internet addiction essay quotes

Internet Addiction

Reviewed by Psychology Today Staff

More a popular idea than a scientifically valid concept, internet addiction is the belief that people can become so dependent on using their mobile phones or other electronic devices that they lose control of their own behavior and suffer negative consequences. The harm is alleged to stem both from direct involvement with the device—something that has never been proven—and from the abandonment of other activities, such as studying, face-to-face socializing, or sleep.

• What Is Internet Addiction?
• Signs of Excessive Internet Use
• Internet Use and Mental Health
• What to Do About Internet Addiction

There is much debate in the scientific community about whether excessive internet use can be classified as a true addiction. In an addiction to substances such as drugs or alcohol , consumption ceases being pleasurable but continues and is difficult to escape even as the likelihood of harm to the body and life mounts. In the case of internet use, there is no clear point at which being online becomes non-pleasurable for most individuals. In part for this reason, behavioral "addictions," including using the internet, remain controversial: Experts debate where the line should be drawn between passionate absorption in any activity—say, devoting a lot of time to playing the cello or reading books—and being stuck in a rut of compulsivity that stops being useful and detrimentally affects other areas of life.

In preparing the current edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders , psychiatrists and other experts debated whether to include internet addiction. They decided that there was not enough scientific evidence to support inclusion at this time, although the DSM-5 does recognize Internet Gaming Disorder as a condition warranting further study.

Most often, the word “addiction” is used in the colloquial sense. Common Sense Media finds that 59 percent of parents “feel” their kids are addicted to their mobile devices—just as 27 percent of the parents feel that they themselves are. Sixty-nine percent of parents say they check their own devices at least hourly, as do 78 percent of teens. Spending a lot of time on the internet is increasingly considered normal behavior, especially for adolescents. Much of their social activity has simply moved online. Like any new technology, the computer has changed the way everyone lives, learns, and communicates. It is possible to be online far too much, even though this does not constitute a true addiction in the eyes of most clinicians. 

Internet content creators leverage the ways in which the brain works to rally consumers '  attention . One simple example: A perceived threat activates your fight-or-flight response, a part of the brain known as the Reticular Activating System mobilizes the body for action. So online content exploits potential dangers—violence, natural disaster, disease, etc.—to attract and hold your attention.  

Problematic or excessive internet use can indeed pose a serious problem. It can displace such important needs as sleep, homework, and exercise, often a source of friction between parents and teens. It can have negative effects on real-life relationships. 

The idea of internet addiction is a particular concern among parents, who worry about the harmful effects of screen time and often argue about device use with their children. According to a 2019 survey conducted by Common Sense Media, children aged 8 to 12 now spend 5 hours a day on digital devices, while teens clock more than 7 hours—not including schoolwork. Teen screen time is slowly ticking upward, and most teens take their phones to bed with them.

Whether classified as an addiction or not, heavy use of technology can be detrimental. It can impair focus, resulting in poor performance at school or work. Excessive internet consumption also makes it more difficult for people to communicate normally or to regulate their emotions. They spend less time on non-internet-related activities at the cost of relationships with friends, family, and significant others.

One way to assess whether you’re using the internet too much is to ask yourself if your basics needs (or your child’s, if they are the concern) are being met. Do you sleep enough, eat healthy, get enough exercise, enjoy the outdoors, and spend time socializing in-person? The real harm of screen time may lie in missed opportunities for growth and connection.

Excessive screen time can be particularly harmful to a developing brain: It decreases focus and attention span while increasing the need for more constant stimulation and instant gratification. Those who use the internet excessively may feel anxious if their access to their device gets restricted. They tend to be more impulsive and struggle to recognize facial and nonverbal cues in real life.

Internet use becomes a problem when people start substituting online connections for real, physical relationships. The effects of technology on relationships include increased isolation and loneliness . Defaulting to online communication also denies us the opportunity to hear someone’s voice and read their facial cues in-person; it can also lead to poorer outcomes and miscommunication. Experts recommend that we save the important conversations for when we can be face-to-face for just this reason.   

Online content has been designed to elicit specific “checking habits,” which can result in distraction and poor performance at school or work. Constantly checking your smartphone or another device can also lead to relationship-sabotaging behaviors, like phubbing (snubbing loved ones for the instant gratification of checking the internet on your device). As more time is spent online, less is devoted to the natural pleasures of everyday life.  

Excessive use of the internet is known to negatively impact a person’s mental health. It has been associated with mental health issues, such as loneliness, depression , anxiety , and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Research suggests that people are likely to use the internet more as an emotional crutch to cope with negative feelings instead of addressing them in proactive and healthy ways.

This is a subject of debate at present. While internet addiction is not in the DSM-V, it is clearly a behavior that negatively impacts mental health and cognition for many, and many struggle to cut back on their time online. The term "addiction" is often used as a shorthand for, “My child spends a lot of time on social media , texting friends, or playing video games, and I’m worried how it will affect his or her future development and success.” At the same time, many people label it a behavioral addiction, engaging reward circuitry seen in other problematic behaviors such as gambling.

Time online is also sometimes used as an escape from boredom or relief from loneliness or other unpleasantness. Occasionally, excessive screen time masks a state of depression or anxiety. In such cases, digital engagement becomes an attempt to remedy the feelings of distress caused by true mental health disorders that could likely benefit from professional or other attention.

Given how much people rely on technology to complete everyday tasks, from online schooling to paying bills to ordering food to keeping in touch with loved ones who are far away, it isn’t feasible to stop using the internet altogether. In most cases, the goal should be to reduce the time spent online. Many of those who’ve struggled to balance internet use with other activities recommend such simple “digital detox” measures as leaving devices in the kitchen or any other room but the bedroom at night. Cognitive behavioral therapy can also help address addiction-like behaviors, like constant checking habits. 

Amidst growing concerns about the increased amount of time people are spending online, the “digital detox” has become a popular way to cope. A digital detox involves temporarily abstaining from using devices, like computers and smartphones. Someone may go on a digital detox in order to re-engage with a passion or activity, focus more on in-person interactions, or break free of a pattern of compulsive or excessive use. Digital detoxes also allow more time for self-care that a person may have been neglecting in order to stay plugged into the internet, which can lead to lower stress levels and better sleep.

There is no one-size-fits-all answer. You may want to digitally detox if you notice that you’re experiencing sleep disruptions due to staying up late or waking up early to be on a device, if the internet is making you feel depressed, or if the constant need to be connected causes you stress. Other signs may include feeling anxious if you can’t locate your phone, having FOMO ( fear of missing out) if you’re not checking the internet or social media, struggling to focus without (or due to) constant checking behaviors, etc.

Unlike other detoxes where the goal is to abstain completely, digital detoxes are more flexible and tailored to the individual. It may not be possible due to work or personal obligations to shut your devices off entirely for long periods of time. If it’s time for a digital detox , there are some strategies you can try: Block off non-screen time during the day and/or night, set a “digital curfew” for using devices at night or on weekends, specify digital-free spaces in your home (e.g., the bedroom or dinner table), and use the additional time in fulfilling ways (e.g., socialize, rekindle old interests, volunteer, etc.).

Use the internet and social media with purpose; set time limits on your unstructured use to avoid going down long and unfulfilling rabbit holes. Take advantage of the extra free time you suddenly have. Spend more time socializing in-person and volunteer. Rekindle old interests or take up a new hobby. Go outside. Pay more attention to how you are feeling, both physically and emotionally.

Encouraging young adults to tell their stories may help heal the sense of disconnection technology and the pandemic have created.

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While our phones provide us with many benefits, it's essential to maintain a balanced relationship with them.

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How to Know If You Have an Internet Addiction and What to Do About It

Emily is a board-certified science editor who has worked with top digital publishing brands like Voices for Biodiversity, Study.com, GoodTherapy, Vox, and Verywell.

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• Top 5 Things to Know

Internet Addiction in Kids

• What to Do If You're Addicted

Internet addiction is a behavioral addiction in which a person becomes dependent on the Internet or other online devices as a maladaptive way of coping with life's stresses.

Internet addiction has and is becoming widely recognized and acknowledged. So much so that in 2020, the World Health Organization formally recognized addiction to digital technology as a worldwide problem, where excessive online activity and Internet use lead to struggles with time management, sleep, energy, and attention.

Top 5 Things to Know About Internet Addiction

• Internet addiction is not yet an officially recognized mental disorder. Researchers have formulated diagnostic criteria for Internet addiction, but it is not included in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR) . However, Internet Gaming Disorder (IGD) is included as a condition for further study, and Internet addiction is developing as a specialist area.
• At least three subtypes of Internet addiction have been identified: video game addiction , cybersex or online sex addiction, and online gambling addiction .
• Increasingly, addiction to mobile devices, such as cellphones and smartphones, and addiction to social networking sites, such as Facebook, are being investigated. There may be overlaps between each of these subtypes. For example, online gambling involves online games, and online games may have elements of pornography.
• Sexting , or sending sexually explicit texts, has landed many people in trouble. Some have been teens who have found themselves in hot water with child pornography charges if they are underage. It can also be a potential gateway to physical infidelity .
• Treatment for Internet addiction is available, but only a few specialized Internet addiction services exist. However, a psychologist with knowledge of addiction treatment will probably be able to help.

