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Final project: cold case arrest warrant report.

Final Project: Cold Case Arrest Warrant Report This report represents an outline of a homicide investigation. The first section presents the action plan for solving the case. The report also provides a summary of the homicide, armed robbery, and witness statements, and a briefing of evidence and forensic reports. Additionally, it describes the criteria for decision-making and determination of facts regarding the homicide. The report indicates what the investigating officer concludes about the case, in an attempt to obtain an arrest warrant for the suspect.

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Introduction 3.

History of Labeling Theory 4 Critiques of Labeling Theory 5 How Do Current Criminal Justices Policies Demonstrate an Application of the Theory to Practice? 7 Reflection 8 Conclusion 9

Reference List 10

Government measures to decrease the level of robbery report examples, criminal law.

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Research Paper

Homicide research paper.

This sample Homicide Research Paper is published for educational and informational purposes only. Like other free research paper examples, it is not a custom research paper. If you need help writing your assignment, please use our custom writing services and buy a paper on any of the criminal justice research paper topics .  This sample research paper on homicide features: 5400+ words (19 pages), an outline, APA format in-text citations, and a bibliography with 23 sources.

I. Introduction

Ii. homicide trends over time, a. the crime drop, b. explanations for the crime drop, iii. race-specific homicide trends, a. divergence or convergence, iv. intimate partner homicide trends, a. exposure reduction, b. backlash or retaliation, c. economic deprivation, v. conclusion.

Criminal homicide is classified by the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program as both murder and nonnegligent manslaughter or as manslaughter by negligence. Homicide research generally examines murder and nonnegligent manslaughter, defined as the willful killing of one by another. Justifiable homicide, manslaughter caused by negligence, suicide, or attempts to murder are not included in this definition. For UCR purposes, justifiable homicide is limited to the killing of a felon by an officer in the line of duty or the killing of a felon, during the commission of a felony, by a private citizen. Manslaughter by negligence is the killing of a human being by gross negligence.

When researching homicide, scholars generally utilize two national sources of homicide data—the Uniform Crime Reporting Program of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and mortality files from the Vital Statistics Division of the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS). These two data sources vary greatly in the information collected.

The UCR is an official source of crime statistics based on reported crimes. That is, it is based on the number of arrests voluntarily reported to the FBI by law enforcement agencies. These crimes include murder, rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny-theft, vehicle theft, and arson. In addition to monthly criminal offense information compiled for UCR purposes, law enforcement agencies submit supplemental data to the FBI on homicide. Supplemental Homicide Reports (SHRs) contain supplemental information on homicide incidents. SHRs include detailed, incident-level data on nearly all murders and nonnegligent manslaughters that have occurred in the United States in a given year. These reports contain information for each homicide incident, including information on trends, demographics of persons arrested, and the characteristics of the homicide (i.e., demographics of victims, victim–offender relationships, weapon used, and circumstances surrounding the homicide).

Though a rich source of homicide data, the UCR Program has weaknesses of which researchers are well aware. Missing information regarding the homicide incident is problematic in the UCR and probably its main weakness. This may be due to the fact that participation by police agencies in the UCR Program is completely voluntary. Therefore, some law enforcement agencies fail to report their homicide incidents to the FBI or fail to fully record all relevant information. Despite this fact, official sources like the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) have found that the SHRs are just over 90% complete. Though the coverage is high, there are still a number of homicides that go unaccounted for. Some researchers have taken steps to correct for underreporting by law enforcement agencies by statistically adjusting for the total number of homicide incidents reported to the UCR (see Fox, 2004). The ability to adjust for missing data based on known homicide cases has increased the popularity of this data source among researchers. However, one growing problem, particularly with homicide offender information, is the increase in the number of unsolved or uncleared murders by police agencies. Stranger homicides take longer to clear by arrest and therefore often get submitted as “unknown.” Ignoring homicides with missing offender information understates homicide offending. Thus, there is greater dependency on researchers to use weighting strategies that statistically adjust for missing offender data (see Fox, 2004, for a detailed discussion of this specific issue).

The mortality reporting system is far simpler compared to the UCR. In this system, homicide information is gathered by medical examiners in the completion of standardized death certificates. Once verified, death certificates are entered into a national mortality dataset by the NCHS. According to the NCHS, these data represent at least 90% of all homicides that have occurred in the United States. This type of data contains information on the victim of the homicide. Victim information includes demographics, occupation, education, time of death, place of death, and cause of death. Just as seen for the UCR, there are weaknesses in mortality data such as omissions and underreporting. Unfortunately, for a variety of reasons not all death certificates are received by NCHS, and in some incidents information on death certificates is not entered into mortality figures. In addition, unlike with the UCR, offender information is not available and unable to be collected. Even with these notable limitations, homicide remains the most accurately measured and reported offense relative to other types of criminal offenses.

One of the reasons these data issues are so critical is that researchers and policymakers are interested in documenting and understanding the changes in homicide offending over time. That is, researchers and policy makers alike want to know how much homicide offending is occurring, why homicides occur and if the level of homicide offending is increasing or decreasing in certain areas (i.e., states, cities, or counties) over time.

One of the most remarkable findings in the study of urban violence is that homicide rates fell sharply in U.S. cities in the 1990s. In fact, homicides plunged to their lowest point in 35 years, making this drop critical to any discussion of homicide. That is, any effort to understand homicide requires an examination of homicide trends over time, particularly this rather remarkable, unexpected crime drop of the 1990s. To that end, this research paper will provide statistical information on urban homicide trends since the 1980s, drawing specifically on SHRs. After documenting some important changes, some of the leading explanations for the crime drop will then be outlined, to give the reader an understanding of the level and nature of work being conducted to understand this precipitous decline.

Researchers use time series data of total homicide rates to document the crime drop. As stated in the introduction, homicide is the most accurately measured and reported offense, making it the best benchmark when trying to illustrate changes in criminal offending over time. In addition, homicide is the most serious crime, leading it to be the most widely used among academicians. For these reasons and others, homicides provide a useful and accurate account of crime trends.

Time series data show that homicides averaged 19.0 per 100,000 population in 1980, and rates tended to fluctuate between 19 and 22.5 until 1991, when homicides peaked (22.5 per 100,000 population). That is, examination of SHR data reveals that homicides dropped by 20% from 1980 to 1985, but then rose by 47% from 1985 to 1991. Starting in 1991, homicides started a steady decline until 2000, falling to their lowest rate in 2000, or a drop of 46%. Since 2000, the rate of homicide has been largely stable until 2006 or so when an increase was observed. Overall, SHR data have documented a dramatic rise in homicides in the late 1980s, followed by the precipitous decline in the 1990s. This incredible crime drop has gained widespread attention as scholars have searched for answers (FBI, 2008).

The drop in homicide rates occurred without warning, leading to an explosion of newspaper articles, TV reports, and other media accounts. Scholarly attention soon followed with a list of potential explanations, including greater police presence, prison expansion, reduced handgun availability, tapering drug (specifically crack cocaine) markets, gains in the economy, and age shifts in the population (Blumstein & Wallman, 2001). While the list continues to grow, some of the explanations receiving the greatest attention in the literature are outlined below.

Rise in Imprisonment Rates . An understanding of the changes in crime rates cannot occur without some consideration of the political and legal context of the time period. The enormous growth in “get tough on crime” policies that began in the 1970s is no exception. The expansion of the incarcerated population started in the mid-1970s, and by 2000 more than 2 million persons were incarcerated— 4 times the prison population of 1970. Because the rise in incarceration rates corresponds closely with the decline in homicide rates, some researchers linked the two. For example, while homicides were dropping from 1991 to 2001 in large cities, the Bureau of Justice Statistics reports incarceration rates rose by 54.2% during this time period (a rate change of 310 to 478 per 100,000 residents nationally). The rise in incarceration, backed by structured sentencing (i.e., “get tough” on violent and drug-related criminal offenders) and other conservative criminal justice policies, is one of the longest trends documented in the literature. Given the steady and prolonged trends in both rates of violence and incarcerations, it is not surprising that a number of scholars argue for the association between the two.

Increase in Police Presence . One response to rising crime rates is to hire more police officers. There is evidence that this was indeed a response to crime trends based on annual figures in the UCR. These reports tell of more police on the street, particularly in the 1990s when the FBI reports an extra 50,000–60,000 officers nationally (Levitt, 2004). On average, the police force size was 236.1 per 100,000 city residents in 2000, up from 206.9 per 100,000 persons in 1980 in large U.S. cities (Parker, 2008).These trends provide scholars with reasons to argue that increasing police presence is a likely predictor of the crime decline in the 1990s.

Diminishing Drug Markets . A link between violence and illicit drug markets is another major theme in the crime drop debate. Crack cocaine markets, which grew throughout the mid-1980s and peaked in the early 1990s, were related to homicide trends during this same time period (Blumstein, 1995). In fact, researchers found that drug markets contribute to violence, and studies have pointed to crack cocaine patterns specifically as related to trends in urban violence (Blumstein & Rosenfeld, 1998; Cook & Laub, 1998; Goldstein 1985). While determining how to best capture the impact of drug markets has hindered much of this research, police arrests for drug (specifically cocaine) sales represent one way to tap the level of drug activity in a given area or city. The UCR has shown that drug arrests for sales/manufacturing have exploded, growing by two and a half times from 1982 to 2003 alone (from 137,900 to 330,600). Thus, evidence of the waning crack market in the 1990s, or at least the growing enforcement of drug sales in recent times, has placed drug markets at the forefront of the crime drop debate.

Improving Economy of the 1990s . The link between economic factors and crime cannot be understated, so it comes as no surprise that the economic improvements of the 1990s have gained attention as a plausible explanation for the crime decline. In fact, in accord with labor statistics, the unemployment rate rose during the recessions of the early 1980s and early 1990s, recovering after both periods. On the other hand, the unemployment rate steadily declined throughout the 1990s, where employment gains for males and females correspond to the crime drop of this period. The unemployment rate alone fell from 6.8 in 1991 to 4.8 in 2001 (a drop of 30% in 10 years). Other economic performance indicators suggest better times for many Americans in the 1990s, as well as growth in major industries like information technology and services. Given that the 1990s mark a time of sustained economic growth and prosperity, these economic improvements are likely contributors to the crime drop.

Guns and Gun Control Policies . Finally, while explanations derived from guns and gun control policies drew a lot of attention early in the crime drop debate, mainly because such a large percentage of homicides are gun-related (Cook & Laub, 1998), interest in this explanation has diminished over time. The early interest in the relationship between violent crime and firearms made sense—the rate of violent crimes committed with firearms rose in the 1980s and 1990s and subsequently dropped. But over time, scholars have downplayed the degree to which gun control and concealed weapon laws contributed to the crime drop (Levitt, 2004). For example, some researchers found that the percentage of total killings by young males remained stable during the time of the crime drop, which was troubling since young males are much more likely to use a gun in a homicide than others, and other researchers discovered that the passage of the Brady Act gun control legislation in 1993 had no influence on homicide trends. Adding to the downfall of this explanation, researchers evaluating gun buyback programs and other gun control policies found that these programs also had little to do with reduction in gun violence. Even the highly publicized concealed weapon laws link to lower violent crime came under scrutiny (Lott & Mustard, 1997) when researchers revealed that the decline in crime actually predated the passage of many concealed weapon laws.

Since many of these explanations represent early responses to the crime drop, the research paper will now turn to more recent trends in the study of homicide. Clearly understanding homicide trends, particularly the crime drop of the 1990s, remains a critical focus. Moving beyond time series data of total homicide rates, scholars have acknowledged that since homicide trends differ across groups (Blumstein & Rosenfeld, 1998; Cook & Laub, 2002; Parker, 2008), these characteristics need to be accounted for in the crime drop debate. Current examples include Heimer and Lauritsen’s (in press) examination of trends in violence against women; LaFree, O’Brien, and Baumer’s (2006) exploration into racial patterns in arrest rates for multiple violent offenses; and Parker’s (2008) effort to account for the role of local labor markets in the study of race-specific homicide trends since the 1980s. All of these efforts acknowledge the diversity in the American population, including the differential levels of involvement in violence by the various groups, and argue that accounting for the differences across groups will advance understanding of the crime drop. To illustrate, a closer look at homicide trends is offered, involving two specific characteristics— racial groups and intimate partners.

As described, the changes in total homicide rates since the 1980s were dramatic, particularly the now well-documented decline of the 1990s. But the reality is that the trends are even more striking when separated by racial groups during this time period. When homicide trends are examined for whites and blacks separately, for example, two important differences are revealed. First, the homicide victim rate among blacks is much higher, with more extreme peaks and drops than the white homicide rate or the total homicide rate (see Figure 1). In fact, the black homicide rate was 25.8 in 1980, as compared to 19.0 per 100,000 city residents for total homicide. Between 1980 and 1985, the drop in black homicide rates is similar to the rate drop in total homicides (16% versus 20%, respectively). The exception is a large dip in black homicide rates in 1987 (19.43 per 100,000 population). By the 1990s, however, the crime drop in black homicide rates was considerable in magnitude, marking a 45% drop; that is, the rate was nearly cut in half. Subsequent years, on the other hand, show an increase in black homicide rates during the 2000s (approximately ranging from 14.4 to 16.5 per 100,000).

Second, the change in white homicide rates over time is modest, to say the least, suggesting stability rather than variability when compared to black homicide rates and total homicide rates. That is, white homicide rates peaked in 1980, reaching a rate of 5.89 per 100,000 white residents, while in comparison, the total homicide rate peaked in the early 1990s. From 1980 to 1985, white homicide rates dropped 6.8% (from 5.89 to 5.49) and then dropped again in the late 1980s (a 4.5% drop), only to continue to descend throughout the 1990s and into 2000 by another 17%. This drop was far lower in magnitude when compared to total and black homicide rates. Overall, then, white homicides averaged 5 per 100,000 white residents throughout the 1980s and into the 1990s. By 1998, white homicide rates dropped below 5 per 100,000 white residents for the first time, staying in the mid to low 4s since then (Parker, 2008). Thus, among the notable differences in white homicide rates is the lack of a peak around 1991 and little to no change in offending rates throughout the 1990s. On the other hand, there were considerable shifts and fluctuations in the rates for black homicide rates and total homicide rates over the last three decades. These trends, specifically the differences across racial groups, required researchers to move the discussion away from total homicide rates. Furthermore, it drew attention to whether white and black homicide rates were converging for the first time.

Figure 1 . Homicide Rate per 100,000 Residents in Total and by Race, 1980–2003 (Adjusted Supplemental Homicide Reports)

SOURCE : Parker, K. F. (2008). Unequal Crime Decline. New York: New York University Press.

