $70bn in 2011 (and may touch $100bn by 2015). The year 2014 has been designated as the Year of Friendly Exchanges between India and China. The two sides have established a Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity(2005) The leaders of India and China have also been meeting on the sidelines of regional, plurilateral and multilateral gatherings and conferences. This is not to suggest that there are no irritants in relations between the two countries; there is always the other side of the coin: the border dispute between India and China remains unresolved; China’s plans to build dams on Brahamaputra or seek access to Indian ocean through Pakistan and Myanmar, "string of pearls” etc are matters of concern. In addition, the rapid economic rise of China and its military strength have given it the audacity to occasionally flex political and military muscles. It remains to be answered precisely as to whether the modern China is an opportunity , challenge or threat ? Perhaps, a mix of all three. May I stop now, and leave the floor for the inter-active session, which is usually the more interesting part of events like this?

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India and its neighborhood

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List of Neighbouring Countries of India

The ‘Neighbouring Countries of India’ is an important General Awareness topic for the various  Government exams  conducted in the country.

The general awareness section is a part of almost every government exam, and the syllabus for this section is vast and comprehensive. The  Static GK  part forms the core of any competitive exam.

In this article, we shall discuss the countries which share their borders with India, be it a land border or sea border. A total of 9 countries share borders with India, of which 2 share sea borders and the other 7 land borders. 

India – Its Geographic Features

India is located in the southern part of Asia and has a land border of 15,106.7 km and a coastline of 7,516.6 km. It is latitudinally situated in the Northern Hemisphere and longitudinally located in the Eastern hemisphere.

In terms of population, India is the second-largest country in the world. In terms of area, India is the seventh-largest country in the world.

Given below is a table that showcases a brief description of India and its neighbouring countries:

India’s Neighbouring Countries – Capital & State Borders

The table given below gives the list of neighbouring countries of India and their capitals along with the Indian states that they share the border with:

Apart from Static GK, to know the detailed syllabus for the various Government exams, candidates can visit the below-mentioned links:

Online Quiz 2023

Neighbouring Countries – A Brief Summary

Further, we shall discuss the countries which share boundaries with India, along with the essential information with respect to the competitive exams.

  • Afghanistan

Border Length- 106 km

Official Languages – Dari, Pashto

Currency – Afghan Afghani

States/ Provinces – 34 Provinces

Located in Central Asia, Afghanistan has an area of about 6,52,230 sq km. Major dependence of this country’s economy is on agriculture. The prominent religion that is followed by the people in Afghanistan is Islam, and the main industrial activities include manufacturing of cotton textiles, woven carpets, handicrafts and woollens.

Border Line – 4096.7 Km

Official Language – Bengali

Currency – Bangladeshi Taka

States/ Provinces – 8 Provinces

India and Bangladesh share one of the longest borders in the world and It covers an area of 1,43,998 sq km and has a coastline of 580 km. The Bangladeshi states, Rajshahi, Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rangpur and Sylhet, share their borders with India. 

Border Line – 699 km

Official Language – Dzongkha

Currency – Bhutanese Ngultrum

States/ Provinces – 20 States

Spread over an area of 38, 394 sq km, the population of this country follows Buddhism followed by Hinduism. There is a parliamentary form of Government in Bhutan, and the primary sources of the economy include Hydropower, agriculture, forestry and tourism.

Border Line – 3488 km

Official Language – Mandarin

Currency – Chinese Yuan

States/ Provinces – 26 Provinces

The world’s most populated country, China, spreads over an area of about 95,96,960 sq km. The country is one of the world’s fastest-growing economies. India and China hold cordial relations, but there are certain disputes which lead to strained relations between the two countries.

Border Line – 1643 km

Official Language – Burmese

Currency – Burmese Kyat

Located in the western portion of mainland South Asia Myanmar and is spread over an area of 6,76,578 sq km. The presidential republic governs the country by a bicameral legislature. India is Myanmar’s fourth-largest export market.