If you or a loved one are struggling with an addiction, contact the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) National Helpline at 1-800-662-4357 for information on support and treatment facilities in your area.

For more mental health resources, see our National Helpline Database .

As Internet addiction is not formally recognized as an addictive disorder, it may be difficult to get a diagnosis. However, several leading experts in the field of behavioral addiction have contributed to the current knowledge of symptoms of Internet addiction. All types of Internet addiction contain the following four components:  

Excessive Use of the Internet

Despite the agreement that excessive Internet use is a key symptom, no one seems able to define exactly how much computer time counts as excessive. While guidelines suggest no more than two hours of screen time per day for youths under 18, there are no official recommendations for adults.

Furthermore, two hours can be unrealistic for people who use computers for work or study. Some authors add the caveat “for non-essential use,” but for someone with Internet addiction, all computer use can feel essential.

Here are some questions from Internet addiction assessment instruments that will help you to evaluate how much is too much.

How Often Do You...

• Stay online longer than you intended?
• Hear other people in your life complain about how much time you spend online?
• Say or think, “Just a few more minutes” when online?
• Try and fail to cut down on how much time you spend online?
• Hide how long you’ve been online?

If any of these situations are coming up on a daily basis, you may be addicted to the Internet.

Although originally understood to be the basis of physical dependence on alcohol or drugs, withdrawal symptoms are now being recognized in behavioral addictions, including Internet addiction.

Common Internet withdrawal symptoms include anger, tension, and depression when Internet access is not available.   These symptoms may be perceived as boredom, joylessness, moodiness, nervousness, and irritability when you can’t go on the computer.

Tolerance is another hallmark of alcohol and drug addiction and seems to be applicable to Internet addiction as well.   This can be understood as wanting—and from the user's point of view, needing—more and more computer-related stimulation. You might want ever-increasing amounts of time on the computer, so it gradually takes over everything you do. The quest for more is likely a predominant theme in your thought processes and planning.

Negative Repercussions

If Internet addiction caused no harm, there would be no problem. But when excessive computer use becomes addictive, something starts to suffer.

One negative effect of internet addiction is that you may not have any offline personal relationships, or the ones you do have may be neglected or suffer arguments over your Internet use.

• Online affairs can develop quickly and easily, sometimes without the person even believing online infidelity is cheating on their partner.
• You may see your grades and other achievements suffer from so much of your attention being devoted to Internet use.
• You may also have little energy for anything other than computer use—people with Internet addiction are often exhausted from staying up too late on the computer and becoming sleep deprived.
• Finances can also suffer , particularly if your addiction is for online gambling, online shopping, or cybersex.

Internet addiction is particularly concerning for kids and teens. Children lack the knowledge and awareness to properly manage their own computer use and have no idea about the potential harms that the Internet can open them up to. The majority of kids have access to a computer, and it has become commonplace for kids and teens to carry cellphones.

While this may reassure parents that they can have two-way contact with their child in an emergency, there are very real risks that this constant access to the Internet can expose them to.

• Children have become increasingly accustomed to lengthy periods of time connected to the Internet, disconnecting them from the surrounding world.
• Children who own a computer and have privileged online access have an increased risk of involvement in cyberbullying , both as a victim and as a perpetrator.  
• Children who engage in problematic internet use are more likely to use their cellphone for cybersex, particularly through sexting, or access apps which could potentially increase the risk of sex addiction and online sexual harms, such as Tinder.  

In addition, kids who play games online often face peer pressure to play for extended periods of time in order to support the group they are playing with or to keep their skills sharp. This lack of boundaries can make kids vulnerable to developing video game addiction.   This can also be disruptive to the development of healthy social relationships and can lead to isolation and victimization.

Children and teens are advised to have no more than two hours of screen time per day.

What to Do If You Have an Internet Addiction

If you recognize the symptoms of Internet addiction in yourself or someone in your care, talk to your doctor about getting help. As well as being able to provide referrals to Internet addiction clinics, psychologists, and other therapists, your doctor can prescribe medications or therapy to treat an underlying problem if you have one, such as depression or social anxiety disorder.

Internet addiction can also overlap with other behavioral addictions, such as work addiction, television addiction , and smartphone addiction.

Internet addiction can have devastating effects on individuals, families, and particularly growing children and teens. Getting help may be challenging but can make a huge difference in your quality of life.

Dresp-Langley B, Hutt A. Digital addiction and sleep .  IJERPH . 2022;19(11):6910. doi:10.3390/ijerph19116910

American Psychiatric Association. Internet Gaming .

Young KS, de Abreu CN. Internet Addiction: A Handbook and Guide to Evaluation and Treatment . New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc.; 2011.

Holoyda B, Landess J, Sorrentino R, Friedman SH. Trouble at teens' fingertips: Youth sexting and the law .  Behav Sci Law . 2018;36(2):170-181. doi:10.1002/bsl.2335

Jorgenson AG, Hsiao RC, Yen CF.  Internet Addiction and Other Behavioral Addictions .  Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin N Am . 2016;25(3):509-520. doi:10.1016/j.chc.2016.03.004

Reid Chassiakos YL, Radesky J, Christakis D, Moreno MA, Cross C. Children and Adolescents and Digital Media . Pediatrics . 2016;138(5):e20162593. doi:10.1542/peds.2016-2593

Musetti A, Cattivelli R, Giacobbi M, et al. Challenges in Internet Addiction Disorder: Is a Diagnosis Feasible or Not ?  Front Psychol . 2016;7:842. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00842

Walrave M, Heirman W. Cyberbullying: Predicting Victimisation and Perpetration . Child Soc . 2011;25:59-72. doi:10.1111/j.1099-0860.2009.00260.x

Gámez-Guadix M, De Santisteban P. "Sex Pics?": Longitudinal Predictors of Sexting Among Adolescents . J Adolesc Health. 2018;63(5):608-614. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2018.05.032

Hilgard J, Engelhardt CR, Bartholow BD. Individual differences in motives, preferences, and pathology in video games: the gaming attitudes, motives, and experiences scales (GAMES) . Front Psychol. 2013;4:608. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2013.00608

Alavi SS, Ferdosi M, Jannatifard F, Eslami M, Alaghemandan H, Setare M. Behavioral Addiction versus Substance Addiction: Correspondence of Psychiatric and Psychological Views .  Int J Prev Med . 2012;3(4):290-294.

American Psychiatric Association. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, DSM-5. 5th ed. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association Publishing; 2013.

By Elizabeth Hartney, BSc, MSc, MA, PhD Elizabeth Hartney, BSc, MSc, MA, PhD is a psychologist, professor, and Director of the Centre for Health Leadership and Research at Royal Roads University, Canada.  

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Current Research and Viewpoints on Internet Addiction in Adolescents

• Adolescent Medicine (M Goldstein, Section Editor)
• Published: 09 January 2021
• Volume 9 , pages 1–10, ( 2021 )

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• David S. Bickham   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-2139-6804 1  

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Purpose of Review

This review describes recent research findings and contemporary viewpoints regarding internet addiction in adolescents including its nomenclature, prevalence, potential determinants, comorbid disorders, and treatment.

Recent Findings

Prevalence studies show findings that are disparate by location and vary widely by definitions being used. Impulsivity, aggression, and neuroticism potentially predispose youth to internet addiction. Cognitive behavioral therapy and medications that treat commonly co-occurring mental health problems including depression and ADHD hold considerable clinical promise for internet addiction.

The inclusion of internet gaming disorder in the DSM-5 and the ICD-11 has prompted considerable work demonstrating the validity of these diagnostic approaches. However, there is also a movement for a conceptualization of the disorder that captures a broader range of media-use behaviors beyond only gaming. Efforts to resolve these approaches are necessary in order to standardize definitions and clinical approaches. Future work should focus on clinical investigations of treatments, especially in the USA, and longitudinal studies of the disorder’s etiology.

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Introduction

Every day we carry with us a tool that provides unlimited social, creative, and entertainment possibilities. Activities facilitated by our smartphones have always been central to the developmental goals of adolescents—as young people move toward their peers as their primary social support system, their phones provide constant connection to their friends as well as access to the popular media that often defines and shapes youth culture. Considering young people’s continued use of more venerable forms of entertainment screen media (e.g., television, video games, computers), it is not surprising that adolescents spend more time using media than they do sleeping or in school—an average of 7 h 22 min a day [ 1 ]. While the majority of young media users adequately integrate it into their otherwise rich lives, an undeniable subset suffers from what has been termed by some as internet addiction [ 2 ] but, as discussed below, has been referred to by many different names. While overuse of technology and its impact has been of concern since the days of television, the constantly changing media landscape as well as advances in our understanding of the issue requires regular updates of what is known. The purpose of this review is to provide an understanding of this issue grounded in the established evidence of the field but primarily informed by work published between 2015 and 2020 and, in doing so, address the following questions: What is internet addiction and is this the best term for the problem? What is its prevalence among adolescents around the world? What individual characteristics predispose young people to internet addiction and what are the common comorbidities? And, finally, what treatment strategies are being use and which have been found to be effective?