The racial patterns in homicide trends reveal some interesting findings. First, the trends in black and total homicide rates are similar over time, but white homicide rates follow a different pattern. That is, while both black and total homicide rates experienced a decline in the early 1980s, followed by increases in the late 1980s, only to drop again in the 1990s, the decline in white homicide rates was more modest and steady over the 24-year period. An equally important issue is whether the racial gap in homicide is persisting or narrowing over time. Recent evidence suggests that the racial gap has indeed narrowed, and the racial disparities between groups have declined with the crime drop. That is, by examining the racial difference in homicide offending rates (based on the ratio of black to white homicide rates), it is now known that both black and white homicide rates decreased in the late 1990s and that the racial gap between these groups also narrowed considerably (in fact, by approximately 37%). This is an important reality about homicide that only recently gained attention, largely due to the work by LaFree et al. (2006), and it cannot be understated. In LaFree et al.’s work, they reveal that the black– white gap in violence was exceptionally high during the 1960s, but that gap has decreased over time. They argue that the narrowing of the racial gap is likely linked to the narrowing of crime-generating structural characteristics, such as social and economic indicators. According to LaFree et al., only by examining homicide trends separately by racial groups is it apparent that the racial gap has narrowed. Furthermore, evidence has surfaced that the narrowing of the gap is largely attributed to the rapid decline in black homicide rates during the 1990s, more than to any changes in white homicide rates (see Parker, 2008). This finding alone adds considerable weight to the efforts to diversify the study of homicide.

Intimate partner homicide has also gained attention in recent years, partly because of the efforts by feminist scholars to bring awareness to violence among intimate groups. While intimate partners (i.e., spouses, ex-spouses, boyfriends, and girlfriends) make up approximately 11% of all homicides, females are much more likely to be killed by an intimate partner than males. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, while both the number of male and female victims of intimate partner homicides dropped from 1976 to 2005, the number of males killed by an intimate partner had the most significant drop (75%) since 1976. On the other hand, the decline for females killed by an intimate partner was only witnessed after 1993 (see Figure 2).

As research in this area grows, descriptive accounts reveal that intimate partner homicide trends differ not only by the gender of the victim and offender, but also by the type of victim–offender relationship and the race of the victim (Browne & Williams, 1993; Gallup-Black, 2005; Puzone, Saltzman, Kresnow, Thompson, & Mercy, 2000). Essentially, while total intimate partner homicide has decreased over time, much like total homicide rates, once these rates are examined separately by gender, relationship type, or race, significant differences emerge. For instance, males have experienced a greater decline in intimate partner homicide victimization than females, and blacks more so than whites. In addition, intimate partner homicide among married persons has decreased, but homicide involving nonmarried persons has increased over time. In fact, the rise in nonmarried intimate partner victimization is most pronounced among white females. A number of reasons for the specific trends in violence among intimate partners, particularly the differences across gender and relationship type over time, have been offered. Some of these explanations are outlined here.

Figure 2 . Intimate Partner Homicides by Gender, 1976–2005

SOURCE : Federal Bureau of Investigation. (2008). Supplemental Homicide Files. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics.

The exposure reduction hypothesis proposes that factors that reduce the exposure or contact between violent intimate partners should decrease the probability of intimate partner homicide, because the opportunity for violence would be removed. A number of factors have been examined to determine the exposure reduction effects on intimate partner homicide. These factors include access to domestic violence resources, declining domesticity, and improved economic status of females.

Access to domestic violence resources, specifically the availability of legal (i.e., presence of statutes pertaining to domestic violence) and extra-legal services (i.e., number of shelters and other programs), is related to the decline in the rates of female-perpetrated intimate partner homicide, but less so for male-perpetrated intimate partner homicide (Browne & Williams, 1989; Dugan, Nagin, & Rosenfeld, 1999, 2003). On the other hand, research has also shown that some domestic violence resources (e.g., prosecutors’ willingness to prosecute) have the unintended consequence of putting women more at risk for intimate partner homicide victimization (Dugan et al., 2003). Because the role of domestic violence resources has been largely inconclusive, increasing divorce rates, declining marriage rates, an improved economic status of women, as well as other economic conditions, have received attention, partly because they consistently have been found to predict intimate partner homicide (Dugan et al., 1999, 2003; Reckdenwald, 2008; Rosenfeld, 1997).

Reflecting a decline in domesticity, rising divorce rates and the general trend toward declining marriage in the United States have surfaced as strong predictors of intimate partner homicide largely because these factors reduce the exposure to violence. For instance, divorce rates would result in fewer married couples living together and would therefore reduce the exposure of violent couples. The same idea applies to falling marriage rates, which would reduce the exposure of violent couples because fewer individuals would be getting married and living together. Rosenfeld (1997) examined intimate partner homicide trends in St. Louis, Missouri, and found that 30% of the decline in African American spousal homicides was attributable to falling marriage rates and rising divorce rates.

However, decreasing marriage rates may mean that more individuals are cohabitating without getting married. Cohabitation has been shown to be an important risk factor in intimate partner homicide. Wilson, Johnson, and Daly (1995) found that females that cohabitate with their partner are 9 times more likely to be killed by their intimate partner than are married females. Interestingly, other researchers have found that cohabitating men with female partners are 10 times more likely to be victims of intimate partner homicide compared to men in married relationships.

Improvement in the economic status of women has an exposure-reducing effect, reducing the rates of intimate partner homicide. Improvements such as higher educational attainment, income, and employment increase the opportunities available to women, and thus reduce the likelihood that they will resort to killing their male partners. Dugan et al. (1999) found that females’ improved status was associated with a reduction in intimate partner homicide victimization, particularly male intimate partner homicide victimization. That is, the increase in females’ relative income is associated with a decline in married female–perpetrated homicide. Furthermore, an increase in females’ relative educational attainment is associated with a decline in nonmarried male victimization. They suggest that “more educated women are better able, and perhaps more willing, to exit violent relationships and thus avoid killing their partner” (pp. 204–205).

While research has shown the importance of reducing the exposure between intimate partners in violent relationships, it is well-known that the highest risk for homicide is when the victim leaves the relationship, and this is especially true for females who are killed by their male partners (Block, 2000). Thus, retaliation by the abusive partner from domestic violence interventions is another important consideration. Dugan et al. (2003) found a retaliation effect where domestic violence resources actually increased homicide between intimate partners because they failed to effectively reduce exposure between intimate partners. In fact, the prosecutor’s willingness to prosecute violators of protection orders, though intended to reduce exposure between violent intimate partners, actually caused a retaliation effect where homicide increased for married and unmarried white females and African American unmarried males. They concluded that “being willing to prosecute without providing adequate protection may be harmful” (p. 192). Reckdenwald (2008) also found that the number of shelters per 100,000 females was significantly related to intimate partner homicide. Despite all the efforts to increase shelter availability to females in violent relationships, it appears that the increase in availability is actually associated with an increase in intimate partner homicide. For instance, in 1990 and 2000, the increase in the shelter rate was related to an increase in male-perpetrated intimate partner homicide. It was concluded that efforts to prevent domestic violence and homicide need to also provide adequate protection during times that are characterized by increased violence.

Aside from exposure reduction and retaliation effects, recent research has explored the link between economic deprivation and intimate partner homicide over time (Reckdenwald, 2008). The main idea is that, even though women have experienced improvements economically since the 1960s, they still lag behind their male counterparts in regard to occupational prestige and income levels. Furthermore, women are much more likely to be impoverished than males. Economic deprivation arguments allows researchers to tap the influence of poverty, unemployment, and the dependency on public assistance on the trends in male- and female-perpetrated intimate partner homicides over time, particularly since patterns of intimate partner homicide involving males and females diverge over time. Reckdenwald (2008) found that cities that had the greatest levels of change in female poverty, unemployment, and public assistance from 1990 to 2000 were also areas that experienced significant changes in female-perpetrated intimate partner homicides, suggesting that trends in such homicide were largely influenced by persisting economic deprivation among females.

As noted, overall attempts to explain the different trends in male and female intimate partner homicide have examined a number of different factors, including domestic violence resources, declining domesticity, improving economic status of females, and economic deprivation. Though a conclusive explanation has not surfaced, separating homicide trends by gender and the victim–offender relationship gives a better understanding of the nature of the crime drop in the 1990s.

The study of homicide invokes a scientific investigation of the frequency, nature, and causes of one human being killing another. As researchers explore criminal homicide, they tend to examine murder and nonnegligent manslaughter as defined by official sources (such as the UCR), which excludes justifiable homicide, manslaughter caused by negligence, suicide, or attempted murders. There are generally two national sources of homicide data—the Uniform Crime Reporting Program of the FBI and mortality files from the Vital Statistics Division of the National Center for Health Statistics. Even though these data sources are not without limitations, particularly as they relate to missing data on key characteristics of victims or offenders involved in these incidents, homicide remains the most accurately recorded and documented offense relative to other types of criminal behavior.

One of the most critical questions facing scholars and policymakers today is this: Why did homicide rates decline so considerably during the 1990s? As described here, UCR Supplemental Homicide Reports show that homicide rates fell sharply in U.S. cities in the 1990s. In fact, homicides were almost cut in half, declining approximately 46% during this 10-year period and plunging to their lowest point in 35 years. Scholars have offered a number of potential explanations, including greater police presence, prison expansion, reduced handgun availability, tapering drug (specifically crack cocaine) markets, gains in the economy, and age shifts in the population. Unfortunately, a lack of data and other measurement issues restrict definitive tests of these ideas and explanations.

Because the reasons for the crime drop remain largely unanswered, scholars have moved toward both documenting the potential differences in homicide trends across specific groups and exploring the nature of homicide trends in more detail. Two examples of recent efforts are provided: (1) the study of racial patterns in homicide trends and evidence of a convergence in black and white homicide rates over time and (2) research on how homicide among intimate partners differ by gender of the victim, type of relationship, and race, and recent attempts to explain the different trends in intimate partner homicides over time. As these examples clearly show, total homicide rates mask the nature of the crime drop, ignoring the diversity in trends and differences in life circumstances across groups based on race, gender, and other characteristics. The reality of the crime drop and an understanding of homicide trends over time require moving beyond a general investigation of total homicide rates to explore homicides among distinct groups more closely.

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Bibliography:

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• LaFree, G., O’Brien, R., & Baumer, E. (2006). Is the gap between black and white arrest rates narrowing? National trends for personal contact crimes, 1960 to 2002. In R. Peterson, L. Krivo, & J. Hagan (Eds.), The many colors of crime: Inequalities of race, ethnicity, and crime in America (pp. 179–198). New York: New York University Press.
• Levitt, S. D. (2004). Understanding why crime fell in the 1990s: Four factors that explain the decline and six that do not. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 18, 163–190.
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• Puzone, C. A., Saltzman, L. E., Kresnow, M-J., Thompson, M. P., & Mercy, J. A. (2000). National trends in intimate partner homicide. Violence Against Women, 6, 409–426.
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• BJPsych Open
• v.6(5); 2020 Sep

Families of victims of homicide: qualitative study of their experiences with mental health inquiries

Department of Psychological Medicine, University of Auckland; and Counties Manukau District Health Board, New Zealand

Alan F. Merry

Department of Anaesthesiology, Faculty of Medical and Health Sciences, University of Auckland; and Department of Anaesthesia, Auckland City Hospital, New Zealand

Ron Paterson

Faculty of Law, University of Auckland; Melbourne Law School, University of Melbourne, Australia; and New Zealand Government Inquiry into Mental Health and Addiction, New Zealand

Sally N. Merry

Department of Psychological Medicine, University of Auckland; Cure Kids Duke Family Chair in Child and Adolescent Mental Health, New Zealand; and Werry Centre for Child and Adolescent Mental Health, New Zealand

Associated Data

For supplementary material accompanying this paper visit http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjo.2020.84.

The authors report direct access to the study data. Access to transcripts of interviews with participants is ongoing and stored in accordance with New Zealand ethics committee guidelines. The analysed data is provided and can be accessed via the supplementary data.

Investigations may be undertaken into mental healthcare related homicides to ascertain if lessons can be learned to prevent the chance of recurrence. Families of victims are variably involved in serious incident reviews. Their perspectives on the inquiry process have rarely been studied.

To explore the experiences of investigative processes from the perspectives of family members of homicide victims killed by a mental health patient to better inform the process of conducting inquiries.

The study design was informed by interpretive description methodology. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with five families whose loved one had been killed by a mental health patient and where there had been a subsequent inquiry process in New Zealand. Data were analysed using an inductive approach.

Families in this study felt excluded, marginalised and disempowered by mental health inquires. The data highlight these families’ perspectives, particularly on the importance of a clear process of inquiry, and of actions by healthcare providers that indicate restorative intent.

Conclusions

Families in this study were united in reporting that they felt excluded from mental health inquiries. We suggest that the inclusion of families’ perspectives should be a key consideration in the conduct of mental health inquiries. There may be benefit from inquiries that communicate a clear process of investigation that reflects restorative intent, acknowledges victims, provides appropriate apologies and gives families opportunities to contribute.

Families who have experienced the loss of a loved one as a consequence of homicide where the perpetrator was receiving mental healthcare are a unique group whose voices have rarely been sought. 1 A homicide by a person in receipt of mental healthcare is a serious incident 2 and investigations of mental healthcare related homicides may give families an opportunity to present the victims’ perspective. 3 Key principles for investigating serious incidents in healthcare include a process that is open and transparent and an approach that is objective, timely and systems focused. 2 The purposes of inquiries may be to establish facts, provide an impetus to learn from events leading to the incident, 4 hold multiple people or systems to account or to reassure the public. 5

Staff, patients, victims and perpetrators and their families and carers are all affected by homicide. An inquiry provides a means to highlight gaps in systems and processes of care that can result in serious incidents. 6 Serious incidents include acts or omissions in care that can result in serious injury or unexpected death. 2 Homicide, the crime of killing a person, is subject to particular scrutiny when the perpetrator had a psychiatric illness as the care of the perpetrator may be retrospectively analysed to determine whether the death could have been prevented. 7 It is recommended that patients and victims’ families are involved and supported throughout an investigation process. 2 However, victims of mentally disordered offenders feel isolated and unsupported by healthcare and legal systems. 1 , 8

Types of inquires in New Zealand

In New Zealand, inquiries following mental healthcare related homicide include hospital serious incident reviews (internal and external), coronial inquests and formal complaint procedures. District health boards, responsible for providing mental health services in New Zealand, may conduct a serious incident review. These usually precede coronial inquiries or external inquiries requested by the Director of Mental Health (within the Ministry of Health, the government agency responsible for district health boards) under specific mental health legislation and investigations initiated by a formal complaint to the New Zealand Health and Disability Commissioner.