Border Line – 1751 km

Official Language – Nepali

Currency – Nepalese Rupee

States/ Provinces – 7 Provinces

Nepal is located to the northeast of India and extended over an area of 1,47,181 sq km. The world’s tallest peak, Mount Everest is located in Nepal. Also, eight of the tallest mountain peaks out of the 10 across the world, are located in Nepal. A major part of the economy is handled by tourism, and the Government is a federal parliamentary republic. 

Border Line – 3323 km

Official Language – Urdu

Currency – Pakistani Rupee

States/ Provinces – 4 Provinces

A country which was initially a part of India was separated to form a new country, named Pakistan. This country spans over an area of 7,96,095 sq km. The Prime Minister is the head of the country and all major decisions are made under his supervision.

Border Line – Sea Border

Official Language – Sinhala, Tamil

Currency – Sri Lankan Rupee

States/ Provinces – 9 States

One of the two countries which share Indian coastline, Sri Lanka is spread over an area of 65,610 sq km. It is considered as a tourist destination by many and is one of those places which is home to many ethnic groups and religious cultures.

Official Language – Dhivehi

Currency – Maldivian Rufiyaa

States/ Provinces – 1 Only

Located in the Indian Ocean-Arabian sea area, the island nation of Maldives is located to the south-west of India. Spread over an area of 298 sq km only, Maldives comprises more than a thousand coral islands. The predominant religion in the country is Islam.

The information given above shall help candidates prepare themselves for the various competitive exams.

Other Related Links:

Sample Questions for Neighbouring Countries in India

Given below are a few questions for the reference of candidates to analyse the type of questions asked with respect to this topic in the various competitive Government exams.

Q 1. Which of these Indian states does not share a border with Bhutan?

  • Arunachal Pradesh
  • West Bengal

Answer: (3) Meghalaya

Q 2. Which two countries share the longest border in the world?

  • India & Bhutan
  • India & Pakistan
  • China & India
  • Myanmar & India
  • India & Bangladesh

Answer: (5) India & Bangladesh

Q 3. How many countries share a sea border with India?

Answer: (5) Seven

Q 4. Which country shares the smallest border with India?

Answer: (5) Afghanistan

Q 5. Which State of India shares the longest international border with the neighbouring country?

  • Jammu & Kashmir
  • None of the Above

Answer: (2) West Bengal

The above-mentioned questions may help candidates understand the type of questions asked related to this topic in the general awareness section of the exam. 

Other Static GK Related Links:

Candidates who are looking forward to applying for any of the upcoming exams may look for study material, notes, tips or any other information related to the Government exams at BYJU’S.

Frequently Asked Question – Neighbouring Countries of India

Q.1. how many neighbouring countries of india are there, q.2. name the neighbouring countries of india., q.3. what are the neighbouring countries of india and their capitals that shares sea borders, q.4. where is india located, q 5. which is the smallest neighbouring country of india, leave a comment cancel reply.

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10 lines essay on “india & its neighbours” for students of class 10, 11, 12., 10 lines on india & its neighbours.

  • India is a country located in South Asia, bordered by Pakistan to the west, China and Nepal to the north, Bhutan to the northeast, and Bangladesh and Myanmar to the east.
  • The capital of India is New Delhi, and the country’s official language is Hindi.
  • India is the world’s second-most populous country, with over 1.3 billion people.
  • The country has a diverse mix of cultures, languages, and religions, with Hinduism being the dominant religion.
  • India is home to a number of iconic landmarks, including the Taj Mahal, the Golden Temple, and the Red Fort.
  • India has a mixed economy, with agriculture, manufacturing, and services sectors all contributing to its GDP.
  • The country is a nuclear power and a member of the United Nations, the G20, and the BRICS group of emerging economies.
  • Pakistan is India’s western neighbor and has a complex relationship with the country. The two nations have fought several wars and have ongoing disputes over territory and resources.
  • Nepal is a landlocked country located to the north of India. The two countries have a close relationship, with India being a major trading partner for Nepal.
  • Bhutan, located to the northeast of India, is a small, landlocked country known for its policy of gross national happiness. India and Bhutan have a close relationship, with India providing development assistance to Bhutan.