Defining the Issue

To answer any of these questions, first we must define the problem at hand. Unfortunately, this is a difficult task as recent publications use a wide variety of terms to reference this problem. Video game addiction, problematic internet use, problematic internet gaming, internet addiction, problematic video gaming, and numerous other terms have been used to identify this problem in the last 5 years. Such terms all have limitations. Focusing on a specific behavior, such as internet gaming, does not capture the variety of media use problems experienced by young people. Even the term “internet” may not be especially precise or consistent in meaning as online functionality is now seamless and permeates all activities on a phone, computer, tablet, game system, or television. In order to focus the nomenclature on the variety of behaviors that cross devices and avoid the term addiction which may unnecessarily stigmatize game players and impede their seeking help, my colleagues and I have suggested the use of the term problematic interactive media use (PIMU) [ 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 ]. The term PIMU attempts to capture the broad spectrum of potential media use behaviors seen in clinical settings including gaming, information seeking, pornography use, and social media use without naming a specific behavior or type of media which could position the term for obsolescence [ 3 •].

A Focus on Gaming

Another approach to defining this issue has been to focus on internet games as they are seen as having unique features and elevated harm through excessive use [ 7 ]. In 2013 the American Psychiatric Association described internet gaming disorder (IGD) in its updated Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) as a condition needing further research in order to classify as a unique mental disorder [ 8 ]. The proposed clinical diagnosis of IGD includes persistent use of the internet to play games with associated distress or life impairment as well as endorsement of at least 5 of 9 symptoms including preoccupation with games, increased need to spend more time gaming, inability to reduce game time, lying to others about the amount of gaming, and using gaming to reduce negative mood [ 8 ]. Following suit, the World Health Organization included gaming disorder (GD) in its 11th revision of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11) [ 9 ]. These two diagnostic approaches both characterize problematic gaming as repetitive, persistent, lasting at least a year, and resulting in significant impairments of daily life [ 10 ]. While there is considerable overlap in the identified clinical symptoms (e.g., loss of control over gaming and continued use of gaming even when after negative consequences), the GD diagnosis does seem to focus on more severe levels of problematic use and worse functional impairment [ 10 ]. The inclusion of IGD and GD in these major diagnostic manuals have been seen as an opportunity for unification in the field around the conceptualization, and measurement of problematic gaming and resulting discussions have, to some extent, indicated increasing agreement [ 7 ].

However, in the years following the definition of IGD, numerous authors took umbrage with these diagnostic criteria pointing out limitations of the defined symptoms and calling into question the idea that there is consensus in the field around this diagnosis [ 11 ••]. For example, preoccupation with gaming, they argue, could represent a form of engagement similar to other types of engrossing activities rather than something pathological [ 11 ••]. Similarly, using gaming to avoid adverse moods is unlikely to differentiate problematic from casual gamers. The use of the term “internet” in the name of the condition was also met with resistance considering that it assumes that video games accessed through the internet are different from other video games in terms of their addictive qualities [ 11 ••]. Some argue that the field is lacking the unified definitions and extensive, foundational research necessary that must precede a diagnosis [ 12 ]. Finally, by focusing on gaming, IGD does not account for other potentially addictive online behaviors. There appears, however, not to be an easy solution to this concern. A broader conceptualization of the disorder has been seen as too general by some, but it seems untenable to create new diagnostic criteria for each specific online behavior. This complexity is evident even within the APA’s description of IGD when the manual states that “Internet gaming disorder” is “also commonly referred to as Internet use disorder, Internet addiction, or gaming addiction [ 8 ].”

Scales and Assessment

Building effective igd scales.

As evidence that much of the field is accepting IGD as a unifying conceptualization of problematic media use, numerous clinicians and scientist have investigated the DSM-5 criteria by designing and testing new scales or applying existing scales to this new framework. Some early testing utilized an interview procedure to confirm a 5-symptom cutoff for IGD, although a cutoff of 4 was adequate for differentiating between those suffering from IGD and healthy controls [ 13 ]. Scales such as the Internet Gaming Disorder Scale and its short form as well as the Internet Gaming Disorder Test (IGDT-10) have been designed and tested demonstrating that fairly short (e.g., 9 or 10 items) assessments can demonstrate strong psychometric properties, support the defined cutoff of 5 symptoms, and successfully measure a single construct [ 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 ]. Testing has been done on other assessment tools that are aligned with the IGD criteria including the Clinical Video Game Addiction Test which provided further support for the 5-item cutoff diagnosis [ 18 ] and the Chen Internet Addiction Scale—Gaming Version which identified its own cutoff [ 19 ]. This abundance of screeners and other instruments demonstrates how, as a result of the inclusion of IGD in the DSM-5, researchers and clinicians have access to numerous well-designed and tested assessments for problematic game play. On the other hand, the profusion of scales may also indicate that the field is still far from one regularly stated goal: a universal and standardized measurement tool.

Internet Addiction Scales

To further expand the assessment landscape, researchers and clinicians who prefer a broader conceptualization of this disorder, one more aligned with internet addiction rather than gaming disorder, have also created scales for research and clinical settings. The Chen Internet Addiction Scale is one of the earliest and most utilized scales [ 20 ]. Developed by applying established concepts from substance abuse and impulse control, it and its revised form have established internal reliability and criterion validity [ 21 ]. The designers of the 20-item Internet Addiction Test (IAT) used the criteria for pathological gambling as the basis of the test and designed it specifically to differentiate between casual and compulsive internet users [ 2 ]. The IAT has high internal reliability [ 22 ], a consistent factor structure across age categories [ 23 ], and is associated with expected comorbidities including depression [ 22 ] and attention-deficit disorders [ 24 ]. The 18-item Problematic and Risky Internet Use Screening Scale (PRIUSS) has three subscales—social consequences, emotional consequences, and risky/impulsive internet use—and a 3-item version was created that used one question from each subscale [ 25 , 26 ]. The strong psychometric properties of both versions of this scale are indicative of their value as tools for identifying adolescents and young adults struggling with their technology use.

Much like the measures of IGD, these internet addiction scales are more similar than dissimilar. They all assess a diverse array of experiences and consequences related to PIMU including its impact on social relationships, sleep, and aspects of mental health. In fact, some items from the different scales are almost identical. For example, the IAT asks, “Do you choose to spend more time online over going out with others?” the PRIUSS asks, “Do you choose to socialize online instead of in person?” and the CIAS asks how much this statement matches your experiences: “I find myself going online instead of spending time with friends.” The scales share an overall approach of asking about internet use in general rather than about specific online activities. While this allows the instruments to focus on the impulsive and risky aspects of internet use in general, it requires young people to differentiate between online and offline activities, a distinction that may no longer be relevant. Scales using this approach should continually be tested and revised as technology develops.

Considering the similarities of the scales, a researcher or clinician would likely be well served by any of them. However, even though the IAT and the CIAS both have identified diagnostic cutoffs, the availability of a 3-item pre-screener for the PRIUSS makes this instrument especially useful for inclusion in a battery of in-office measures. The PRIUSS does, however, require the adolescent or young adult patient to endorse behaviors that are worded in such a way that might activate feelings of judgment or reactance. For example, the question “Do you neglect your responsibilities because of the internet?” puts the onus directly on the user with little room for rationalizing an external cause. That said, the consistently high performance of this scale indicates the set of questions as a whole are successful at classifying problematic internet users.

Because the field lacks standardized language, reporting on the current prevalence of this issue requires the use of work that employs different definitions. However, the similarities across measures likely result in reasonably comparable prevalence rates. In a systematic review focusing on problematic gaming, reported rates varied from 0.6 (in Norway) to 50% (in Korea) with a median prevalence rate of 5.5% across all included studies and 2.0% for population-based studies [ 27 ]. A meta-analyses using data across multiple decades found a pooled prevalence of 4.6% with a range of .6 to 19.9% with higher frequencies in studies performed in the 1990s (12.1%), those with samples under 1000 (8.6%), those that utilized concepts based of psychological gambling (9.5%), and those performed in Asia (9.9%) and North America (9.4%) [ 28 ••].

Recent studies reinforce the variability of prevalence in different regions of the world. In a study of 7 European countries with a representative sample of 12,938, the prevalence of IGD was 1.6% with 5.1% being considered “at-risk” for IGD with little variation among countries [ 29 ]. In studies of individual countries, prevalence of IGD in Germany ranged from 1.16 [ 30 ] to 3.5% [ 31 ]. In Italy, 12.1% were classified as having problematic use and .4% as having internet addiction [ 32 ].

Countries in Asia showed similar disparities. In a review of 38 studies from countries defined by the authors as Southeast Asia (with most being from India), prevalence of internet addiction ranged from 0 to 47.4% [ 33 ]. Among middle and high school students in Japan, prevalence was 7.9% for problematic internet use and 15.9% for adaptive internet use, a lower cutoff of the diagnostic questionnaire [ 34 ]. In rural Thailand, 5.4% reached the cutoff for IGD [ 35 ], and in Taiwan 3.1% met that threshold [ 17 ]. Among 2666 urban middle school children in China, prevalence of IGD was 13.0% [ 36 ]. Finally, in rural South Korea, the prevalence of PIU was 21.6% among a sample of 1168 13- to 18-year-olds [ 37 ].