Information may be shared between different inquiries to avoid duplication and expedite investigations (according to a Memorandum of Understanding between the Office of the Chief Coroner and the Office of the Health and Disability Commissioner, 2016). Unlike the National Confidential Inquiry into Suicide and Homicide by People with Mental Illness, 9 New Zealand does not hold details of homicides and suicides by people under the care of mental health services in a central repository for clinicians to access, for conducting research or for developing national policies. There is no official guidance to standardise inquiries across the 20 district health boards in New Zealand. 10

Families of victims of mental healthcare related homicide seek an explanation of what happened and wish to know what improvements will be made to services. 11 , 12 Yet such families describe invalidating experiences, 13 difficulties establishing contact with hospital managers and struggles with obtaining information from mental health providers about investigations of perpetrators’ care. 8 Healthcare services may not feel the same obligation to disclose information to victims’ families 8 compared with families whose loved one died as a result of a medical adverse event 14 and may be uncertain about what information to share with families. 15

Theoretical approaches to inquiries have been proposed for adverse events in healthcare. 16 , 17 Reason's model, used to analyse complex industrial accidents, 18 has been adapted for use in medical contexts. 16 This conceptual framework includes consideration of attributes of the patient, team and organisation in relation to the outcome. Mental health inquiry panels have developed systems-based protocols to conduct inquiries, a form of structured analysis that explores contributory technological, psychological, social and human factors to adverse outcomes. 17 There is limited evidence that investigations with a systems focus are effective in recommending and implementing useful changes to mental health services. 16

Our observation that the views of families were often missing in inquiries led to this study. Inquiries have reported on relationships between healthcare and other systems and how peoples’ actions and choices are influenced by the system within which they are working. 19 , 20 The authors’ experiences of working within New Zealand's healthcare system influenced the study design. Our intent was to return findings to the field of practice and present evidence for consideration of potential changes to inquiries that could benefit those involved with them.

In this study we have explored families’ experiences of inquiries related to mental healthcare. Victims of crime who encounter the legal system have a high risk of a negative mental health impact and of re-traumatisation. 21 There are few studies that specifically document families of victims’ experiences of investigations into the mental healthcare of perpetrators. 21 , 22 In principle, including the perspectives of families of patients and victims is good practice for inquiry panels. Yet, families of victims of homicide describe difficulty navigating mental health systems and obtaining information when perpetrators have a psychiatric illness. 8

This study is part of a larger body of work to investigate the perspectives of various stakeholders in mental healthcare related inquiries in New Zealand, including their expectations of and experiences with the process. Our wider study extends to the views of clinicians, and members of inquiry panels. This article reports on the participation of families of victims in mental healthcare related inquiries, their understanding of an inquiry's purpose, and the support they received. By investigating families’ experiences with mental healthcare related inquiries following a homicide perpetrated by a patient, there is potential to identify how mental health services can better respond to their needs and concerns when conducting reviews of serious incidents.

Study design and methodological considerations

The study design was informed by interpretive description, 23 – 25 an approach to qualitative research whereby ‘logic derived from the disciplinary orientation’ 25 is applied to analysing a phenomenon. Our research explored families of victims’ experiences of serious incident reviews following mental healthcare related homicide. Our experiences as clinicians, researchers and government policy advisors span systems of general and forensic psychiatry, anaesthesia, law and the safety and quality of healthcare. The primary analysis was conducted by L.N., who is a forensic psychiatrist. Interpretive description was chosen to address the study's question as it enables clinicians to engage with research at the junction of clinical practice. The focus of our research question was the participants’ experiences of district health board inquiries. We presumed that our research question intersected with clinical practice and policy, and that the first author's (L.N.) clinical experience in mental health and forensic services, and with conducting inquiries, would enhance the qualitative analysis undertaken. The process was iterative with immersion and deep engagement with the data (by L.N.) to develop initial codes and facilitate the development of conceptual themes, sharing the analysis with participants for further feedback, and discussing findings with mental health clinicians to broaden perspectives. 26 To enhance trustworthiness, an independent researcher (a psychologist experienced in qualitative methods) co-coded the data, provided a commentary and contributed to the development of themes over a period of 6 months. This was developed further by disseminating findings to clinicians working in mental health services. In this step, L.N. presented initial findings to clinicians and discussed how these might be received and applied in practice.

Participants

Participants were families of victims of mental health homicide, that is, a member of their families had been killed by a patient under the care of mental health services in New Zealand. A family may be defined as a group of people that may be made up of partners, children, parents, aunts, uncles, cousins and grandparents. The term ‘under the care of mental health services’ refers to patients formally under the care of a district health board mental health team (secondary services). Additional inclusion criteria were: age 18 years or above; able to give informed written consent; a serious incident review was conducted by a district health board mental health service between 2002 and 2017; and contact with the family did not breach New Zealand privacy legislation. A New Zealand Health and Disability Ethics Committee approved the study, with conditions that participants be recruited via a third party (ethics approval number 17/NTA/228).

Originally, we proposed a purposive sample to access participants and approached two key New Zealand agencies: Victim Support (a non-governmental organisation that supports victims of crime) and the Ministry of Justice (which holds the Victim Notification Register containing details of victims, for the purpose of informing victims about events regarding the offender). Both agencies declined to facilitate entry into the study; the former cited a lack of resources and the latter cited privacy interests. Accordingly, the study used a snowball sample. In total, five participant families were recruited between August 2018 and March 2019. The first participants were recruited via a key informant in mental health advocacy, who recommended a chain of potential respondents. Additional participants were recruited through hospital managers and family advisors based at the district health board mental health services in Auckland, New Zealand, who identified family members of people who had been victims of homicide perpetrated by a mental health patient. Participants who expressed interest in the study were sent an information sheet and a copy of the interview schedule, which was followed up by a telephone call from the first author. Participants gave their written consent to take part in the study.

Before commencing the study, the semi-structured interview schedule (see Appendix) was checked by, discussed with, and approved by a family member of a patient who had died under the care of hospital services (not mental healthcare related). Between July 2018 and March 2019, the first author interviewed all participants. They were invited to bring a support person and asked if they wanted specific cultural support. Interviews began with acknowledging the victim and exploring families’ involvement and understanding of inquiries. Families were also asked to reflect on their experiences of the inquiry process, including the support they received. Interviews were guided by participants’ concerns and adjusted accordingly. Some participants provided written reflections. Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. Following the interviews, participants were offered psychological counselling, funded by the study.

The interview transcripts were returned to the participants to confirm accuracy of the data. Names and locations in the transcripts were de-identified and a code was assigned to each transcript. NVivo was used to store and manage the data. All transcripts were read intensively and primarily coded by the first author, using an inductive approach. 27 , 28 Memos, observations, reflections and critical questions were recorded across the data-set. An independent researcher (a psychologist-researcher) co-coded a portion (20%) of the data, peers reviewed the coding process and verified the coding framework.

During the analytic process, codes and memos were checked against the transcripts. As described above, concept themes were developed. 29 , 30 The results were presented to mental health clinicians at educational forums in New Zealand and Australia. Verbal and written feedback was incorporated into the development of key themes. The themes were further developed in discussion with an external supervisor (a psychiatrist) of the study. This step may be described as the ‘thoughtful clinician test’, 25 whereby expert practitioners are considered a ‘collateral data source’ to critically reflect on perspectives of the phenomena. This formal relationship also acknowledged the sensitive and emotionally demanding nature of the research. 31

Five families of homicide victims participated in separate interviews and one family provided additional written reflections. There were a total of nine participants in the study involved with four different New Zealand district health boards that included family members who were parents, siblings, sons and daughters of the victims ( Table 1 ). One family included parents of a mental health patient who was killed by another patient. The remaining family members had little or no experience of mental health services as consumers. The families were involved in a range of inquiries, including hospital serious incident reviews (internal and external), coronial inquests and formal complaint procedures. All participants accepted post-interview counselling sessions. Three elements of a good inquiry emerged from the data: understanding the perspectives of families of victims, communicating a clear process of inquiry, and acting with restorative intent. Quotations illustrating these themes are presented (see also the supplementary data, available at https://doi.org/10.1192/bjo.2020.84 ).

Description of participants

Understanding the perspectives of families of victims

The families in the study expressed initial bewilderment that their loved one had been killed by a mental health patient and disbelief when they felt contact with hospital authorities lacked empathy for their loss and circumstances. Their experiences of mental health inquiries into the care of the perpetrator were marked by exclusion, marginalisation and disempowerment. Several participants spoke of their disappointment that the victim and their needs were not enquired into.

‘[Victim] wasn't at the forefront of his own death. In a way he was collateral damage, he was secondary to their thoughts. They were more worried about their reputation and what they did, or didn't do, what was missed out was health and well-being and recovery. They weren't concerned about ours, or how he died.’ (Family 1)

These participants’ concerns continued as they described their sense of exclusion from the inquiry process. These families felt angry at being ‘shut out’ and some described their perception of a lack of respect shown to them by hospital providers. This was more prominent when participants discovered information second-hand, from the media.

‘The way I found out was pretty much newspaper articles, yeah literally. So all my information was newspaper articles and I didn't find that acceptable.’ (Family 2)

The sense of exclusion was compounded by feeling marginalised from the inquiry process. Some families met with hospital representatives and spoke about their concerns that district health boards focused on being defensive, rather than empathetic. These participants expected an acknowledgement of loss of their family member. With the exception of one family, condolences were absent.

‘I was expecting them to say “look we're really sorry about that” or “this has happened to [victim]”. I was numb at that stage, I just walked out. My cousin was behind me and I did hear him say “I can't believe you people just sat there and didn't say sorry”. Then we just left and that was all there was to it.’ (Family 3)

The participants’ attempts to access information from hospital authorities were frequently unsuccessful. They were told the information could not be divulged because of the need to protect the perpetrators’ privacy. Several families requested basic details relating to the perpetrator, or inquiry. They emphasised that they wanted information about public safety, not confidential medical information. Over time, these family members continued to have unanswered questions about the perpetrator's mental healthcare.

‘It [an inquiry] could have given me some closure instead of having all these questions and no one to answer them. There are always so many questions. There was just no one to answer or give me an insight of why it happened and how it happened.’ (Family 2)

These families described their disempowerment and the cumulative psychological stress that arose from their attempts to obtain information.

‘People are absolutely appalled at the way [we've] been treated and the length of time it's gone on. The emotional trauma that it has caused us. It's been absolutely horrendous.’ (Family 4)

The participants in the study spoke of difficult emotions in waiting for various inquiry processes to be completed over a period of months and, in some cases, years. Some described the double pain of loss and injustice as perpetrators were found legally insane. In these cases, families highlighted they felt further excluded and isolated, with few avenues of recourse to address their concerns about process.

Communicating a clear process of inquiry

All the families in the study referred to a serious void in communication from mental health services. These families described a paucity of information about the inquiry process and its purpose. One family articulated their response to the lack of process:

‘There was no process, that's what's most frustrating, that's why I feel like I just want to sue [the hospital]. Hurt them in some way so that it makes them have a process. I just try to forget about it, I just bury it deep and don't talk about it or think about it, I don't ever.’ (Family 3)

These participants considered essential elements in communicating process to include an open invitation to participate; a verbal and written explanation about the purpose of the inquiry and how the case would be investigated; and sharing the findings and recommendations with them. Several highlighted that written information may have helped them understand what the process of a district health board inquiry entailed:

‘I don't know whether it was because we were caught up in the court case or whether it was too fresh. We didn't really understand what the review process was, who would be part of it, what our involvement would be for opportunity for input.’ (Family 5)

Several families reported that their contact with district health boards during and following inquiries was harmful. Some examples were given: a brief summary report in their mailbox; being made aware of an inquiry after it had been completed; and not receiving findings or feedback following the conclusion of an inquiry. They spoke of lost opportunities to make sense of events in the narrative of the victim, identify gaps in mental health service care of the perpetrator and contribute to improving services.

‘If [we] could have been told about those results and the processes that they put in place to actually learn from what happened, I believe that would have made a difference, it might not have resolved all the anger or frustrations but it would have been a big step in the healing.’ (Family 3)

Several families expressed their feelings of frustration and mistrust of hospital providers over time. They viewed access to support and advocacy, as important in understanding their rights, and what they could expect from mental health services. As they progressed with other independent coronial or complaint-related reviews, they became concerned about transparency in the conduct of mental health inquiries.

'Transparency is a tough one to achieve when [the medical profession] is self-regulating and does its own review. There needs to be an independent review and you can't rely on the [hospital] to do its own review because it just doesn't work. You're not going to get people crucifying themselves for their own performance.’ (Family 3)

Despite their concerns, the participants described a role for mental health inquiries in answering specific questions about the perpetrators’ care. This was something often addressed less effectively in legal inquiry processes. Their experiences of coronial inquests were mixed as in some cases a coroner's review occurred many years after the homicide. In general, the participants spoke more positively about coronial inquiries. Several participants described the difficulty in understanding processes and the links between different inquiries and proceedings after they had been completed.

‘With the benefit of hindsight, I would have considered taking legal advice to better understand options for recourse… the process used to incarcerate [perpetrator] under the Mental Health Act, the process of review of [perpetrator]'s imprisonment and/or release…and civil proceedings against [perpetrator] or the [hospital] for the emotional harm they have caused us.’ (Family 3)

Several families in the study stated that the provision of clear information at the outset may have helped them understand what they could expect from an investigation.

‘[Victim] died and then that was it. If we'd got something back from the report, we would have got some sense of closure.’ (Family 5)

These participants were left with unanswered questions related to the perpetrators’ care and recommendations and changes that would be made to services as a result of an inquiry.

Acting with restorative intent

The participants in this study spoke of their grief in losing their family member and described actions that could promote healing. Actions that demonstrated restorative intent emerged as an important attribute of the inquiry process: for district health boards to demonstrate a sincere intent to engage with them; to acknowledge the victim, apologise to the family and convey a commitment to undertake an inquiry with integrity. For several participants, the lack of acknowledgement of their loss and needs perpetuated their grief:

‘No one wants to acknowledge that you had a stake in the whole thing, an opinion, maybe a solution or a point of view.’ (Family 1) ‘One thing that would have really helped was an acknowledgement and some form of apology [from mental health services]. We've never had that…just recognising a life was lost and that person was here. They need to realise it's people they are dealing with.’ (Family 4)

For one participant, the humanity of the victim was not acknowledged until many years later at a coronial inquest:

‘It [coronial inquest] was the first time that [victim] had ever been thought of as a person.’ (Family 4)

Several families wanted to contribute to district health board inquiries to enable mental health services to improve care, and for their perspectives to be recognised and valued.