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India and its neighbours current govt policies and efforts.

India's relation with its neighbours has not been in the best of terms over the past few years. Voices of anti-Indian sentiment across the neighbours have been growing over the past few years. But things have started to change ever since the new Indian Government was sworn in on May 26 2014.

In an unprecedented move the Prime Minister designate (now the Prime Minister) Narendra Modi invited the leaders of all the SAARC countries for his swearing in ceremony and thus emphasised the need for better cooperation among all the neighbouring countries. After the swearing in ceremony, the PM held bilateral talks with each one of the guest nations. Among those the most keenly watched meeting was the one which he had with his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif. In his first bilateral meeting with the Pak PM he raised the issue of the trial of the 26/11 perpetrators. He also made it clear that talks and terror cannot go hand in hand and stressed the need for greater trade ties. Mr. Sharif invited Mr. Modi to visit Pakistan and he had accepted it though the dates are yet to be finalised. The two nations also agreed upon continuing the bilateral talks at least at the foreign secretary level continue and felt that was the only way forward. Talks are also on in the Pakistani side with regards to offering the MFN status to India. India has also maintained that it would continue assisting Afghanistan in its development and security and try to maintain peace and stability in that region.

Mr. Modi, for his first foreign trip as PM, chose Bhutan. His decision to choose Bhutan as his first trip showed his intent in strengthening the ties with India's most friendly neighbour. Apart from the inauguration of the new Supreme Court building which was funded by India and laying the foundation stone for a new hydroelectric power plant, Mr Modi and his delegation also signed various deals related to trade and commerce with the Bhutan govt. In addition to this he also mooted the idea of an annual hill sports event along with Nepal and Bhutan. His first trip was indeed very successful.

Relations with India's southern neighbour, Sri Lanka have been souring because of the presence of the Dravidian parties in the Union Government. With no Dravidian party at the centre, the new government can revive its ties with the island nation which in the past few years has slowly drifted towards China raising a few eyebrows and causing concern in New Delhi. Not only should India continue trade talks with Sri Lanka but it should ensure that the needs and interests of the Tamil people are protected.

Anti-Indian voices have also been strongly growing among India's other two neighbours, Nepal and Bangladesh. India's External Affairs Minister Ms. Sushma Swaraj visited both these countries earlier this month. During her short visit to Bangladesh she met the leaders of various political parties and stressed that there should be mutual cooperation and all internal issues be resolved by people of Bangladesh itself. Bangladesh had raised 3 major concerns the teesta water pact which was supposed to be signed in 2011 but was not because the WB CM Mamata Banerjee opposed it, the ratification of the land boundary agreement and the killing of Bangladeshis across the border. Ms Swaraj maintained that India was committed to resolve all the issues through talks and upon return described her visit as very successful. During her visit to Nepal, she co-chaired the Indo-Nepal joint commission which was held after a gap of 23 years and also laid the groundwork for the visit of the PM Modi, who would be the first Indian PM to visit Nepal after 17 years. During her visit, the 2 countries also decided to review and adjust the 1950 Treaty of Piece and strengthen cooperation in key areas of defence, trade, security and hydro power.

Last but not the least India's biggest neighbour China has also responded positively to the new government. India's vice president Mr. Hamid Ansari along with the Commerce Minister Ms. Nirmala Seetharaman and various other delegates visited China for the 50th anniversary of the Panchsheel agreement and also held high level meetings with the various officials on trade and commerce. During his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the side-lines of the BRICS summit in Brazil, Mr. Modi spoke about the enormous opportunities that exist between both the nations and continue to contribute to the peace and prosperity not only for Asia but across the world. Mr.Jinping said he would visit India later this year and invited the Indian PM to visit China and also attend the APEC summit.

In conclusion I would like to say that Mr Modi and the new government have made a good start in trying to strengthening its ties with its neighbours and let's hope this continues and the South Asian region maintain strong ties and the region continues to progress peacefully.

Vaibhav Mahadevan

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