With such disparate findings from around the world, it seems that PIMU prevalence varies considerably from county to country and region to region. While this may be the case, summary findings from two large reviews do have similar final estimates—5.5% [ 27 ] and 4.6% [ 28 •• ]. This rate is also similar to the prevalence of youth “at-risk” for IGD across Europe (5.1%) [ 29 ] and for full IGD in rural Thailand (5.4%) [ 35 ]. While far from definitive, 5% might be our strongest general prevalence estimate given the evidence. There are some sample and study characteristics that seem to result in a higher prevalence. Unsurprisingly, rates are higher when less restrictive definitions of the disorder are used. There is also some evidence that rates are lower in Europe and higher in North America and Asia, but these results were not universal. If we accept a prevalence of approximately 5% in the USA, that would translate to approximately 1.5 million adolescents experiencing significant life consequences as a result of their struggles with digital technology. Understanding who is most at risk and how best to treat this problem is essential for comprehensive, contemporary adolescent medicine.

Potential Determinants of PIMU

Individual characteristics, demographic features, and psychosocial traits have all been identified as possible determinants of PIMU. Perhaps the most widely documented risk factor is being male. Prevalence among boys and young men has been found to be 2 [ 38 ], 3 [ 28 ••], or even 5 [ 27 ] times higher than among girls and young women. Throughout early adolescence PIMU increases with age, but peaks around 15–16 [ 39 ]. Indicators of lower socioeconomic status including less maternal education and a single parent household have been shown to increase the risk for PIMU [ 36 ].

Family Functioning

Young people’s family functioning also seems to play a role in their development of PIMU. Risk factors seem to include lower levels of family cohesion, more family conflict, and poorer family relationships [ 40 ]. The most frequent finding in a recent systematic review was that a worse parent-child relationship was associated with more problematic gaming [ 41 ]. Less time with parents, less affection from parents, more hostility from parents, and lower quality parenting were all family characteristics potentially indicated in the development of gaming problems [ 41 ]. Game play and other online social activities may serve as solace from difficult family lives as adolescents seeking treatment for gaming addiction report that they are motived to play in part by escapism and the draw of virtual friendships [ 42 ]. At the other end of the spectrum, positive parent-child relationships may be protective against the development of problematic gaming [ 41 ]. Additionally, parental monitoring of adolescents’ internet use can also reduce PIMU which, in turn, improves parent-child relationships [ 43 ]. Parents, it seems, have some prevention tools available to them which could improve their family functioning overall. Fathers appear to have a particularly influential role as their relationships with adolescents has been shown to be especially protective [ 41 , 43 ].

Personality Traits

Certain individual personality traits appear to be common among adolescents with media use issues potentially indicating that young people with these traits are predisposed to develop PIMU. PIMU sufferers regularly demonstrate limitations in areas related to self-control including higher levels of impulsivity. In two studies examining problematic smartphone use, one identified dysfunctional impulsivity and low self-control as two key risk factors [ 44 ] and the other found impulsivity to predict this behavior in their female participants [ 45 ]. Patients diagnosed with IGD also demonstrated higher levels of impulsivity than healthy controls [ 46 ]. A systematic review of research examining the personality traits predictive of IGD concludes that impulsivity plays a role in IGD and that certain aspects of this trait, such as high levels of urgency, are especially potent risk factors. [ 47 •].

In addition to impulsivity, behavior traits related to aggression and hostility are common among adolescents with media use problems. Aggressive tendencies were identified as a predictor of IGD by multiple studies in a recent review of the research [ 47 •]. In a large European survey study, adolescents who reported IGD had higher scores on rule-breaking and aggressive behaviors scales [ 29 ]. While it may seem that aggression findings are simply indicative of the observed gender differences, models that include gender as well as other traits that predict PIMU found that hostility was independently associated with problematic smartphone use [ 48 ] and conduct problems were predictive of problematic internet use [ 49 ].

Neuroticism, the tendency to feel nervous and to worry, has been identified as a potential predisposing factor for PIMU. Using the Big Five model of personality to investigate commonalities among young people with IGD, the authors of a recent review highlighted multiple studies linking neuroticism with PIMU and concluded that this work demonstrates a clear and consistent link [ 47 •]. Some of the strongest evidence comes from clinical samples in which young people seeking care for IGD showed higher levels of neuroticism than healthy controls [ 50 ]. Additionally, neuroticism may be an important trait that differentiates game players who have problematic use versus those who are simply heavily engaged with the games [ 51 ] perhaps in part because the control provided by video games is especially appealing to those with neurotic tendencies [ 50 ]. Neuroticism is a common element of internalizing mood disorders including anxiety and depression [ 52 ], which, as described below, are frequently comorbid with PIMU.

While it is clear that some traits are common among PIMU sufferers (and there are others not covered above), we must stop short of claiming a defining personality profile. Young people experiencing PIMU are likely to have as much diversity as they do similarity in their psychological and personality characteristics. Some of the most conclusive findings originate from clinical samples, but, because of limited specialized care opportunities, this work has been almost entirely conducted outside of the USA. Seeing as culture plays an important role in the development of personality, investigations are necessary to determine if our current knowledge is generalizable to the USA.

Neurobiology and Brain Function

Apart from individual characteristics and family functioning, there appear to be some neurobiological dysfunction that may characterize PIMU sufferers. Working from models based on the brain functioning in gambling and substance use addicts, researchers have looked for similarities with these disorders. Sussman and colleagues call attention to the viewpoint that people are not actually addicted to a substance or a behavior itself but rather to the brain’s response to the drug or activity [ 53 ••]. This perspective opens the door for digital entertainment obsession to be compared to substance use and gambling disorder. Video games and certain types of internet use have been shown to release dopamine at a rapid rate leading to immediate gratification and the potential for a repetitive response that can include compulsive behaviors and increased tolerance [ 53 ••]. In a simultaneous test of reward processing and inhibitory control, both behavioral and electroencephalography findings indicate adolescents with IGD demonstrate irregularities in both systems [ 54 • ]. Additionally, fMRI studies have documented neurobiological explanations for dysregulated reward processing, diminished impulse control, and other behavioral and cognitive patterns in IGD sufferers that are similar to those from people with gambling disorders [ 55 ]. Imaging studies have demonstrated that the brains of adolescents with internet addiction share at least one structural abnormality with brains of those with substance use disorder, namely, reduced thickness in the orbitofrontal cortex [ 56 ]. The evidence at hand seems to indicate that PIMU shares similarities in neural functioning and potentially some brain structures with other compulsive behaviors as well as substance use. However, there are still many fewer neuroimaging studies of PIMU sufferers than of substance users, and many of the existing studies are hindered by small, heterogeneous samples and lack of attention to comorbid conditions [ 55 ].

The observed similarities between PIMU and substance use disorder do not necessarily signify that compulsive technology use should be characterized as a behavioral addiction. In fact, there are strong reasons to consider other conceptualizations for this set of behaviors. Excessive use may be indicative of maladaptive coping [ 57 ] or the manifestation of existing self-regulatory problems [ 58 •]. Rather than being a novel disorder, PIMU behaviors may be symptoms of existing psychiatric problems being expressed within the digital environment [ 3 •]. If these underlying disorders are appropriate explanations for these behaviors, then, some argue, we should not classify the set of symptoms as a behavioral addiction [ 59 ]. Furthermore, there is limited evidence that stopping use results in serious withdrawal symptoms which is a key factor in some diagnostic tools [ 60 ].The term addiction may also convey a sense of stigma and potentially interfere with one’s likelihood for seeking help or leading to incorrect treatment [ 3 , 61 ]. A consistent set of observed, troublesome, comorbid disorders may support the possibility that existing problems drive problematic media use rather than the behavior indicating a uniquely diagnosable behavioral addiction.

Comorbidities

A core set of mental health problems comorbid with PIMU have been identified and include depression, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), anxiety, and autism [ 62 •]. As most of the research in this area is cross-sectional, the exact explanation for the association between PIMU and these other disorders is unknown and could include a one directional relationship (in either direction), a bi-directional relationship, or a common factor causing both issues [ 62 •]. Bearing in mind the complex etiology of these severe mental health issues, PIMU may very well arise from pre-existing mental health problems. The behaviors and environment afforded by excessive game play and internet use may also exacerbate certain symptoms of these disorders. The associations likely differ by unique co-occurring disorder as well as by the specific behaviors evident in an individual’s experience of PIMU. Longitudinal representative research along with additional clinical investigations examining different presentations of PIMU (especially using samples from the USA) is needed to fully understand this relationship.

Depression and Anxiety

Regardless of the specifics of the relationships, identifying the most common mental health issues that are comorbid with PIMU can help illuminate the disorder. Depression is consistently found to be predictive of problematic video game, internet, and smartphone use [ 63 , 64 , 65 ]. In a study comparing multiple predictors of the Internet Addiction Scale, level of depression had the strongest association even when considering demographics, personality traits, and future time perspective (i.e., the ability to envision and pursue future goals) [ 22 ]. Considering anxiety is closely related to depression, it is not surprising that it too has been shown to be linked to PIMU. Young people’s use of technology to cope with depression and anxiety likely explains at least some of these observed relationships, but a reciprocal relationship between PIMU and depression or anxiety is likely most realistic [ 64 , 66 ].