‘I do see something coming out of the process if I was involved as long as I had an opportunity, not a right. An opportunity to query, or challenge or respond, not just get the findings…prior to that just saying, these are our preliminary findings, we value your input, it could be valuable to us. At least it would give you a sense that you are actually contributing to the process getting better.’ (Family 3)

These families wanted to see evidence that meaningful learning had taken place to help prevent similar mistakes in the future.

‘I think confirmation a lesson has been learnt. If you had feedback from an inquiry to say we've learnt this lesson, we've amended our process. Thank you for your input. That would make me feel okay, something good has come from this.’ (Family 3)

Several participants related concerns that inquiries were not disseminated to mental health services nationally and that district health boards did not learn from inquiries as inquiry recommendations were not formally enforced.

‘All they are is recommendations, this is a real “stuff you” to the victims, not only did [the hospital] ignore them, they also sent a letter to the coroner telling him he was wrong…That just piles contempt on top of contempt.’ (Family 3) ‘It's all very well putting something on a piece of paper…unless you actually act and implement change, then to be honest the review's a total waste of time.’ (Family 4)

Several participants spoke of feeling aggrieved and re-traumatised by denial of accountability by mental health services. One family received a mandated apology many months later following an inquiry. These actions were perceived by participants as harmful, insincere and disrespectful to the memory of their loved one.

‘We've had to fight for everything. When I say fight I mean Official Information Act, Ombudsman, everything, they would not give us anything without making us fight for it. That's going on behind the scenes while you're trying to go through a court process into a murder. You're not only fighting the justice system, you're fighting the Ministry of Health, and individual [hospital service] for stuff that should be available pretty early, as of right.’ (Family 1)

Several participants who had negative encounters with mental health services proactively sought further information from mental health services and accountability from governmental bodies. Some escalated their concerns to formal complaint procedures and became advocates for families with similar circumstances.

In this exploratory study, we examined the experiences of mental health inquiries from the perspective of a small number of families of victims of homicide in New Zealand. Their complex experiences suggest a strong sense of exclusion and disempowerment following the death of their family member. We were moved by the depth of feeling of these participants over time and their unresolved questions despite the inquiry processes. Our results suggest that these families sought to engage with district health boards during these inquiries specifically to better understand the circumstances of their family member's death and what changes could be made to secondary mental health services to prevent a similar death in the future. They received limited information and little or no formal support from mental health services. First steps in promoting healing would presumably include an acknowledgement of loss by district health boards and the communication of a clear process but these steps were typically missed out. 1 , 32

Although this study has been carried out in a small population in New Zealand, there are similar processes for inquiries internationally. 33 The UK's National Health Service Serious Incident Framework notes a central premise of an investigation is to ensure learning is prioritised to prevent the likelihood of similar incidents occurring in the future. 2 A review of investigations of the deaths of patients concluded that many carers and families do not experience healthcare providers as open and transparent. 8 Secondary victims, such as families of victims of mentally disordered offenders, who may have encounters with legal systems in these processes may be exposed to psychological risks. 13 Many do not have access to an advocate and feel unsupported. 8 The present study contributes to an ongoing dialogue about the responsibility for creating a safe psychological climate for families of victims involved with mental health inquiries.

In practice, investigations vary, as does the communication of findings to families. 34 The participants in this study were involved with various medico-legal proceedings in the time that had elapsed since their family member was killed. The lengthy time frames meant it was not possible to narrow the focus of the study to one type of inquiry, for example, the hospital serious incident review of mental healthcare of the perpetrators. The study reveals the difficult experiences of families of victims in navigating multiple processes of inquiry. Not all were involved with the hospital serious incident review process. However, they emphasised this investigation as particularly important as a source of information about the events leading up to the death of their family member and the mental healthcare the perpetrator received.

This study highlights the potential for inquiries to have a restorative function, 14 , 15 in addition to that of documenting and interpreting events. 5 , 16 This is exemplified by the participants’ experiences of exclusion from inquiries that led some to pursue information and accountability through a wider system, including formal complaint and legal processes.

It is also reasonable for the family of a victim to expect an explanation, acknowledgement of 35 and apologies for any failings in care and communication in a timely and sensitive manner. 1 , 36 , 37 This study has highlighted the potential neglect of families during inquiry processes in New Zealand. We postulate that this is likely to be true elsewhere, as well. We suggest that healthcare and mental health service providers should consider families of victims as key stakeholders, obtain their perspectives and consider making formal access to support available to them. The focus on experiences of families of homicide victims as a group with distinct needs 8 could assist with debriefing and educating front-line clinicians. Our findings may encourage members of inquiry panels to view the inclusion of families of victims as a vital step in the process and one which may attenuate these families’ emotional distress. 21 Communicating a clear process and the findings of the inquiry may help a little to mitigate negative consequences of loss as a consequence of homicide. 1

Strengths and limitations

The rapport built with participants in initial contact and sensitive interviews and the capture of depth and richness of their experiences are strengths of this study. Transferability of the findings to other contexts, may be limited by the small sample size, the methodology and analytic process. These data represent the experiences of New Zealand families who chose to participate in this study but cannot be assumed to represent those of all families of victims. The participants in this study may have felt most strongly about their experience of inquiries, or found the process particularly distressing. The findings may guide reflection on approaches to deriving wider purposes and meanings from inquiries of this type. The dissemination of findings to clinicians working in mental health services revealed practical tensions in responding to families of victims at an individual level and developing policy responses to families of victims at local service and wider system levels. Although clinicians identified with the participants’ experiences, their capacity to effect changes in inquiry practice is limited to their individual contexts and involvement in inquiries.

Future research

Family members of victims of homicide are one stakeholder group in mental healthcare related inquiries, and those who participated were a small subgroup of the whole, limited to New Zealand. However, their feedback was common to all, and in line with concerns raised in the literature. Investigating whether these findings apply more generally is important. Another important group to consider is the family members of patients who have been perpetrators of homicide. Families of victims and perpetrators are both groups that are difficult to access, as their private information is held by gatekeepers. Understanding the impact of inquiries on clinicians 38 , 39 and the perspectives of those conducting inquiries would also help guide the development of a more tailored framework for conducting inquiries into serious mental health incidents, and one that can better address the needs of families. 16 , 40

Implications

The data in this study have highlighted a gap in the way inquiries are conducted. Families in this study were united in reporting that they felt excluded from mental health inquiries. We suggest that perspectives of families of mental health related homicide should be a key consideration in the conduct of mental health inquiries. There may be benefit from inquiries that communicate a clear process of investigation that reflects restorative intent, acknowledges victims, provides appropriate apologies and gives families opportunities to contribute.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge the victims of mental-health-related homicide and thank their families for contributing to the study. Thank you to Peter Adams, Stephen Buetow and Janie Sheridan for their advice on qualitative methods and valuable comments on the manuscript. Thank you also to Ruth Allen for her assistance with the analysis and to Heather Gunter for her support in designing the interview schedule.

Participant interview schedule

Author contributions.

L.N. was responsible for the acquisition, analysis and interpretation of data. All authors contributed to the concept of the work, critically revising the content of the article and approving the final version. The authors are jointly responsible for the accuracy and integrity of the work.

This research was supported by a Faculty Research Development Fund award from The University of Auckland (L.N., grant number 3715260).

Supplementary material

Data availability, declaration of interest.

The first author reports a grant from The University of Auckland during the conduct of the study. The other authors have nothing to disclose.

ICMJE forms are in the supplementary material, available online at https://doi.org/10.1192/bjo.2020.84 .

Criminal Justice Research: Homicide Essay

Criminology is the study that investigates criminal behaviors concerning an individual and a society. It covers the cause, control and nature of the behavior. It is a field related to all disciplines. As a study, criminology investigates relations among human beings and their activities in the world. Criminology has several research areas. As a study, it explores the causes, magnitudes and incidence of crime. It also gains capacity with the regulations and reaction of crime from the society and the government. Criminology depends on quantitative techniques to explore the circulation and origins of crime. Quantitative methods are systematic and practical research procedures of social phenomena via different techniques. In criminology, quantitative methods have provided the key research methods for reviewing the causes and distribution of crime. They offer numerous ways to attain data that is beneficial to a given society. In the investigation, quantitative methods involve key research forms. The forms of research include evaluation, survey and field research. This research assists criminologists in the process of finding effective and dependable data. The data obtained is sampled and then used to make key declarations about the matter being investigated. There are currently several types of data used to measure crime (Maddan, 2010).

Crime is the violation of laws that forbids it and permit punishment for its commission. In general, there are four methods to measure crime to get quantitative data. One of the methods is observation. Observation as a method is not the best way to obtain information since it does not give a reliable measure of the crime. The second method is surveys of offenders. A survey of offenders is a convenient method to measure data. The advantage of this method is that information not yet reported to authorities can be obtained. Another advantage is that crimes not recorded or reported to authorities can be discovered. Assessment of offenders avails data about them along with their victims. A Survey of offenders exposes the extent of crime perpetrated by an offender. They are helpful, particularly for victimless crimes. The third method is victimization reports. Victimization reports are established on police measures of crime. They are mainly centered on reported crimes. In normal circumstances, knowing the depth of crime is a tough task. Therefore, the various methods are combined to obtain effective data (Hagan, 2008).

Criminal justice is mainly a governmental system that is meant to maintain low levels of crime to stop crime entirely. As a system, it sustains civilization in the society and political world. The main purpose of criminal justice is to implement the standards of conduct essential to defend the community and individuals. In its mandate, criminal justice offers a system of rules applied by a set of institutions. This system consists of three major sections which are the adjudication, the legislative and the corrections agency. Through the primary parts, laws are created and implemented through courts. Criminal justice is completed through criminal justice research (Maddan, 2010).

Criminal justice research is the key solution to successful integrity in criminal cases. It is achieved through criminology by social scientists and criminologists. An example of criminal justice research is the research done on homicides. Homicide is the act of a person taking the life of another person. A form of homicide is murder, which is the prohibited killing of another human. Homicide is not always a punishable act in criminal law (Geberth, 1996).

The purpose of the research study done on homicide was because of the high rates of homicides in the United States. The research was done to find the forms, causes, consequences and incidence of homicide as a crime. The research was to identify the key methods of homicide, their sources, what penalties they bring to individuals and society, and the frequency of homicide occurrence (Hagan, 2008).

The research study design was mainly a form of research in the humanities. It involved the exploration of the details and issues that surround homicide. In this form of research, context is a significant factor. The environmental element can be historical, social, traditional, governmental, or ethnic. This method involves the social scientists and criminologists investigating the background, environment and setting of a homicide. In a homicide setting, the first task for researchers is to do primary research. The researchers are to source from documents and other data. The other task is to interpret the data to understand it and have discussions about it.

The researchers used victims as an operational definition. The victims of homicide were used to provide the information needed in the research. Part of the information was gathered from direct questioning while the other data was obtained through the filling of forms by the victims. The victims were interrogated and cross-examined by the researchers (Hagan, 2008).

Inductive logic is a form of reasoning. It deduces key information from comprehensive examples. It suggests the truth of a matter but does not confirm it. This form of reasoning reflects more on generalization of matters than individual instances. Inductive logic is based on the factor of relation. It points out that conclusions can be made from given properties. This perspective gives an overview of a matter and a general impression. An example of inductive reasoning in homicide is that 31% of homicides globally occur in the Americas. This is a generalization on the homicide rate since the occurrence of homicide is unpredictable anywhere in the world. Inductive logic contrasts with deductive logic. Deductive logic (known otherwise as deductive reasoning) is the way of reasoning from a single or multiple general accounts entailing what is accepted to achieve a conclusion that is logically assured. This method outputs a detailed conclusion from a general principle. Deductive logic gives the researcher a key aspect of identifying a solution. Logical deduction links statements that a dispute claims will justify or induce a conclusion. An example of deduction logic is the fact that homicides were mainly committed by strangers. This is true and is supported by the data collected (Geberth, 1996).

The research study on homicide is qualitative research. Qualitative research is a process of inquiry engaged in various academic disciplines. It is employed in social sciences and other contexts. This procedure prefers the need to focus on small samples rather than large samples. In homicide research, the characteristics and methods of qualitative research are evident. This research on homicide was qualitative research since it implemented the use of interviews and discussions.

In homicide research, the guideline system for solving the problem was to use various methods, tools, techniques and give tasks in phases. The methodology was to analyze the principles of rules, methods and postulates engaged by the homicide cases. The research population involved individuals from the general public who had been victims of homicide. The sampling methods varied with the quality and nature of the crime, availability of information about crime and the operational or costs concerns. A set of entities regarding statistical interferences were drawn based on a random sample obtained from the population. They included methods such as, simple random sampling, systematic sampling and stratified sampling (Hagan, 2008).

The criminal justice research brought about several key findings. One of the key findings was that crime and race have a relationship in cases concerning homicide. It was noted that many homicides were committed in main cities, and homicides, where the offender and the victim are not determined, were on the rise and that many serial murder cases continue to be unknown to the police (Geberth, 1996).

The author of the criminal justice research concluded that homicide as a crime is a serious offense against humanity. Homicide degrades human dignity and grave humiliation on human beings. The author recommends collaboration between the police and the public to improve security, developing a team that would obtain information concerning homicides, and improving the sharing of information and technology. These recommendations are key factors that can assist the police and the public to reduce the cases of homicides. With the enlightenment of the society on this crime of homicide, the public will have the knowledge and clarification of the crime and learn ways of reducing it. This research study was done in good detail. The aspect of social learning about the information relating to homicide is a key factor to improve the dignity of people, and also helps in reducing the high rates of homicide (Hagan, 2008).

Geberth, V. J. (1996). Practical Homicide Investigation: Tactics, Procedures, and Forensic Techniques, Third Edition . United States.

Hagan, F. E. (2008). Introduction to criminology: Theories, methods, and criminal behavior . Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage Publications.

Maddan, Sean, Ph.d. (2010). Criminology and Criminal Justice: Theory Research Methods and Statistics . Jones & Bartlett Learning.

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IvyPanda. (2022, May 4). Criminal Justice Research: Homicide. https://ivypanda.com/essays/criminal-justice-research-homicide/

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Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Criminal Justice Research: Homicide." May 4, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/criminal-justice-research-homicide/.

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Homicide Rates in the United States

According to FBI statistics, the crime rate in the United States is growing. In the early 2000s, it declined significantly, especially in the number of homicides and other serious violent crimes (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2019). However, in recent years, the murder rate has risen significantly across the country, and some states have much higher levels of violent crime. Using data from the Uniform Crime Report, this paper discusses the peculiarities of the homicide rate in the United States and its changes over time. The analyzed data represents the actual prevalence of homicide in the country and may influence the decision-making process in developing policies to minimize this crime.