Seeing as impulsivity is a common trait of adolescents suffering from PIMU, it follows that ADHD is one of its most common comorbidities. In a recent review, 87% of the included studies found significant relationships between ADHD symptoms and PIMU [ 62 •]. Findings from a meta-analysis align with these results with studies consistently showing that PIMU is present at higher rates among those with ADHD from those without [ 67 ]. Furthermore, adolescents with ADHD show more severe symptoms of PIMU and are less likely to respond to treatment [ 67 , 68 ]. Ease of boredom, poor self-control, and other typical symptoms of ADHD are likely driving this association [ 67 ].

PIMU was shown to be prevalence in 45.5% of a small clinical sample of youth with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) [ 69 ]. Youth with ASD have higher levels of compulsive internet use and video game play compared to healthy peers [ 70 ]. Online communication platforms especially those that occur within the well-defined ruleset of multiplayer games may be seen as less threatening and thereby particularly attractive to youth with ASD who desire connection but tend to lack well-developed social skills [ 4 ]. The coexistence of ADHD and ASD is an especially predictive combination with PIMU observed in 12.5% of patients with ADHD, 10.8% of those with ASD, and 20.0% of those with both disorders [ 71 ].

For clinicians hoping to better discriminate between adolescents who are heavily engaged with screen media and those who are experiencing problematic use, it is likely effective to attend carefully to young people with mental health issues commonly comorbid to PIMU. To inform on this effort, my colleagues and I have proposed the acronym A-SAD (ADHD, social anxiety, ASD,depression) to remember these key disorders [ 5 •]. While this suggestion is consistent with current evidence, research testing this approach is still necessary in order to understand its overall effectiveness in clinical settings.

Even though there is continued debate about the nomenclature around this issue and the appropriateness of labeling the problem an addiction or its own mental health diagnosis, adolescents around the world are seeking treatment to overcome their disordered media use and its consequences. As of yet, there is not an agreed upon approach for treating PIMU resulting in resourceful and skilled clinicians applying and adapting multiple approaches known to be effective to similar issues to this newer problem. For many years, there were few systematic investigations of these treatments, but recently the number of clinical trials has increased.

Cognitive Behavioral Therapy

With rigorous research in this field becoming more common, a recent review was able to rely more heavily on randomized clinical trials in reaching its conclusions [ 72 •]. This work identified 3 treatment possibilities as most heavily researched—cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), pharmacological, and group/family therapies—however, approaches in all three were only classified as experimental [ 72 •]. CBT seeks to change problematic thought patterns and their resulting behaviors especially in terms of coping with psychological problems in healthy, direct ways. The approach of using CBT to address the cognitions of problematic users was proposed almost two decades ago and has been applied and adjusted to numerous populations and settings [ 73 ]. In a prototypical study, patients identified as having internet addiction and a comorbid disorder received CBT for 10 sessions and showed improvement in both internet use and anxiety [ 74 •]. Pooled effect sizes from studies of this treatment have demonstrated that overall, CBT is successful at reducing symptoms of depression and of IGD and slightly less so for anxiety [ 75 ••]. Although there is less evidence for CBT’s effectiveness at reducing game play, such a goal is less central as gaming is not inherently problematic [ 75 ••]. Dialectical behavior therapy, which is based on CBT but addresses emotions along with thoughts and behaviors, has also been applied to PIMU and seems to offer promise for future treatment [ 6 ].

Pharmacological Treatment

Other treatments including pharmacological and group and family therapies have not been the subject of as many research investigations as CBT, but findings from these areas do show encouraging effects. The general approach of pharmacological treatment has been to use medications to treat comorbid conditions or underlying pathologies of PIMU including depression [ 76 ], ADHD [ 77 ], obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) [ 78 ], and others. In an exemplar RCT of 114 adolescents and adults with IGD, the effectiveness of two antidepressants (escitalopram and bupropion) were investigated [ 79 ••]. Both were effective at reducing IGD, but bupropion also improved impulsivity, inattention, and mood problems which is consistent with its reported use as a treatment for ADHD [ 79 ••]. Following a similar protocol, researchers compared the effectiveness of two ADHD medications, a stimulant (methylphenidate) and non-stimulant (atomoxetine), on symptoms of both ADHD and IGD [ 80 ]. Both medications successfully reduced symptoms of IGD seemingly through their ability to regulate impulsivity [ 80 ]. Other studies reveal similar effects resulting in an overall conclusion that a pharmacological approach can be successful in reducing symptoms of both PIMU and comorbid disorders [ 81 ].

Group and Family Therapies

Group and family therapies are also being used to address PIMU. While group-based interventions that are 8-weeks or longer and include 9–12 people appear most effective [ 82 ], these approaches vary greatly making it difficult to determine which other aspects of the approach contribute to any observed successes. A systematic review describes four studies using single-family groups, multi-family groups, and school-based groups and implementing CBT-based approaches, novel psychotherapy approaches designed specifically for PIMU sufferers, and traditional family therapy approaches [ 81 ]. Group interventions have also been designed to prevent PIMU among adolescents although the effectiveness of this approach is still unknown [ 83 ]. Investigations of these treatments do show some promise. For example, a study of using multi-family group therapy found 20 out of 21 adolescent participants were no longer considered addicted to the internet following the six, 2-h sessions [ 84 ]. While the approach as a whole is based on strategies known to be effective in substance use and other adolescent problems, the heterogeneity of the therapies makes it difficult to draw any final conclusions.

There has been much advancement in identifying and treating PIMU over the last 5 years. The inclusion of IGD in the DSM-5 and of GD in the WHO’s ICD-11 has been the impetus for a growing consensus around terminology and approach. Considerable research has demonstrated that IGD can be assessed reliably and that the defined cutoffs effectively differentiate between those with and without the disorder. However, a large debate continues about whether the terminology and subsequent conceptual and clinical approaches should be based on a specific activity or broader set of behaviors. A framework that describes and addresses a multitude of behaviors that share certain determinants, comorbidities, and expressions can avoid the unsustainable situation of developing a new term and tactic for every problematic media behavior.

Additional research is necessary to more fully develop our clinical understanding and treatment approach to PIMU. Foundational, longitudinal work would help disentangle the direction of association between mental health problems and PIMU, and clinical investigations could continue to determine how therapy and medication can most effectively treat the condition. Clinical work investigating patient samples from the USA are very rare and are necessary to build awareness and increase resources available to treat the problem. Additionally, new research should explore the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on PIMU. As screens have been relied upon for essential purposes including education, communication, and social connectedness, use has inevitably risen, and youth previously balancing media use and other activities may find themselves struggling. While our knowledge has grown substantially in this area, there are still questions that need to be answered before we can effectively treat this modern facet of adolescent health.

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The author would like to thank Jill Kavanaugh, MLIS for her assistance with the literature searches for this review.

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According to the American Psychological Association, the most effective stress-relief strategies are exercising or playing sports, praying or attending a religious service, reading, listening to music, spending time with friends or family, getting a massage, going outside of ra walk, meditating or doing yoga, and spending time with a creative hobby. The least effective strategies are gambling, shopping, smoking, drinking, eating, playing video games, surfing the Internet, and watching TV or movies for more than two hours.

The internet was supposed to homogenize everyone by connecting us all. Instead what it's allowed is silos of interest.

When I was in college, I remember thinking to myself, this internet thing is awesome because you can look up anything you want, you can read news, you can download music, you can watch movies, you can find information on Google, you can get reference material on Wikipedia, except the thing that is most important to humans, which is other people, was not there.

The screen is a window through which one sees a virtual world. The challenge is to make that world look real, act real, sound real, feel real.

By placing intelligence at the edges rather than control in the middle of the network, the Internet has created a platform for innovation.

Haters are just confused admirers.

Internet has contributed to certainly a new kind of communication among us - not all of it good; a lot of it, dangerous. When we talk about human community, we certainly now have a tool in our hands that enables us to reach out as we never have before. It broadens our sense certainly of what community is and even of our own place in it.

The Internet is the first thing that humanity has built that humanity doesn't understand, the largest experiment in anarchy that we have ever had.

As the most participatory form of mass speech yet developed, the Internet deserves the highest protection from government intrusion.

Getting information off the Internet is like taking a drink from a fire hydrant.

Here, all of a sudden, we have a revolution in - in communication, and it is - it is really, truly big. Internet is as big as the introduction of fire to the human race, or the introduction of electricity into our lives.

I think the Internet is the single greatest revolution to come around in a long time. It's so convenient, it's frightening. I can definitely see why some people don't leave their house anymore.

The 24/7 internet connection means we're never really free and we always feel behind. The Internet also continually entices us to explore its options through hyperlinks and ads so we can spend a lot of time on things for which we have little to show, adding to our unrest.

Thanks to the internet, I buy lots of music, but thanks to my easily distracted nature, I forget about half of it!

The Internet is like alcohol in some sense. It accentuates what you would do anyway. If you want to be a loner, you can be more alone. If you want to connect, it makes it easier to connect.

Information is the oxygen of the modern age. It seeps through the walls topped by barbed wire, it wafts across the electrified borders.

I don't understand the world of the Internet. I just type up on my computer.