In 2019, the number of homicides in the United States was 16,245. In 2020, the situation has deteriorated and murders have increased by an average of 24 percent compared to 2019 (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2019). As Figure 1 states, the homicide rate has risen by 0.3 percent from 2018, by 3.4 percent from 2015, and by 11.6 percent from 2010 (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2019). In 2020, 41 mass murders have been committed in the United States so far (Bullinger et al., 2020). American public attention was drawn to the mass shooting in El Paso and Odessa, Dayton, Virginia, and New Jersey. In the passing year, the highest number of massacres was committed in the United States since the 1970s when the country began to record the crime rates.

The largest surge of violence occurred in Chicago where the biggest number of all murders was recorded. Moreover, compared to 2019, the number of homicides in Chicago has grown by more than 50 percent (Bullinger et al., 2020). According to the Chicago Police Department, from January 1 to the end of July 2020, 440 murders were committed in Chicago, and a total of 2,240 people received bullet wounds, including fatal ones (Bullinger et al., 2020). Chicago police say that the high numbers are linked to gang wars when members of a rival gang are shot from a passing car, and random bullets also hit passers-by. Homicide rates have also increased in both typically high crime cities such as Detroit and Philadelphia, as well as generally peaceful cities such as Phoenix and Omaha. New York has also seen a surge in crime and gunfire in 2020.

The highest number of massacres occurred in California, the state with the strictest rules for carrying and acquiring firearms. In most cases, the attackers were personally acquainted with their victims. This happened in the case of family quarrels, wars between criminal gangs, or shootings caused by anger and irritation towards colleagues or relatives. At the same time, in many cases, the motives that guided the attackers were never revealed. In general, Michigan is considered the most dangerous state because of the most criminal city of Detroit (Bullinger et al., 2020). Today, some other states can be distinguished, such as Arkansas, Missouri, California, Tennessee, New York, and Ohio.

Taking into account race and gender, black men seem to be most victimized by homicide in the United States. According to the Uniform Crime Report, in 2019, most of the murder victims were males. Based on the Expanded Homicide Data Table 1, it can be calculated that 46 percent of all homicide victims were African American men (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2019). Violence is directed primarily at members of the same racial or ethnic group. Therefore, the number of murder victims per 1 million inhabitants among African Americans is much higher than among whites, Hispanics, and Asians (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2019). White homicides are distributed relatively proportionally across different demographic groups. In contrast, murders committed by blacks focus on members of their racial group. The distribution of the death toll of African Americans by race or ethnicity of the criminal highlights the leading cause of violent deaths among black Americans.

Another distinctive feature that characterizes American crime is the ethnicity of the offenders. In 2019, 39.5 percent of African Americans committed a homicide in comparison with 29.1 percent of white people (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2019). However, white nationalists are also responsible for the vast majority of all extremist killings over the past 10 years. In 2018, that number soared to 78% of the total homicide rate (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2019). According to the Expanded Homicide Data Table 3, 88 percent of the offenders in 2019 were males (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2019). Thus, black males appear to be the offenders most of the time. Criminologists associate this tendency with discrimination against black people, who find it difficult to have permanent work and housing, which pushes them onto the criminal road.

The crime rate in the United States is high because the influence of gangs is still great. The total number of gang members in the country, despite serious opposition from the police, is large and amounts to about 1.4 million people (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2019). In some cities, there are areas where even police officers are afraid to go unarmed. Another important factor is the role of firearms in homicides. Since it is officially allowed to carry firearms for self-defense, on the one hand, it allows people to protect themselves as much as possible. On the other hand, it leads to frequent fatal shootings, which negatively affects the overall security of the United States.

The growing number of murders should lead to a reassessment of the internal threat posed by black gangs and militant white nationalists. The use of regulations that severely restrict the rights of citizens to own firearms can lead to a decrease in the level of homicide and other violent crimes. Congress tried to impose mandatory identity checks on all weapons purchases, including private transactions. Despite Senate support, the project was blocked by a minority over procedural objections. Today the situation is changing since Congress has passed legislation regulating the possession of firearms. However, the opposition to any gun control bills in the Senate remains significant.

The existence of dangerous gangs, racism, and the availability of firearms significantly undermines the security of the United States. Recently, many of the murders have been committed against members of racial and ethnic minorities. In each of these cases, the offenders were guided by their conviction that the representatives of other races were going to harm them. The provided figures give rise to many politicians to declare that it is time to end the growth of homicide since it is the result of incorrect shifts in the public perception of crime. This threat should lead to effective methods and procedures of dealing with this issue, including the reduction of racist attitudes and increased gun control.

Bullinger, L. R., Carr, J. B., & Packham, A. (2020). COVID-19 and crime: Effects of stay-at-home orders on domestic violence. National Bureau of Economic Research.

Federal Bureau of Investigation (2019). Uniform Crime Reports. 2019 crime in the United States. Web.

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StudyCorgi. (2022, March 7). Homicide Rates in the United States. https://studycorgi.com/homicide-rates-in-the-united-states/

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THOMAS ABT , Senior Fellow and Violent Crime Working Group Chair, CCJ; Founding Director, Violent Crime Reduction Center, University of Maryland

"The most likely explanation for homicide – and, more specifically, gun violence – falling is the pandemic fading to the background of everyday life for most Americans. The pandemic may not have been the driving factor behind the surge in murder in 2020, but the surge was likely exacerbated by the stresses of the pandemic, lack of government and non-profit intervention programming, and historic gun sales that accompanied the pandemic's onset."

JEFF ASHER , Co-Founder, AH Datalytics

"COVID-19 exposed the nation to the harms systemic racism, inequitable policies, and decades of economic disinvestment have on our most marginalized communities, specifically majority Black neighborhoods. Mandated stay-at-home orders led to decreased access to services and support ... The lack of resources to communities with pre-existing constraints compounded the distress for our most vulnerable residents, who generally experience higher rates of trauma."

DELRICE ADAMS , Executive Director, Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority

HOW DO WE RESPOND?

In response to the rise in violent crime, CCJ launched a Violent Crime Working Group in July 2021. Composed of a diverse range of leaders, the Group dedicated itself to saving lives by producing anti-violence guidance that is timely, relevant, and reliable. The Group met 11 times, consulted with other leading experts, produced three reports on national crime trends, held two live public web events, and issued seven bulletins highlighting its key findings and featuring concrete recommendations to improve policy and practice in this critical area. The Group was chaired by CCJ Senior Fellow Thomas Abt, who is now founding director of the Center for the Study and Practice of Violence Reduction at the University of Maryland, College Park.

In its final report, the Group identified Ten Essential Actions that cities can take now to reduce community gun violence. This list is not comprehensive; instead, it highlights the actions members thought to be the most likely to make the greatest immediate impact on violence.

Listed in roughly sequential order, the actions are short-term measures that can be carried out within a year, typically without new legislation or enormous expenditures. The Group made clear the actions are not a substitute for longer-term strategies and investments that can address poverty, inequality, racism, and other underlying systemic causes of crime and violence.

As noted above, in December the U.S. Department of Justice released a violence reduction “roadmap” based on the Ten Essential Actions framework. The roadmap organizes the department’s grant programs, training and technical assistance, and other resources by the ten action steps; the Police Executive Research Forum was selected to assist jurisdictions seeking to implement the recommended strategies.

Ten Essential Actions Cities Can Take to Reduce Violence Now

Commit to saving lives by stopping violence. Homicide and other violent crimes devastate cities in human and economic terms. In Chicago in 2021, homicide collectively cost the city almost $8 billion in criminal justice and medical costs, lost wages and earnings, diminished property values, and reduced quality of life. And that is just the price of murder. The human and economic costs of all violent crime run far higher. Preserving life by preventing lethal or near-lethal violence is the primary goal of any true anti-violence effort, and progress should be measured in concrete terms: fewer homicides and non-fatal shootings. City leaders should commit to tangible reductions in these measures. Annual 10% reductions in homicides and non-fatal shootings are realistic goals.

In every city, violence concentrates among small sets of individuals, groups, and locations. To effectively reduce violent crime, cities should begin with a rigorous problem analysis like the one completed in Oakland. These analyses draw on incident reviews, shooting data, law enforcement intelligence, and social network mapping to identify the people and groups most likely to become involved in a violent incident. Also critical: mapping the occurrence of such incidents to reveal the micro-locations, or “hot spots,” where most violence happens. These analyses should then be reviewed by trained street outreach workers and other non-police individuals with relevant experience. This foundational work is critical to creating a shared understanding of a city’s violence and guiding collaborative efforts.

Addressing violence demands a multi-disciplinary response and a strategic plan to effectively organize these efforts, such as the paired plans from the Dallas Mayor’s Office and Police Department. Most critically, leaders must coordinate stakeholder activities focused on the highest-risk people and places. Plans should be practical and actionable, detailing concrete commitments: for key people and in key places, who will do what, by when? These commitments should use SMART (specific, measurable, achievable, relevant, and time-bound) criteria. Plans should also identify which activities will not be undertaken in order to maintain focus, as trying to do too much often results in failure. Finally, plans must emphasize partnership, particularly between members of law enforcement and impacted communities, where relationships are often severely strained.

Those individuals and groups at the highest risk of violence must be placed on notice that they are in great danger of being injured, killed, arrested, and/or incarcerated. This message must be delivered with a combination of empathy and accountability. Supports and services must be offered so people have something better to say “yes” to, but it must be made clear that further violence will not be tolerated. Outreach workers in neighborhoods and hospitals where shooting victims are recovering can defuse conflicts, connect people to services, and serve as crucial go-betweens for a city and some of its most disconnected citizens, as they do in New York City. Cognitive behavioral interventions like those used by READI Chicago can help even the most traumatized individuals begin to heal and make better life decisions. Proactive policing, like the “precision policing” effort also in New York City, can put high-risk people and groups on notice that they are being watched and that further violence will be met with swift and certain consequences. Focused deterrence strategies, such as Oakland Ceasefire, are a successful framework for all such engagement, blending customized supports for high-risk individuals with targeted sanctions, as needed. Finally, efforts like those in Boston to improve homicide and shooting clearance rates can deter future violence and disrupt cycles of retaliation.

A combination of place-based policing and investment can calm violent spaces. Police are necessary to disrupt existing cycles of violence and stop others from starting. But such short-term actions must be supplemented and quickly replaced by place-based interventions and investments to change the nature of violent micro-locations and the communities in which they are located. Problem-oriented policing, conducted in collaboration with residents as demonstrated by the Community Safety Partnership in Los Angeles, can begin the process. Environmental crime prevention approaches such as cleaning-and-greening initiatives in Philadelphia as well as changing traffic patterns and repairing, upgrading, and adding streetlights can also influence the trajectory of these areas. Finally, targeted investments and deployment of resources must be made to improve education, employment, healthcare, housing, transportation, and other socioeconomic factors that can give rise to crime and violence in the first place.

Every city suffering from high rates of violent crime should have a permanent unit dedicated to violence reduction operating inside the mayor’s office, with senior leadership reporting directly to the mayor. These units, such as the Office of Gang Reduction and Youth Development (GRYD) in Los Angeles, can provide direct services as well as administer funding and should act as a hub for city anti-violence efforts. Housing the unit outside the mayor’s office or placing intermediaries between the mayor and the unit’s leadership will significantly diminish performance and long-term viability across administrations. These units must be sustainably staffed and substantially funded in order to be successful long-term. Within law enforcement agencies, chiefs and other top leaders must demand a consistent focus on preventing violence, not just making arrests, and on working with citizens and community partners. Effective management also includes rewarding officers for outcomes like reduced victimization, rather than outputs like the number of pedestrian or car stops they make. Similarly, non-law enforcement leaders such as those running community-based anti-violence organizations should maintain a focus on anti-violence outcomes, not outputs such as services delivered.

Gun violence disproportionately affects the poor and powerless in our society. In certain communities, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder is more common among residents than among veterans of the wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, or Vietnam. Victims of violent crime are more likely to be victimized again, and many victims are subject to multiple forms of violence, known as polyvictimization. Finally, those exposed to chronic violence are more likely to perpetrate violence themselves. Agencies working with victims and survivors of violent crime should use a trauma-informed approach, such as the model used by the Trauma Recovery Center in San Francisco. This means acknowledging and recognizing the impacts and symptoms of trauma and ensuring that supports and services are delivered in a way that does not retraumatize victims. Law enforcement officers also experience trauma and benefit from such approaches as well.

Too many in the violence reduction field have worked too long without proper support or recognition. Many street outreach workers, for instance, work for little pay, no benefits, and with minimal opportunity for advancement. Most do not receive sufficient support for addressing the trauma – direct and vicarious – that comes with anti-violence work. Investing in a professional and sustainable anti-violence workforce means providing adequate salaries, benefits, and prospects for upward mobility through effective training and education. Law enforcement agencies, meanwhile, are suffering from serious morale, retention, and recruitment challenges. That workforce also needs additional support to perform at its best.

There is a large base of rigorous evidence about what works, and what doesn’t, when it comes to violence reduction. That said, there is still room for learning and improvement. While most funding should be reserved for strategies with demonstrated track records of success, some portion of anti-violence dollars should be set aside to promote innovation. Development funds should be created to nurture new leaders and organizations with small grants, training, and technical assistance. Innovation set-asides can support new anti-violence strategies intended to establish proof of concept and pave the way for additional funding. Intermediary, pass-through, and fiscal sponsorship agreements can ensure that less-established organizations can still participate in city efforts.

Strategies must be tested to see if they actually stop violence and save lives. Plans must be reviewed and, if necessary, revised. Leaders should embrace a learning culture that is able to recognize when strategies are not working and shift course – without starting over from scratch. Data must be gathered and research partners should be engaged early to assess performance, working in close consultation with police and community partners. Reducing violence requires a diverse range of stakeholders, and the best way to focus and maximize their efforts is through information-sharing networks. In today’s interconnected world, networks can promote peer-to-peer learning across bureaucratic and jurisdictional boundaries. Efforts like the National Network for Safe Communities and the newly-established National Offices of Violence Prevention Network can also promote fidelity to evidence-informed practices, encourage collaboration, spur innovation, and build capacity for action. Finally, networks can serve as vehicles for broader institutional and systemic

State and Federal Support

Most anti-violence efforts happen at the local level, but state and federal support are key to help cities succeed in their front-line anti-violence campaigns. States and the federal government can support the essential actions outlined above through messaging and convening, grantmaking and fiscal incentives, regulation and legislation, and through the direct actions of certain agencies.

• Help cities set the right goals. Prioritizing violence reduction can be politically difficult for local leaders seeking to portray their cities as safe and healthy places to live, work, and raise families. State and federal leaders can encourage their local counterparts with clear messaging as well as fiscal incentives for doing what is necessary, not politically expedient. This means emphasizing clear anti-violence goals, evidence-informed strategies, and partnership between law enforcement and community groups.
• Support evidence-backed strategies, workforce development, and technical assistance while also investing in innovation. Most state and federal dollars invested in local violence reduction efforts should fund proven strategies and the capacity building and training needed to sustain and expand those strategies. At the same time, resources must be made available for localities to pursue or enhance promising or emerging approaches to reducing violence. Also key is support for improving the quality and quantity of relevant data and research as well as peer-to-peer learning through convenings and information-sharing networks.
• Align state and federal actions with local anti-violence priorities. For state and federal agencies that work directly on anti-violence issues, aligning activities with local efforts is essential. State probation and parole agencies can create specialized caseloads to better supervise and support high-risk individuals, the FBI and U.S. Attorneys can coordinate with local law enforcement to incapacitate persistently violent individuals and groups, and health, labor, education, and other non-enforcement agencies can similarly focus their resources. A coherent, whole-of-government approach that identifies and engages the key people and places driving local violence is the goal.

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Introduction to Crime Essay: Structure and Format

Table of Contents

All writings on crime have the same objective – to find and assist. Any cause-and-effect relationships you uncover can help you understand the problem more.

It can also develop new techniques for preventing, minimizing, or dealing with crimes and criminals and expose numerous other relevant information.

This article features the best way to report your crime essay. Just follow the essay structure guidelines and start writing!

How to Write a Proper Crime Essay

Writing an essay on crime is nearly identical to writing any other essay. However, you must be specific with the content you provide in your essay.

Endeavour to verify the credibility and accuracy of any Internet sources you use. It is also prudent to rely on data and numbers.

In addition, choosing a narrow topic for your essay is preferable, as this will make it more interesting and newsworthy. If you select a topic that is too wide, you will end yourself writing about everything and nothing. Choosing a restricted topic, however, may be challenging due to the scarcity of available knowledge.

Therefore, study your issue and locate the sweet spot. Let’s get unto how to properly outline a crime esssay.

Outline: Introduction to Crime Essay

Every essay should have three sections: introduction , body, and conclusion.

They may also have paragraphs to facilitate reading comprehension. When you have finally decided on a topic, creating an outline is a good idea. This is where you will emphasize each section of your essay. Here is a free sample of an essay outline.

1. Introduction

This is where you give all the background information needed to understand your ideas. It is the foundation of your research. You could also explain what the words mean, if necessary.

2. Body section

The main body is where you put all of your ideas. Find out if more men or women commit crimes. Try to answer the question “why” or find an answer. 

Race and immigration

Look at which groups of people are more likely to commit crimes. Also, look into how being an immigrant can affect criminal behavior.

List the things that may have happened in a person’s early life that led them to commit crimes later. Trauma, family size and relationships, alcoholism and drug addiction, bullying, and poor school achievement might cause this.

A few studies have looked at how religion might affect criminal behavior. Find out if religion makes crime worse, how, and why. Maybe the effects of different religions are different.

Political ideology

Look into different political ideas and how they influence people to act. Are there any that seem to make people want to break the law? 

Psychological traits

Talk about how a person’s psychological background can affect them. Give some examples of mental illnesses that can make people violent or destructive. Find some numbers to back up your claims. 

Socioeconomic factors

Look at which groups of people are more likely to commit a crime and why. Explain how the economy in the family, the city, and the country may affect criminal behavior. You could even write an essay about poverty and crime.

3. Conclusion

In your conclusion, wrap up everything you’ve said. Remember that you don’t need to say or think anything new here.

4. References

Add a list of the sources you used in your essay (if required).

Argumentative Essay on the Root Causes of Criminal Behavior

Of course, the government and law enforcement agencies work to reduce crime (which is a great goal, by the way).

But it continues to happen.

Most people don’t have a clue as to its origins, and that’s a big concern. Because “just mad” is rarely the answer, we need to raise our understanding of the reasons behind criminal behavior.

Here are a few things to think about if you decide to write such an essay:

1. Certain physical traits

People still think that people with certain physical traits are more likely to commit crimes. It is said that these people have smaller heads, more prominent jaws and ears, and a certain height and weight. 

2. Illnesses of the mind and psychological disorders

Some illnesses make people more likely to be violent. For instance, some people with schizophrenia be psychotic or possess psychotic symptoms.

3. Social status

Those considered outcasts or someone with a hard life are more likely to have a more challenging time succeeding. This is why you have the lower social groups committing crimes against those considered higher in the social strata.

4. Poor Economies

The same is true for the economy. When a country is poor, there is more crime. It was found that people with less education are more likely to commit a crime than people with more education.

5. Unemployment

Also, unemployment is considered one of the most common reasons people break the law. If people cannot find employment, they may commit crimes as an alternative to getting a job.

6. White-collar crime

White-collar crime is common among deputies and high-ranking government officials. They include taking bribes, abusing power, being too busy, and other things.

The criminal justice system is an exciting topic for research papers and analytical essays.

Crime is, unfortunately, ever-present, and there is a wealth of data and statistics from which you may draw answers to your specific issues.

While crime rates are rising in every community, I believe both governments and individuals can improve. On the one hand, governments can take several significant steps to minimize or even eliminate various forms of crime.

To begin, governments can increase the number of police officers in every community to keep an eye on citizens and deter criminal behavior. Secondly, the state can use cutting-edge technologies like surveillance cameras in all public areas to prevent illegal activity.

Strong sanctions like incarceration, physical punishments, or financial fines may reduce crime since they dissuade people of all ages.

Members of the society can also play a significant role in reducing crime rates. The vast majority of people are willing to help the government maintain a secure society, from my experience.

Ordinary people may play a crucial role in crime-prevention efforts simply by reporting issues to the police. When citizens are invested in reducing violent crime in their cities, it provides the government with an opportunity to take preventative measures.

In a nut shell, all members of society, including governments and people, must prevent crime for a community to be safe.

Abir Ghenaiet

Abir is a data analyst and researcher. Among her interests are artificial intelligence, machine learning, and natural language processing. As a humanitarian and educator, she actively supports women in tech and promotes diversity.

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• Crime, justice and law

Trends and drivers of homicide: Main findings

This report looks at long-term trends and patterns in homicide in England and Wales and other nations with the aim of explaining the trends and drivers.

Ref: ISBN 978-1-78655-988-3, Home Office Research Report 113

PDF , 976 KB , 80 pages

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Trends and drivers of homicide: Main findings data tables

ODS , 418 KB

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Trends and drivers of homicide main findings: Annexes 1 to 9

PDF , 8.6 MB , 476 pages

Annex 1 data tables

MS Excel Spreadsheet , 128 KB

Annex 2 data tables: International trends

MS Excel Spreadsheet , 73.9 KB

Homicide Index data tables

MS Excel Spreadsheet , 70.5 KB

Mortality statistics data tables

MS Excel Spreadsheet , 45.8 KB

Population data tables

MS Excel Spreadsheet , 164 KB

Technical Annex data tables

The latest statistics on homicide can be found at ‘Crime in England and Wales’ and the latest detailed Homicide Index statistics can be found at ‘Homicide in England and Wales: year ending March 2019’ .

This report aims to assess the main drivers of homicide in England and Wales since 1960. It uses data analysis of trends and patterns in England and Wales and also other nations, given the evidence that global trends show a high level of correlation with those in England and Wales. It also includes a rapid evidence assessment of drivers of homicide. This is divided into sections corresponding with the drivers of crime identified in the Modern Crime Prevention Strategy: alcohol, drugs, the effectiveness of the Criminal Justice System, opportunity, character and profit.

The report finds that homicide is a complex crime with many different overlapping categories including alcohol and drug-related cases, gang-related cases, domestic cases, sexually motivated cases and so on. However, careful analysis reveals that homicide trends display clear patterns. Understanding these patterns is important for police, policy-makers and others aiming to reduce homicide. The report tentatively suggests that two trends have driven homicide since 1960: a ‘long wave’ that affected all types of homicide and crime more generally, which possibly suggests a rise and fall in risk factors for offending; and a series of locally-specific ‘short waves’ focused on male-on- male homicides and likely to be connected to gangs, organised crime and illicit drugs.

Added 'Trends and drivers of homicide main findings: Annexes 1 to 9', 'Annex 1 data tables', 'Annex 2 data tables: International trends', 'Homicide Index data tables', 'Mortality statistics data tables', 'Population data tables' and 'Technical Annex data tables'.

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What the data says (and doesn’t say) about crime in the united states.

From the first day of his presidency to his campaign for reelection, Donald Trump has sounded the alarm about crime in the United States. Trump vowed to end “ American carnage ” in his inaugural address in 2017. This year, he ran for reelection on a platform of “ law and order .”

As Trump’s presidency draws to a close, here is a look at what we know – and don’t know – about crime in the U.S., based on a Pew Research Center analysis of data from the federal government and other sources.

Crime is a regular topic of discussion in the United States. We conducted this analysis to learn more about U.S. crime patterns and how those patterns have changed over time.

The analysis relies on statistics published by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), the statistical arm of the U.S. Department of Justice. FBI statistics were accessed through the Crime Data Explorer . BJS statistics were accessed through the National Crime Victimization Survey data analysis tool . Information about the federal government’s transition to the National Incident-Based Reporting System was drawn from the FBI and BJS, as well as from media reports.

To measure public attitudes about crime in the U.S., we relied on survey data from Gallup and Pew Research Center.

How much crime is there in the U.S.?

It’s difficult to say for certain. The two primary sources of government crime statistics – the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) – both paint an incomplete picture, though efforts at improvement are underway.

The FBI publishes annual data on crimes that have been reported to the police, but not those that haven’t been reported. The FBI also looks mainly at a handful of specific violent and property crimes, but not many other types of crime, such as drug crime. And while the FBI’s data is based on information it receives from thousands of federal, state, county, city and other police departments, not all agencies participate every year. In 2019, the most recent full year available, the FBI received data from around eight-in-ten agencies .

BJS, for its part, tracks crime by fielding a large annual survey of Americans ages 12 and older and asking them whether they were the victim of a crime in the past six months. One advantage of this approach is that it captures both reported and unreported crimes. But the BJS survey has limitations of its own. Like the FBI, it focuses mainly on a handful of violent and property crimes while excluding other kinds of crime. And since the BJS data is based on after-the-fact interviews with victims, it cannot provide information about one especially high-profile type of crime: murder.

All those caveats aside, looking at the FBI and BJS statistics side-by-side does give researchers a good picture of U.S. violent and property crime rates and how they have changed over time.

Which kinds of crime are most and least common?

Property crime in the U.S. is much more common than violent crime. In 2019, the FBI reported a total of 2,109.9 property crimes per 100,000 people, compared with 379.4 violent crimes per 100,000 people.  

By far the most common form of property crime in 2019 was larceny/theft, followed by burglary and motor vehicle theft. Among violent crimes, aggravated assault was the most common offense, followed by robbery, rape, and murder/non-negligent manslaughter.

BJS tracks a slightly different set of offenses from the FBI, but it finds the same overall patterns, with theft the most common form of property crime in 2019 and assault the most common form of violent crime.

How have crime rates in the U.S. changed over time?

Both the FBI and BJS data show dramatic declines in U.S. violent and property crime rates since the early 1990s, when crime spiked across much of the nation.

Using the FBI data, the violent crime rate fell 49% between 1993 and 2019, with large decreases in the rates of robbery (-68%), murder/non-negligent manslaughter (-47%) and aggravated assault (-43%). (It’s not possible to calculate the change in the rape rate during this period because the FBI revised its definition of the offense in 2013 .) Meanwhile, the property crime rate fell 55%, with big declines in the rates of burglary (-69%), motor vehicle theft (-64%) and larceny/theft (-49%).

Using the BJS statistics, the declines in the violent and property crime rates are even steeper than those reported by the FBI. Per BJS, the overall violent crime rate fell 74% between 1993 and 2019, while the property crime rate fell 71%.

How do Americans perceive crime in their country?

Americans tend to believe crime is up, even when the data shows it is down.

In 20 of 24 Gallup surveys conducted since 1993, at least 60% of U.S. adults have said there is more crime nationally than there was the year before, despite the generally downward trend in national violent and property crime rates during most of that period.

While perceptions of rising crime at the national level are common, fewer Americans believe crime is up in their own communities. In all 23 Gallup surveys that have included the question since 1993, no more than about half of Americans have said crime is up in their area compared with the year before.

This year, the gap between the share of Americans who say crime is up nationally and the share who say it is up locally (78% vs. 38%) is the widest Gallup has ever recorded .

Public attitudes about crime also differ by Americans’ partisan affiliation , race and ethnicity and other factors. For example, in a summer Pew Research Center survey , 74% of registered voters who support Trump said violent crime was “very important” to their vote in this year’s presidential election, compared with a far smaller share of Joe Biden supporters (46%).

How does crime in the U.S. differ by demographic characteristics?

There are some demographic differences in both victimization and offending rates, according to BJS.

In its 2019 survey of crime victims , BJS found wide differences by age and income when it comes to being the victim of a violent crime. Younger people and those with lower incomes were far more likely to report being victimized than older and higher-income people. For example, the victimization rate among those with annual incomes of less than $25,000 was more than twice the rate among those with incomes of $50,000 or more.

There were no major differences in victimization rates between male and female respondents or between those who identified as White, Black or Hispanic. But the victimization rate among Asian Americans was substantially lower than among other racial and ethnic groups.

When it comes to those who commit crimes, the same BJS survey asks victims about the perceived demographic characteristics of the offenders in the incidents they experienced. In 2019, those who are male, younger people and those who are Black accounted for considerably larger shares of perceived offenders in violent incidents than their respective shares of the U.S. population. As with all surveys, however, there are several potential sources of error, including the possibility that crime victims’ perceptions are incorrect.

How does crime in the U.S. differ geographically?

There are big differences in violent and property crime rates from state to state and city to city.

In 2019, there were more than 800 violent crimes per 100,000 residents in Alaska and New Mexico, compared with fewer than 200 per 100,000 people in Maine and New Hampshire, according to the FBI .

Even in similarly sized cities within the same state, crime rates can vary widely. Oakland and Long Beach, California, had comparable populations in 2019 (434,036 vs. 467,974), but Oakland’s violent crime rate was more than double the rate in Long Beach. The FBI notes that various factors might influence an area’s crime rate, including its population density and economic conditions.

See also: Despite recent violence, Chicago is far from the U.S. ‘murder capital’

What percentage of crimes are reported to police, and what percentage are solved?

Most violent and property crimes in the U.S. are not reported to police, and most of the crimes that are reported are not solved.

In its annual survey, BJS asks crime victims whether they reported their crime to police or not. In 2019, only 40.9% of violent crimes and 32.5% of household property crimes were reported to authorities. BJS notes that there are a variety of reasons why crime might not be reported, including fear of reprisal or “getting the offender in trouble,” a feeling that police “would not or could not do anything to help,” or a belief that the crime is “a personal issue or too trivial to report.”