The internet is like a surround system, a landscape at its most benign, a closed system of surveillance and self-surveillance at its more sinister. Something we can no longer imagine an outside of.

The Internet is perfect for delivering large blocks of text to people throughout the world for free. That's a plus. The downside is the ADD, the Internet-addled Attention Deficit Disorder.

The new information technology... Internet and e-mail... have practically eliminated the physical costs of communications.

Thousands of people were producing new Web sites every day. We were just trying to take all that stuff and organize it to make it useful.

The Internet is just a world passing around notes in a classroom.

The 'Net is a waste of time.

Before you marry a person, you should first make them use a computer with slow Internet to see who they really are.

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Internet Addiction Essay

Internet is an amazing invention. It serves as an abundant source of information and entertainment. However, as useful as it is, it is also proving to be equally hazardous. Many people around the world have grown addicted to it and are suffering from the dangerous consequences of this addiction.

Long and Short Essay on Internet Addiction in English

Here are essay on Internet Addiction of varying lengths to help you with the topic in your exam.

These Internet Addiction essay are written in simple language to let you easily understand the subject.

After going through the essay you will be able to explain Internet Addiction, how are smart phones related to internet addiction, causes and symptoms of internet addiction, consequences of internet addiction and also how to get rid of internet addiction.

So, go ahead and find a best essay on this topic for you:

Short Essay on Internet Addiction – Essay 1 (200 words)

Internet addiction is a new age addiction which is known to have gripped people around the world. Several people belonging to different age groups have been affected by this addiction; though, it is more prevalent among the youth. People turn to internet to find solace, kill boredom and bring in some fun in their lives. However, before they know they grow addicted to it.

Internet is a huge source of entertainment and it is hard to resist the addictive stuff it has to offer. However, it is essential to keep a check on your internet use to ensure you do not get addicted to it. This is because just like other types of addiction, this one also has grave consequences. It has a major impact on a person’s brain function. Many internet addicts develop anxiety issues and depression. People lose sense of time and neglect their work. This hampers their professional growth. Their physical health also deteriorates. They incur health problems such as obesity, heart disease and hypertension.

They get so addicted to the internet that they tend to ignore their loved ones. They prefer talking to people online and develop close ties with them. This strains their personal relationships and causes unhappiness.

In order to lead a happy and wholesome life it is important to stay away from such addictions.

Essay on Internet Addiction: It is Increasing Day by Day – Essay 2 (300 words)

Introduction

The number of internet users around the world is increasing drastically with every passing day and so is the number of internet addicts. The world of internet is extremely alluring. Video games, chat rooms, social media platforms, entertainment videos, engrossing web series and interesting blogs can keep a person hooked for hours. Many people begin to use internet as a means to overcome loneliness and boredom and get addicted to it within no time.

Introduction of Smart Phones Responsible for Growing Internet Addiction

Around a decade back when internet could only be accessed on desktop and laptop, the internet usage was limited. Many people were still addicted to it. They spent several hours in front of their systems surfing internet. Many people frequently visited cyber cafes to access internet. However, the situation wasn’t as bad as it is today.

The introduction of smart phones has given internet access to large number of people. Smart phones are said to be one of the major causes of internet addiction in today’s times. People are seen glued to internet even as they travel or attend a social event. Some of them are obsessed with chatting apps, others are addicted to gaming while yet others are busy updating and checking their social media accounts.

The introduction of various kinds of web series has increased internet addiction. It is an easy source of entertainment and extremely addictive. Binge watching web series is quite common among people around the world. Internet addicts forget to eat, complete important tasks, and ignore their loved ones. All they want is a high speed internet connection and a device to access it. This is straining their personal relationships and hampering their work.

Internet addiction is a serious disorder that blurs a person’s ability to think rationally. Even though internet addicts know the harmful consequences of this addiction and begin to feel the heat they do not make much effort to overcome it. This often leads to serious problems such as depression, anxiety and other mental health disorders.

Essay on Internet Addiction: Signs and Causes – Essay 3 (400 words)

Internet addiction has been identified as an impulse control disorder. It is damaging the mental health of the addicts and also impacting their physical health negatively. People develop internet addiction due to various reasons. It is important to identify the warning signs of internet addiction and try to overcome it.

Signs of Internet Addiction

Here are some of the warning signs of internet addiction:

• Internet over Everything

When a person gives priority to internet over other things such as work, study, play, and relationships, it is a sure sign that he is addicted to internet. Internet addicts spend most time of their time online. They even forget to eat and sleep.

• Feeling of Restlessness and Emptiness

Internet addicts feel restless and a sense of emptiness surrounds them when they do not have access to internet. They feel a constant urge to surf internet and indulge in different activities online.

Too much screen time can blur the mind. Indulging in mindless activities online for several hours can cause a similar impact. This in turn causes dizziness.

• Frequent Mood Swings

Many internet addicts experience frequent mood swings. It makes them feel vulnerable and impacts their work as well as relationships.

• Procrastination

Internet addicts indulge in different useless activities online. Even though they know, they should do something productive, they aren’t able to. They procrastinate when it comes to studying, completing office assignments, doing household chores and other important tasks.

Causes of Internet Addiction

Most people begin to surf internet for hours as it serves as an escape from their day to day problems. Many people are shy and hesitant to talk to people around. They aren’t able to make friends in the real world. They turn to the internet and make friends online. It provides them the emotional support that is missing in their lives. Likewise, many people start watching web series and viral videos others indulge in gaming to fill the void in their life.

Little do they know that the things they are using as a comfort will soon cause discomfort which they will find hard to overcome. While internet soothes our mind and serves as a good distraction from our day to day problems, it can prove to be fatal as we grow addicted to it.

People grow addicted to internet because of various reasons. If you see the warning signs of internet addiction in a friend or family member, you must help them overcome it. Support from loved ones makes it easier to overcome an addiction.

Essay on Internet Addiction: Ways to Get Rid of Internet Addiction – Essay 4 (500 words)

Internet addiction is often compared to pathological gambling. It does not involve the use of a substance such as drug or alcohol but is as bad as them. Internet addicts stay glued to the internet for most part of the day. They indulge in various activities online and cut off completely from the real world. Just like any other type of addiction, it is hard to get rid of the internet addiction. However, if one is hard pressed on leaving it then he can overcome it in due course of time.

Ways to Get Rid of Internet Addiction

Here are some ways to get rid of internet addiction:

• Identify the Cause

Unless you understand the cause of your internet addiction, you will not be able to find the way to get rid of the problem. The reason why you surf the internet for most part of the day may be to kill boredom, seek emotional support, seek companionship or distract yourself from some problem. You need to identify what it is exactly. As you begin to heal that issue, you shall be able to overcome your internet addiction as well.

• Support from Friends and Family

Your friends and family members always have your back. Discuss about your growing internet addiction with them and how you wish to get rid of it. They will be more than willing to help you overcome this problem. Spend more time with your family members. Talk to them, help them with different tasks and indulge in fun activities together to keep your mind off the internet. Similarly, visit your friends or call them over frequently as you try to get rid of internet addiction. You will be able to overcome this addiction over the time with their support.

• Indulge in Physical Activity

Exercising is a great way to relax your mind and feel positive. If you are growing addicted to internet to keep stress and anxiety at bay then replace this toxic habit with exercising. As you exercise, your body releases endorphins that promote a feeling of happiness. You no longer feel the need to rely on internet to get that feeling of euphoria.

• Seek Professional Help

There are expert therapists who provide professional guidance to help overcome internet addiction. It is suggested to seek help from one of these. They will take you through a series of steps to get rid of this addiction. The Center for Internet Addiction provides adequate information about this disorder. It also offers effective treatment options for internet addicts.

• Reprogram Your Subconscious Mind

Our subconscious mind directs our behaviour to a large extent. If you are addicted to the internet and are unable to overcome it then you must start by reprogramming your subconscious mind. Get into a state of relaxation and command your subconscious mind to stop using the internet excessively. Do this repeatedly with faith and see how it helps you overcome the problem.

It is easy to develop an addiction but quite difficult to overcome it. You will have to make good amount of effort and stay determined to get over internet addiction. The key is not to give up even when the road ahead seems tough.

Long Essay on Internet Addiction – Essay 5 (600 words)

Many people around the world are facing the problem of compulsive internet use. They spend most part of their day surfing the internet even as they know it is a completely futile activity that is messing with their mind. Internet addiction is as bad as any other addiction. People addicted to internet neglect their health, work and relationships and often end up lonely and depressed.

Internet Addiction among Youth

Internet addiction is more common among the youth. They feel a constant urge to use internet. They constantly scroll through different websites, watch random videos, chat with friends online, indulge in online shopping and involve in various other activities online. As they grow addicted to the internet, they begin to lose interest in real life activities. They prefer indulging in online activities only.

They develop low mental resilience and also become socially awkward. Many youngsters these days aren’t able to interact well with others. They avoid social events and prefer making friends and relationships online. Many of them develop social anxiety.

Internet addiction hampers their studies. Internet addicts are unable to concentrate on their assignments. They neglect their studies and lose interest in sports. All they want to do is surf the internet.

It is unfortunate that parents give smart phones to their kids at a very early age. The world of internet is new and fascinating for them. They quickly get addicted to it. The time that should spend in studying and other constructive activities is wasted on the internet.

Similarly, many young working professionals are also addicted to internet. At an age when they should concentrate on building their career, they waste most of their time online. Internet addiction is spoiling the future of the youth. It is impacting their growth and development.

Consequences of Internet Addiction

Internet addiction can prove to be extremely hazardous. It deteriorates one’s mental health, social well being as well as physical health. Here is how it impacts a person on various levels:

• Impact on Mental Health

Continuous use of internet slows the brain’s ability to grasp things and concentrate. Internet addicts crave to get back to the internet and are unable to focus on work at hand. This decreases their productivity. Inability to access internet causes irritability and anger. These people often develop behavioural issues.

Research shows that people addicted to the internet are more likely to develop anxiety issues and depression.

• Impact on Social Well-being

Internet addicts spend most of their time online. They avoid interacting with people in the real world and also do not indulge in real activities. This impacts their social life. They become socially awkward and soon begin to feel isolated.

• Impact on Physical Health

Internet addicts begin to lead a sedentary life. They just sit and surf the internet almost all day long. This begins to take a toll on their physical health. They become overweight which puts them at a risk of incurring various serious illnesses such as cardiovascular disease, stroke and diabetes.

Withdrawal Symptoms

Internet addicts experience withdrawal symptoms as they try to get rid of internet addiction. These are quite similar to those experienced by drug addicts. They feel restless, anxious and angry when they are offline. Their stress levels sore high and they wish to get back to the internet. It can be difficult to handle this emotional upheaval. However, it can be managed with professional help and the support of loved ones.

It is important to identify the warning signs of internet addiction and treat it. However, it is important to understand that it takes time to get over it. Don’t force yourself or your loved one to leave it at once. Doing so will create more problems rather than curbing any.

Internet addiction is a serious problem. It should not be dismissed casually. It is important to get rid of this addiction in order to lead a healthy and fulfilling life.

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Coddling Plus Devices? Unequivocal Disaster for Our Kids.

In “The Anxious Generation,” Jonathan Haidt says we’re failing children — and takes a firm stand against tech.

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Tracy A. Dennis-Tiwary is a professor of psychology and neuroscience, director of the Emotion Regulation Lab at Hunter College.

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THE ANXIOUS GENERATION: How the Great Rewiring of Childhood Is Causing an Epidemic of Mental Illness , by Jonathan Haidt

Imagine that your 10-year-old daughter gets chosen to join the first human settlement on Mars. She’s ready to blast off but needs your permission.

You learn that the billionaire architect of the mission hasn’t considered the risks posed by the red planet’s toxic environment, including kids developing “deformities in their skeletons, hearts, eyes and brains.”

Would you let her go?

It’s with this “Black Mirror”-esque morality play that Jonathan Haidt sets the tone for everything that follows in his erudite, engaging, combative, crusading new book, “The Anxious Generation.” Mars is a stand-in for the noxious world of social media. If we’d say no to that perilous planet, we should of course say no to this other alien universe.

Instead, we hem and haw about the risks, failing to keep our kids safely grounded in nondigital reality. The result can no longer be ignored: deformities of the brain and heart — anxiety, depression, suicidality — plaguing our youth.

Haidt, a social psychologist, is a man on a mission to correct this collective failure. His first step is to convince us that youth are experiencing a “tidal wave” of suffering. In a single chapter and with a dozen carefully curated graphs, he depicts increases in mental illness and distress beginning around 2012. Young adolescent girls are hit hardest, but boys are in pain, too, as are older teens.

The timing of this is key because it coincides with the rise of what he terms phone-based childhood. From the late 2000s to the early 2010s, smartphones, bristling with social media apps and fueled by high-speed internet, became ubiquitous. Their siren call, addictive by design and perpetually distracting, quickly spirited kids to worlds beyond our control.

It wasn’t phones alone. A second phenomenon coincided with the rise of the machines: the decline of play-based childhood. This change started in the 1980s, with kidnapping fears and stranger danger driving parents toward fear-based overparenting. This decimated children’s unsupervised, self-directed playtime and restricted their freedom of movement.

With parents and children alike stuck in “Defend mode,” kids were in turn blocked from discovery mode, where they face challenges, take risks and explore — the building blocks of anti-fragility, or the ability to grow stronger through adversity. Compared to a generation ago, our children are spending more time on their phones and less on, well, sex, drugs and rock n’ roll. While fewer hospital visits and teen pregnancies are obvious wins, less risk-taking overall could stunt independence.

That’s why parents, he argues, should become more like gardeners (to use Alison Gopnik’s formulation) who cultivate conditions for children to independently grow and flourish, and less like carpenters, who work obsessively to control, design and shape their offspring. We’ve overprotected our kids in the real world while underprotecting them in the virtual one, leaving them too much to their own devices, literally and figuratively.

It’s this one-two punch of smartphones plus overprotective parenting, Haidt posits, that led to the great rewiring of childhood and the associated harms driving mental illness: social deprivation, sleep deprivation, attention fragmentation and addiction. He has a lot to say about each of these.

Here is where his ideas and interpretation of research become contentious. Few would disagree that unhealthy use of social media contributes to psychological problems, or that parenting plays a role. But mental illness is complex: a multidetermined synergy between risk and resilience. Clinical scientists don’t look for magic-bullet explanations. They seek to understand how, for whom and in what contexts psychological problems and resilience emerge.

Haidt does recognize that nuance complicates the issue. Online — but not in the book — he and colleagues report that adolescent girls from “wealthy, individualistic and secular nations” who are “less tightly bound into strong communities” are accounting for much of the crisis. So perhaps smartphones alone haven’t destroyed an entire generation. And maybe context matters. But this rarely comes through in the book.

The final sections offer advice for reducing harmful, predatory aspects of technology and helping parents, educators and communities become more gardener and less carpenter. Some tips will be familiar (ban phones from school; give kids more independence). Other advice might give readers pause (no smartphones before high school; no social media before 16). Yet, taken together, it’s a reasonable list.

Still, Haidt is a digital absolutist, skeptical that healthy relationships between youth and social media are possible. On this point, he even rebuffs the U.S. Surgeon General’s more measured position. We’re better off banning phones in schools altogether, he asserts. Because, as he quotes a middle school principal, schools without phone bans are like a “zombie apocalypse” with “all these kids in the hallways not talking to each other.”

Whether or not you agree with the zombie apocalypse diagnosis, it’s worth considering the failure of prior absolutist stances. Nancy Reagan’s Just Say No drug campaign? A public health case study in what not to do. During the AIDS crisis, fear mongering and abstinence demands didn’t prevent unsafe sex. Remember the pandemic? Telling Americans to wear masks at all times undermined public health officials’ ability to convince them to wear masks when it really mattered.

Digital absolutism also risks blinding us to other causes — and solutions. In 1960s Britain, annual suicide rates plummeted. Many believed the drop was due to improved antidepressant medications or life just getting better. They weren’t looking in the right place. The phaseout of coal-based gas for household stoves blocked the most common method of suicide: gas poisoning. Means restriction, because it gives the despairing one less opportunity for self-harm, has since become a key strategy for suicide prevention.

“I’ve been struggling to figure out,” Haidt writes, “what is happening to us? How is technology changing us?” His answer: “The phone-based life produces spiritual degradation, not just in adolescents, but in all of us.” In other words: Choose human purity and sanctity over the repugnant forces of technology. This dialectic is compelling, but the moral matrix of the problem — and the scientific foundations — are more complex.

Yes, digital absolutism might convince policymakers to change laws and increase regulation. It might be a wake-up call for some parents. But it also might backfire, plunging us into defense mode and blocking our path of discovery toward healthy and empowered digital citizenship.

THE ANXIOUS GENERATION : How the Great Rewiring of Childhood Is Causing an Epidemic of Mental Illness | By Jonathan Haidt | Penguin Press | 385 pp. | $30

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The generation of people born between 1997 and 2012 is changing fashion, culture, politics, the workplace and more..

For many Gen-Zers without much disposable income, Facebook isn’t a place to socialize online — it’s where they can get deals on items  they wouldn’t normally be able to afford.

Dating apps are struggling to live up to investors’ expectations . Blame the members of Generation Z, who are often not willing to shell out for paid subscriptions.

Young people tend to lean more liberal on issues pertaining to relationship norms. But when it comes to dating, the idea that men should pay in heterosexual courtships  still prevails among Gen Z-ers .

We asked Gen Z-ers to tell us about their living situations and the challenges of keeping a roof over their heads. Here’s what they said .

What is it like to be part of the group that has been called the most diverse generation in U.S. history? Here is what 900 Gen Z-ers had to say .

Young people coming of age around the world are finding community in all sorts of places. Our “Where We Are” series takes you to some of them .

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Internet addiction in young adults: The role of impulsivity and codependency

Pierluigi diotaiuti.

1 Department of Human Sciences, Society and Health, University of Cassino and Southern Lazio, Cassino, Italy

Stefania Mancone

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2 Department of Human Studies, Communication, Education, and Psychology, Libera Università Maria SS. Assunta (LUMSA), Rome, Italy

Elisa Cavicchiolo

3 Department of Human, Philosophical and Educational Sciences, University of Salerno, Fisciano, Italy

Laura Girelli

Andrea chirico.