Most of the crimes that are reported to police, meanwhile, are not solved , at least based on an FBI measure known as the clearance rate. That’s the share of cases each year that are closed, or “cleared,” through the arrest, charging and referral of a suspect for prosecution, or due to “exceptional” circumstances such as the death of a suspect or a victim’s refusal to cooperate with a prosecution. In 2019, police nationwide cleared 45.5% of violent crimes that were reported to them and 17.2% of the property crimes that came to their attention.

Both the percentage of crimes that are reported to police and the percentage that are solved have remained relatively stable for decades.

Which crimes are most likely to be reported to police, and which are most likely to be solved?

Around eight-in-ten motor vehicle thefts (79.5%) were reported to police in 2019, making it by far the most commonly reported property crime tracked by BJS. Around half (48.5%) of household burglary and trespassing offenses were reported, as were 30% of personal thefts/larcenies and 26.8% of household thefts.

Among violent crimes, aggravated assault was the most likely to be reported to law enforcement (52.1%). It was followed by robbery (46.6%), simple assault (37.9%) and rape/sexual assault (33.9%).

The list of crimes cleared by police in 2019 looks different from the list of crimes reported. Law enforcement officers were generally much more likely to solve violent crimes than property crimes, according to the FBI.

The most frequently solved violent crime tends to be homicide. Police cleared around six-in-ten murders and non-negligent manslaughters (61.4%) last year. The clearance rate was lower for aggravated assault (52.3%), rape (32.9%) and robbery (30.5%).

When it comes to property crime, law enforcement agencies cleared 18.4% of larcenies/thefts, 14.1% of burglaries and 13.8% of motor vehicle thefts.

Is the government doing anything to improve its crime statistics?

Yes. The FBI has long recognized the limitations of its current data collection system and is planning to fully transition to a more comprehensive system beginning in 2021.

The new system, known as the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), will provide information on a much larger number of crimes , as well as details such as the time of day, location and types of weapons involved, if applicable. It will also provide demographic data, such as the age, sex, race and ethnicity of victims, known offenders and arrestees.

One key question looming over the transition is how many police departments will participate in the new system, which has been in development for decades. In 2019, the most recent year available, NIBRS received violent and property crime data from 46% of law enforcement agencies, covering 44% of the U.S. population that year . Some researchers have warned that the transition to a new system could leave important data gaps if more law enforcement agencies do not submit the requested information to the FBI.

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U.S. public divided over whether people convicted of crimes spend too much or too little time in prison

What we know about the increase in u.s. murders in 2020, america’s incarceration rate falls to lowest level since 1995, under trump, the federal prison population continued its recent decline, trump used his clemency power sparingly despite a raft of late pardons and commutations, most popular.

About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts .

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Crime Scene Search: Methods for Homicide Investigations - Report Example

Introduction.

The primary reason for carrying out a crime scene search is usually to assess the specifics of the incident under examination. Also, to locate and recover evidence at the scene that links the suspect and victims to the incident. It creates a relation between the pieces of evidence and their relational meaning. It helps to decide what activities took place during the crime scene (Fisher & Fisher, 2012). Having that this is a homicide scene, there are various crime scene search methods, and the most suitable one can be employed to enable efficient conduction of the search. These methods include the strip method, random search method, wheel search method, zonal method, outward and inward spiral method, and grid search method.

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Strip Method

In the strip method, imaginary strips are drawn in the crime scene, and then investigators walk through the lines searching for evidence (Svensson, Wendel, & Nicol, 1965). One person starts from one corner, critically searching, while the other starts from the opposite end heading towards the other searchers starting point.

Random Search Method

For the random search method, the investigators do not follow any specific algorithm in searching; the activity is done randomly by all investigators while they compare the evidence found (Fisher & Fisher, 2012). It is the most common method since it applies to complex crime scenes and in various location sizes.

Wheel Search Method

The wheel search method will not be applicable in this incident because it is suited in extensive outdoor scenes such as fields or other open areas (Fisher & Fisher, 2012). A circular boundary, ‘a wheel’ is drawn around the extension of the crime scene. It is divided into different zones, like a pie chart division. Then other investigators are assigned in each compartment. The search movement is from the epicenter towards the zone and back to meet and compare the information collected.

Zone Method

In the zone method, the incidence scene is essentially split into different areas. The number of regions the scene is divided into depends on the complexity and scale of the crime scene. The researches allocate themselves to other locations in which they will carry out the investigations. They can use various methods of search as UV or IR or video to scan their search area extensively for the evidence (Fisher & Fisher, 2012). After finishing the investigation, they exchange the zones to enable accuracy and to double-check in case the other researcher left out any essential item. This approach will not be suitable for small crime scenes such as elevators or stairs or shafts.

Spiral Method

In the spiral method, which entails both outward and inward spiral, two investigators move in different directions: one moves from the center in a spiral way heading at the periphery and at the same time, the other moves from the edge, leading inwards to the epicenter. This method is well suitable for both larger indoor and outdoor crime scenes that have fewer hindrances like furniture or equipment in the background.

Grid Search Method

For the grid search method, the integration of the strip method is applied. The first strips are horizontal, and then the next ones are vertical, thus forming a grid. The first researcher walks along with the vertical stripes while the other researcher walks along the horizontal strips. Once they are done, they exchange the lanes to ensure accuracy and that no critical evidence is left out during the search. This method is suitable for both large indoor and outdoor crime scenes.

Having been provided a sketch of the crime scene, designing a plan for the crime scene search is the first step to enable efficient evidence collection. The following are considered in coming up with the plan (Dutelle, 2014). The type of crime, there is a body lying in the open with a gunshot wound, indicating the possibility of murder. The nature of the crime, as detailed, is homicide. The size of the crime will be estimated upon arrival, the location of the crime scene, and the complexity of the crime scene.

Projectile Entry

Before coming up with a search method, upon arrival, the following will be looked for, there is an open door with one projectile entry. The door will be checked for the presence of any forced entry, such as having marks of locks that are broken or those of tools that were used to open it. The house will also be examined if it is in order or multiple signs of struggle. The victim lying outside will be evaluated to find out if she is in any messy position. In the house, any written material related to texts such as threats or anything that can be linked to the scene will be looked for: the kitchen will also be evaluated if it has any presence of food, partially eaten food and checked if the food was prepared or served for many people or just one person. Anything that seems out of place will be recorded. The gunshot wound will be analyzed to find out how many shots were fired and the presence of any shell casing, and the location of the weapon in the crime scene. Other crucial elements to be checked are any present foot marks or tire marks and the presence of any blood that has been spilled in the area beside the location of the corpse. The following is a precise plan that will be followed while conducting search operations in this crime scene.

Potential Threat

The first activity to be done upon arrival will be to ensure there is no potential threat to the investigating officers and other responders (Fish et al., 2013). This will be done by first arriving at the scene with optimum carefulness to prevent any danger. Then scanning the wooden areas and inside of the building. If there is any likelihood of a dangerous person, a call for the backup will be made immediately. The next step will be to identify and manage all the persons that will be found at the crime scene. This is to conserve the physical evidence by preventing movement. This will be handled professionally by identifying different persons such as relatives of the victim, bystanders, and other responders. Subsequently, the boundaries of the crime scene will be established, beginning with the center of the scene heading outward to cover the building, where the corpse is lying, and any potential paths either heading at the gate or in the woods. A crime scene tape will be placed to secure the scene. Once this is put in place, anyone coming in will be documented. Also, all the activities that will be carried out will be recorded.

Command Post

A command post will be established to enable persons such as the media to have a place where they can take photographs and video recordings and interviews without jeopardizing the crime scene security. All the necessary persons will be notified after this. If there will be any witnesses, they will be interviewed separately and then transported to the police station separately from each other for further investigations. The scenes will be numbered and prioritized as to which will be first and most investigated and which will be the last to be checked. The inside of the building will be top on the list to be searched; then the outer side will be checked the previous. A search method will then be selected for the scene walkthrough while observing maintenance of the evidence. A random search method will be applied during the inside building walkthrough, and a spiral search method will be used to gather evidence for the outside of the building. This is convenient since the sketch shows that the exterior of the scene has fewer obstacles.

Every finding will be recorded. This will be done by employing filling in the logs and taking notes. The logs entail details of the location, name, and description of the victim ad name of the investigating officers (Baxter, 2015). The time and date of arrival will also be recorded and unit of investigation identity. Other means of documenting will include photography and voice recording of the witnesses if there will be any albeit, the sketches are provided, they do not have intense analysis. Therefore, there will be detailed sketching that can provide critical information for research (Evans & French, 2009). The evidence collecting as per the priorities set will then be submitted to the respective authority for further analysis.

The important places to be searched will be first inside the building and around the building. After that following a spiral method, the wooden regions will be searched for any evidence. The gunshot wound at the forehead and its matching exit at the rear of the head is the most crucial evidence to be put into consideration. Also, the open door and state of the house are some of the evidence to be included. If there were any other persons available to assist with investigations, they would be notified of the status at the crime scene. The personnel would also be informed of the plan that is used to search then be given the assignments of searching the wooden area for any evidence while assisting with keeping any unnecessary persons from walking through the crime scene.

Baxter Jr, E. (2015). Complete crime scene investigation handbook. CRC press.

Dutelle, A. W. (2014). An introduction to crime scene investigation. Jones & Bartlett Publishers. https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=Y5JxOze2gIUC&oi=fnd&pg=PR1&dq=factors+to+consider+in+a+crime+scene+investigation&ots=sgO7hHnVXu&sig=CroOf-vZ7-WDyFz-rRwKcTEO

IrsEvans, C., & French, J. L. (2009). Crime Scene Investigation. Infobase Publishing.

Fish, J. T., Miller, L. S., Braswell, M. C., & Wallace, E. W. (2013). Crime scene investigation. Routledge. https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=7fck5My-k64C&oi=fnd&pg=PP1&dq=factors+to+consider+in+a+crime+scene+investigation&ots=qU9orHgQic&sig=T1zfRWwV8biQmjVcbkG5VbSJnQU

Fisher, B. A., & Fisher, D. R. (2012). Techniques of crime scene investigation. CRC Press. https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=dMMmPP8wRakC&oi=fnd&pg=PP1&dq=the+purpose+of+a+crime+scene+search&ots=7d6QOZONWI&sig=ReJjjF76be4wXBsUyU3ALqEvHvY.

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Weymouth homicide: Kelly Shaw held on $100,000 bail in connection with case

QUINCY − A second person of interest in what officials have called an "apparent homicide" was arraigned today in Quincy District Court on charges of check fraud, misleading police, larceny over $1,200 and forgery of a Registry of Motor Vehicles document.

Kelly Shaw, 44, was ordered held on $100,000 bail by Quincy District Court Judge Neil Hourihan. Assistant District Attorney Aubrey Burr said Shaw moved in with Christine Mello, of 34 Lake St., at some point in January. Mello was found dead in the basement of the Lake Street home she rented in Weymouth on Monday, April 1.

Burr said that Mello had been dead "for quite some time" when authorities discovered her body.

Burr said that video surveillance captured Shaw using checks that Mello received as the beneficiary of a trust. Mello's mother died in January, leaving her as the beneficiary of a life insurance policy.

Officials say Kelly Shaw and John Harper were both spending Mello's money

Mello was last seen by friends and family in February. Burr said she didn't pay her rent for February and March, and during this period, Shaw and her associate, John Harper, who was arraigned Thursday and held on $55,000 bail, were using Mello's debit card to make purchases at stores throughout Weymouth, Quincy and Braintree.

Shaw was also involved in the sale of Mello's 2017 Buick Lacrosse, Burr said. Shaw told the buyer that she inherited the vehicle from a deceased aunt, according to Burr.

In her request for $150,000 cash bail, Burr noted Shaw has failed to to report to prior court summons.

"Right now she is charged with these offenses," Burr said. "But the investigation is ongoing and will continue."

Defense attorney Neil Madden said that Shaw grew up in Quincy and has lived there for her entire life. Shaw simply rented a room from Mello, and the two had no further relationship, Madden said.

Madden contested Burr's assertion that Shaw was involved in the sale of Mello's car. He said that Harper, not Shaw, had sold the car and transferred the title.

"At best, there's evidence possibly showing she used a debit card in certain places after March 1," Madden said.

Madden said there is little to link Shaw to Mello's death, noting that police found Shaw at the Lake Street residence during wellness checks in March. He said that the prosecution has shown "nothing nefarious" about the discovery of Mello's body.

More: More details come out in Harper's arraignment

Details from the police report

Security footage shows both Shaw and Harper using Mello's debit card at various stores and ATMs between March 2 and March 25, the police report says.

On March 20, Shaw is seen depositing a $2,000 check made out to Mello into a checking account at Eastern Bank in Weymouth, according to the report. Weymouth Detective Lindsay Browning wrote that Shaw initially denied but later admitted to signing and depositing the check.

On March 24, Harper and Shaw were identified on security footage making four withdrawals from Mello's checking account using her debit card at the Commercial Street 7-Eleven in Weymouth, each one for $203.50, according to the police report.

In all, the report lists at least 27 transactions with Mello's card at locations in Weymouth and Quincy between March 2 and March 25. Eight of these have corresponding video footage of Harper or Shaw, or both, the report says. In all, the police report outlines a total of about $2,850 in purchases and withdrawals.

When Browning asked Shaw about her access to Mello's finances, Shaw initially denied having access to her bank account or bank cards. She later changed her story, saying that Mello provided her with her debit card and PIN number and allowed her to use it, the report says.

This is a developing story. The Patriot Ledger will update this story.

Thanks to our subscribers, who help make this coverage possible. If you are not a subscriber, please consider supporting quality local journalism with a Patriot Ledger subscription.  Here is our latest offer.

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Steering Committee Co-Directors

Ray Perrault

Steering committee members.

Erik Brynjolfsson

John Etchemendy

Katrina Ligett

Terah Lyons

James Manyika

Juan Carlos Niebles

Vanessa Parli

Yoav Shoham

Russell Wald

Staff members.

Loredana Fattorini

Nestor Maslej

Letter from the co-directors.

AI has moved into its era of deployment; throughout 2022 and the beginning of 2023, new large-scale AI models have been released every month. These models, such as ChatGPT, Stable Diffusion, Whisper, and DALL-E 2, are capable of an increasingly broad range of tasks, from text manipulation and analysis, to image generation, to unprecedentedly good speech recognition. These systems demonstrate capabilities in question answering, and the generation of text, image, and code unimagined a decade ago, and they outperform the state of the art on many benchmarks, old and new. However, they are prone to hallucination, routinely biased, and can be tricked into serving nefarious aims, highlighting the complicated ethical challenges associated with their deployment.

Although 2022 was the first year in a decade where private AI investment decreased, AI is still a topic of great interest to policymakers, industry leaders, researchers, and the public. Policymakers are talking about AI more than ever before. Industry leaders that have integrated AI into their businesses are seeing tangible cost and revenue benefits. The number of AI publications and collaborations continues to increase. And the public is forming sharper opinions about AI and which elements they like or dislike.

AI will continue to improve and, as such, become a greater part of all our lives. Given the increased presence of this technology and its potential for massive disruption, we should all begin thinking more critically about how exactly we want AI to be developed and deployed. We should also ask questions about who is deploying it—as our analysis shows, AI is increasingly defined by the actions of a small set of private sector actors, rather than a broader range of societal actors. This year’s AI Index paints a picture of where we are so far with AI, in order to highlight what might await us in the future.

- Jack Clark and Ray Perrault

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Scottish Hate Crime Law Takes Effect as Critics Warn It Will Stifle Speech

The legislation expands protections and creates a new charge of “stirring up hatred.” Critics, including J.K. Rowling, said the law was “wide open to abuse.”

By Sopan Deb

A sweeping law targeting hate speech went into effect in Scotland on Monday, promising protection against threats and abuse but drawing criticism that it could have a chilling effect on free speech.

The law, which was passed by the Scottish Parliament in 2021, expands protections for marginalized groups and creates a new charge of “stirring up hatred,” which makes it a criminal offense to communicate or behave in a way that “a reasonable person would consider to be threatening, abusive or insulting.”

A conviction could lead to a fine and a prison sentence of up to seven years.

The protected classes as defined in the law include age, disability, religion, sexual orientation and transgender identity. Racial hatred was omitted because it is already covered by a law from 1986. The new law also does not include women among the protected groups; a government task force has recommended that misogyny be addressed in separate legislation.

J.K. Rowling, the “Harry Potter” author who has been criticized as transphobic for her comments on gender identity , said the law was “wide open to abuse by activists,” and took issue with its omission of women.

Ms. Rowling, who lives in Edinburgh, said in a lengthy social media post on Monday that Scotland’s Parliament had placed “higher value on the feelings of men performing their idea of femaleness, however misogynistically or opportunistically, than on the rights and freedoms of actual women and girls.”

“I’m currently out of the country, but if what I’ve written here qualifies as an offense under the terms of the new act,” she added, “I look forward to being arrested when I return to the birthplace of the Scottish Enlightenment.”

On Tuesday, the police in Scotland said that while Ms. Rowling’s post had generated complaints, the author would not be facing criminal charges.

Rishi Sunak, the Conservative prime minister of the United Kingdom, expressed support for Ms. Rowling, telling the British newspaper The Telegraph that “people should not be criminalized for stating simple facts on biology. We believe in free speech in this country, and Conservatives will always protect it.”

Although Scotland is part of Britain, it enjoys political and fiscal autonomy on many matters, including economy, education, health, justice and more.

The new law has long had the support of Scotland’s first minister, Humza Yousaf, but it has raised concerns about the effect it might have on free speech. Mr. Yousaf, who was Scotland’s justice secretary when the bill was passed, was asked directly on Monday about the criticism from Ms. Rowling and others who oppose the law.

“It is not Twitter police. It is not activists, it is not the media. It is not, thank goodness, even politicians who decide ultimately whether or not crime has been committed,” Mr. Yousaf told Sky News . He said that it would be up to “the police to investigate and the crown, and the threshold for criminality is incredibly high.”

The law was introduced after a 2018 study by a retired judge recommend consolidating the country’s hate crime’s laws and updating the Public Order Act of 1986, which covers Britain and Northern Ireland. Scotland’s Parliament approved the new law 82-32 in March 2021.

Supporters of the legislation have spent years rallying support for it, saying it is crucial to combating harassment.

“We know that the impact on those on the receiving end of physical, verbal or online attacks can be traumatic and life-changing,” Siobhan Brown, Scotland’s minister for victims and community safety, said in a statement celebrating the law. “This legislation is an essential element of our wider approach to tackling that harm.”

But there has been fierce pushback against the law, including from Ms. Rowling, and the Scottish Conservative Party, whose leader, Douglas Ross, told Mr. Yousaf during first minister’s questions on March 14 that “the controversial new law is ripe for abuse.” In a separate questions exchange on March 21, Mr. Ross said that the law was “dangerous and unworkable” and that he expected it to “quickly descend into chaos.”

“People like J.K. Rowling could have police at their door every day for making perfectly reasonable statements,” he said.

Mr. Yousaf, who is of Pakistani descent, has cited the 1986 law as proper precedent for the new bill.

“If I have the protection against somebody stirring up hatred because of my race — and that has been the case since 1986 — why on earth should these protections not exist for someone because of their sexuality, or disability or their religion?” he told Parliament on March 21.

The issue of how the Scottish government should handle misogyny has been examined by a government-commissioned task force, which recommended in 2022 that protections for women be added in a separate bill with elements similar to the hate crimes bill that was passed the previous year.

The first minister at the time, Nicola Sturgeon, welcomed the report , promising that her government would give it full consideration. Mr. Yousaf, her successor, has also indicated his support, but there has been no serious movement in Parliament yet.

Claire Moses contributed reporting from London.

Sopan Deb is a Times reporter covering breaking news and culture. More about Sopan Deb

• International

Israel-Hamas war

Northeast earthquake

Biden visits Baltimore

What's moving markets today

Devastation in Gaza as Israel wages war on Hamas

By Brad Lendon , Christian Edwards, Leinz Vales and Tori B. Powell , CNN

UN agency completes "highly complex mission" delivering medical aid to hospitals in northern Gaza

From CNN’s Ami Kaufman and Caitlin Danaher

The World Health Organization (WHO) completed a “highly complex mission” delivering medical aid to hospitals in northern Gaza on Thursday.

Despite “ongoing hostilities” in Gaza City, the supplies were delivered to around 1,000 patients at both Al Sahaba and Al Ahli hospitals, WHO’s Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said in a post on X Friday . 

Al Sahaba hospital also received one pallet of canned food, and a patient with complex lower limb injuries was successfully moved from Al Ahli to a field hospital in Rafah, Tedros said.

“On the way to the north, some medical supplies and food were self-distributed by desperate, starving communities,” Tedros added, but urged that more medical supplies and food are needed to serve “hundreds of patients.”

Tedros concluded by repeating calls for a “sustained and safe passage for humanitarian aid” and appealed for an immediate ceasefire.

Some context: The successful delivery of much-needed medical supplies follows several months of difficulty getting aid where it is needed most in Gaza. The UN agency reported that heavy bombardment, movement restrictions and interrupted communications were making it nearly impossible to deliver medical supplies regularly and safely.  

Medical aid relief teams were forced to call off repeated delivery missions in January after failing to receive security guarantees, WHO said at the time.

Israeli authorities denied 30% of humanitarian aid missions to northern Gaza in March, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported.

Israel's findings on deadly strike of aid workers were shared with US after Biden-Netanyahu call Thursday

From CNN's Jennifer Hansler

The Israel Defense Forces  findings  on the deadly strike on World Central Kitchen aid workers were shared Thursday after the call between US President Joe Biden and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a US official told CNN. 

Officials were also briefed from a number of other countries, including those that had nationals killed in the strike, the official said. They were shown IDF video of the strike during the briefing.

The US official echoed National Security Council spokesperson John Kirby's comments, saying Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s remarks Friday were not calling for a separate investigation, but rather a reiteration of past comments about the probe that was already being worked on. The official, like Kirby, said the IDF report was not public, so Blinken could not speak to it yet .

World Central Kitchen has called for further independent investigations into the strike, saying Israel cannot be trusted to “investigate its own failure in Gaza.”

White House: No plans for US to conduct independent or separate investigation into deaths of aid workers

From CNN's Samantha Waldenberg 

National Security Council spokesperson John Kirby told reporters Friday that there are "no plans" for the United States to conduct an independent or separate investigation into the Israeli strike that killed seven aid workers with World Central Kitchen in Gaza.

Kirby made the comments as the White House looked to clarify Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s remarks earlier Friday calling for an “independent, thorough, and fully publicized investigation” into the strike. The White House said he was referring to the Israeli report on the strike that was later released.

“Secretary Blinken did refer to an independent investigation but that was before, he was referring to the one that they were working on. And he said that before Israel came out with a report that we are now examining,” Kirby told reporters on Friday. 

Before leaving Belgium and after the Israeli report on the strike had been released, Blinken added that the US is reviewing the report on the deadly strike “very carefully.”

“It's very important that Israel is taking full responsibility for this incident. It's also important that it appears to be taking steps to hold those responsible accountable,” Blinken said in remarks before departing Belgium.

World Central Kitchen has called for further independent investigations into the strike, saying Israel cannot be trusted to investigate its own errors in Gaza.

Palestinian ambassador to the UN accuses Israel of deliberately targeting aid convoy in Gaza

From Eyad Kourdi

The Palestinian ambassador to the United Nations has accused Israel of deliberately targeting the World Central Kitchen staff killed by a strike in Gaza this week.

"The killing of the aid workers from the World Central Kitchen is not an isolated incident," the ambassador, Riyad Mansour, said at a meeting of the UN Security Council on Friday.

"Israel knew very well who it was targeting, hitting three cars in three locations, despite the fact that they were identifiable and had gotten coordinated with Israel," Mansour added.

The ambassador said "it took the deaths of foreigners" for the international community to acknowledge the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza over the past 180 days. The strike killed one Palestinian, three Britons, a US-Canadian dual citizen, an Australian and a Pole, according to the organization.

Israeli report: On Friday, the Israel Defense Forces published a  report  into the  killings , which it said violated its own protocols and should not have happened.

The report found that IDF forces "mistakenly assumed" there were Hamas gunmen traveling in the aid convoy and opened fire on the vehicles.

The WCK has called for further independent investigations, saying the IDF cannot be trusted to “investigate its own failure in Gaza.”

Read more about the IDF report.

US representative at UN urges protection for humanitarian workers after aid convoy attack in Gaza

From CNN’s Eyad Kourdi

John Kelly, the appointed US representative to the UN, highlighted the urgent need for the protection of humanitarian personnel in conflict zones in the wake of the Israeli drone strikes on a World Central Kitchen convoy in Gaza.

“We are deeply concerned Israel has not done enough to protect humanitarian aid workers or civilians,” Kelly told a UN Security Council meeting Friday.

“An incident such as this should never have happened and must never happen again. We all know moreover, this was not a stand-alone incident,” Kelly added.

His comments come as Israel’s military fired two senior officers after a report released Friday concluded that the attack that  killed seven food aid workers in Gaza was a result of "mistaken identification" and "serious violations" of standard procedure.

Hamas rejects recent Israeli proposal on hostages

From CNN's Alex Marquardt

Hamas has turned down Israel’s latest counterproposal from earlier this week, a diplomat familiar with the discussions said.

“They refused and asserted it doesn’t include any reply to their asks,” the diplomat said. Hamas believes “that Israeli proposal includes nothing new so they see no need to change their proposal,” the official added.

Earlier this week an Israeli proposal had been sent to Hamas which the diplomat said did not accept two key Hamas demands: that there be unrestricted return of Gazans to the north and the pullback of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) troops.

Senior Hamas official Osama Hamdan on Thursday said their position has not changed since delivering these two key demands to mediators on March 14. Hamdan said the last round of talks held in Egypt this week have not yielded “any progress."

The diplomat says Israel continued to insist that inspections of those moving north be allowed and that the IDF not redeploy away from central Gaza.

CIA Director William Burns, Israel’s Mossad Director David Barnea and Shin Bet Director Ronen Bar will meet in Egypt this weekend to continue ceasefire talks, according to a source familiar with the talks and an Israeli government official source. Barnea, Bar and Burns met last month in Doha for talks with mediators, but no clear breakthrough was reached.

Hamas and Israel have for months failed to agree over a three-phased framework seeking the release of hostages held by Hamas in exchange for a six-week ceasefire, the release of Palestinian prisoners and an increase in humanitarian aid into Gaza.

Mostafa Salem contributed reporting to this post.

German foreign minister urges Israel to quickly open planned aid routes with "no more excuses"

From Ben Brown in London

German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock urged Israel’s government on Friday to “quickly implement” its plans to reopen the Erez land crossing and port of Ashdod to allow more aid into Gaza, saying there are “no more excuses.”

Both crossings are expected to reopen this weekend, CNN earlier reported. US President Joe Biden pressed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanhayu  to allow more aid into Gaza in a phone call on Thursday.

UN chief calls for change in Israeli strategy in Gaza and expresses alarm at use of AI in identifying targets

From CNN's Tim Lister and Richard Roth

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said that while the Israeli government has admitted mistakes in the killing of seven aid workers earlier this week, there must be independent investigations and “meaningful” change on the ground.

In remarks delivered Friday in New York, Guterres said that “the essential problem is not who made the mistakes” in the killing of the World Central Kitchen staff, but the “military procedures in place that allow for those mistakes to multiply time and time again.”

Guterres also said that he was “deeply troubled" by reports that the Israeli military’s bombing campaign involved Artificial Intelligence as a tool in the identification of targets.

“No part of life and death decisions which impact entire families should be delegated to the cold calculation of algorithms. I have warned for many years of the dangers of weaponizing Artificial Intelligence and reducing the essential role of human agency. AI should be used as a force for good to benefit the world; not to contribute to waging war on an industrial level, blurring accountability," the UN chief said.

Netanyahu shows no signs of losing his grip on power in Israel despite mounting pressures 

From CNN's Jeremy Diamond in Jerusalem

Israeli Prime Minister  Benjamin Netanyahu ’s week began with the chants of thousands of protesters demanding a hostage deal and early elections outside the Knesset and his official residence. It ended with a scolding from US   President Joe Biden over the Israeli military’s  killing of seven humanitarian aid workers  and the rapidly spiraling humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

In between, the Israeli prime minister’s chief political rival and war cabinet member raised his voice in support of early elections for the first time, ratcheting up the political pressure. And yet, Netanyahu’s grip on power doesn’t appear to be in any imminent danger of slipping away.

Even as the walls appear to be closing in and a majority of Israelis continue to disapprove of Netanyahu’s performance, the mounting international and domestic political pressure has yet to fundamentally change the dynamics of his governing coalition – whose collapse would trigger new elections – nor his willingness to remain in office.

“I don’t think that there’s any leader in the world that faces so many fronts – has to cope with so many fronts – internal and external,” said Aviv Bushinsky, a former adviser to Netanyahu. “(But in Israel), we don’t talk about approval rating, we talk about the coalition.”

Read more about Netanyahu's grip on power despite obstacles.

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