4 Department of Psychology of Development and Socialization Processes, Sapienza University of Rome, Rome, Italy

Associated Data

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Excessive Internet use has demonstrated comorbidity with other psychological symptoms and psychiatric disorders, as well as impairments in the management of daily life, relationships and emotional stability. Recent findings in the literature have consistently supported the relationship between impulsivity and Internet addiction. The present study hypothesized that, in addition to impulsivity, a further predictor of Internet addiction might be relational co-dependency, which is also associated in the literature with addiction phenomena, but mainly substance addiction. This paper investigates the role and predictive weight of impulsivity and codependency on Internet addiction on a sample of young adult university students (n = 481) by using a hierarchical regression analysis. The participants were administered the UADI-2, the BIS-11 and the SFCDS. In terms of percentage distribution, 38 % of the participants were in the dependency range, while 37.7 % demonstrated Internet abuse behavior. The results confirmed the role of impulsiveness (β = 0.312) and added to the literature by showing the significant role of relational codependency (β = 0.275), gender (β = 0.174) and age (β = 0.196). Thus, male participants were more dependent, more impulsive and more co-dependent, with increasing age in the given range (18–30). The present study shed light to the presence of this issue among young adults and that, as a preventive and restraining measure, there is a need not only for targeted awareness-raising programmes but also for interventions to promote greater emotional control and a more balanced management of personal relationships.

Introduction

The Internet is one of the most widespread and accessible media for young people: chatting, role-playing, etc., are increasingly the routinary activities for them and the growing use of this media has led to the emergence of psychological problems linked to its possible maladaptive use in young people. The phenomenon of Internet abuse has been called by different names such as computer addiction, compulsive Internet use, Internet mania, problematic or pathological Internet use, and finally Internet Addiction (IA) ( 1 – 5 ). Young ( 6 ), Young and Rogers ( 1 ) bring Internet Addiction Disorder to the center of the scientific debate, shifting the diagnostic reference from substance-related problems to those found in pathological gambling problems (GAP) and in fact placing Internet addiction within impulse control disorders. Individuals with Internet addiction may lose control over their Internet use, resulting in impairments in the management of daily life, relationships and emotional stability ( 1 , 2 , 4 , 7 ).

A critical level is identified when the excessive Internet use impedes the management of the young individual's developmental activities and negative consequences come to light in an overt way (for example, decline in school performance, excessive limitation of outside activities, permanent conflicts with parents and friends, etc.) ( 8 – 11 ). When it happens, except the use of Internet, several other activities and interests are neglected, despite they are consciously perceived as significant, while individual continue to massively use the Internet despite the possible harmful consequences, a phenomenon known as “harmful consumption” ( 12 , 13 ).

Compared with the past, currently Internet abuse is classified not as an impulse control disorder ma as a (potential) addiction, i.e., the fact the tendency is to define addiction to specific online activities (as seen in section III of DSM-5 and ICD-11), rather than Internet addiction in general.

Currently, the main forms of addiction associated with the excessive use of Internet are: Cyber-relational addiction , characterized by an excessive tendency to establish friendship or love relationships with people met online, mainly via chat rooms, forums or social networks ( 14 ). In this condition, online relationships quickly become over-involving and individuals tend to neglect their relationships in presence with friends and family. Information overload , characterized by an obsessive search for information on the web: individuals spend increasing amounts of time searching for and organizing data on the web ( 15 ). Cybersexual addiction , which is characterized by compulsive use of pornography and virtual sex sites. Individuals usually download and use online pornography, engage in adult-only chats and may have compulsive masturbation ( 16 ). Offline gaming , characterized by a tendency to over-involve in virtual games that do not involve multi-player interaction and are not played over a network ( 17 ). Online gaming , in which excessive involvement and compulsive behaviors related to various online activities such as gambling, compulsive shopping, role-playing games are evident ( 18 , 19 ).

Excessive Internet use has been found to be in co-morbidity with other psychological symptoms and psychiatric disorders ( 4 ). Internet addiction has been found to be associated with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder ( 20 , 21 ), low self-esteem ( 22 ), shyness ( 23 ), depressive symptoms ( 1 , 23 – 26 ), hostility ( 27 , 28 ), interpersonal sensitivity ( 27 , 29 ), disturbances in relationships ( 30 , 31 ), obsessive-compulsive symptoms (OCS) ( 20 , 24 , 25 ), and impulsivity ( 32 , 33 ).

Harmful Internet use, like substance abuse, triggers individuals' preoccupation with details, nervousness, irritability, aggression and impulsivity ( 4 , 34 ). Previous studies have also shown that obsessive-compulsive symptoms are associated with the severity of Internet addiction ( 20 , 24 , 25 ). Cao et al. ( 32 ) reported that adolescents with Internet addiction show increased impulsivity and have various comorbid psychiatric disorders, which may be associated with Internet addiction. For those with behavioral inhibition issues, the Internet can serve as an area where individuals can receive short-term rewards through gaming, surfing or social networking, and be reinforced by immediate gratification ( 7 , 35 ). A further study suggested that impulsivity can be considered as an endophenotype of addictive behavior ( 36 ). Impulsive individuals have problems in managing their behavior, showing recurrent failures to resist impulses to engage in a specified behavior and a feeling of lack of control while engaging in the behavior. A large body of the literature in this area concerns impulsiveness impacting the addictive tendencies ( 37 , 38 ). Consistent with this, recent findings in the literature have consistently supported the relationship between impulsivity and Internet Addiction ( 33 , 39 – 44 ).

Another construct that has been associated with addiction phenomena (predominantly substance addiction) is that of codependency. Codependency is often referred to as “relationship addiction”. It's an emotional and behavioral condition that interferes with an individual's ability to develop a healthy, mutually satisfying relationship. But over the years it's been expanded to include individuals who maintain one-sided, emotionally destructive, or abusive relationships ( 45 – 47 ). Researchers have identified several factors that are often linked with codependency: lack of trust in self or others; fear of being alone or abandoned; a need to control other people; chronic anger; frequent lying; poor communication skills; trouble making decisions; problems with intimacy; difficulty establishing boundaries; trouble adjusting to change; an extreme need for approval and recognition ( 48 – 50 ). The role of codependency among the variables associated with gambling disorder has been reported by Barrera-Algarín and Vázquez-Fernández ( 51 ). In contrast, an interesting contribution by Lu ( 52 ) recently illustrated the link between virtual community codependency and virtual community addiction: the virtual community codependency will need individuals to have a desire to derive compensation from the virtual community that cannot be achieved in the real world. If people in this community have similar needs, priorities, and goals, increasing the use of Facebook will lead to an increase in virtual community addiction. The author argues that codependency is a pattern of dysfunction in interpersonal relationships. According to the social compensation theory, if people feel insecurity and negative social identity in real life interpersonal networks, they may spend more time using virtual communities as compensation. Lu's study ( 52 ) tested and reported a direct impact of virtual community codependency on virtual community addiction. Furthermore, the increased use of Facebook when there is a sense of the ‘spirit of belonging together' can lead to increased tendency to virtual community addiction. In more general terms, Shishkov et al. ( 53 ) have first suggested a direct association between internet addiction and codependency, while, with reference to the set of patterns of thinking and behavioral characteristics of the codependent personality, Artemtseva and Malkina ( 54 ) pointed out that the codependents make cognitive errors about the consequences of their behavior in order to constantly protect themselves from uncertainty.

While the role of impulsivity has been widely analyzed in the literature of Internet Addiction, there is still a lack of studies that consider codependency as another possible factor associated to excessive Internet use. The present work had therefore the following objectives: evaluate the importance of Internet abuse and dependence in a sample of young adults, by also considering the gender of the participants; investigate the possible role of Impulsivity and codependency in explaining Internet Addiction. Other studies have confirmed for this age group the relationship between impulsivity and problems associated with various forms of addiction ( 55 – 59 ), and this can be even more true considering the important personal limitations in terms of mobility and relationships related to COVID-19 pandemic, which have not only solicited an increase in addictive practices ( 60 , 61 ) but also a deterioration in perceived safety in relationships with others, amplifying the compensatory search for codependent relationship patterns that Internet use can offer ( 62 – 65 ). On the basis of the literature presented hitherto, we hypothesized that relational codependency might be in young adults, in addition to impulsivity, a further significant predictor of Internet addiction.

Methods and materials

Participants.

Participants were recruited by forwarding an email to students enrolled at a university in central-southern Italy. This email defined the goals as well as the function of the study. Subjects were invited to enter a specific link found in the same notice, after which they filled in and posted the answers telematically and digitally. Participants were assured anonymity and also the use of information in aggregate type for research purposes. They also provided their written informed consent to participate in this study. The protocol was approved by the local university Institutional Review Board and tools administration took place in April and May 2020. A total of 1,500 emails were sent out. As far as the drop-out ratio is concerned, 86 participants dropped out after beginning to fill it in, therefore 481, including 219 (45.5 %) males and 262 females (54.5 %) with an average age of 21.79 and SD = 4.16 and age range 18–30, completed questionnaires were finally collected.

• - Uso-Abuso e Dipendenza da Internet [Internet use-abuse and addiction] (UADI-2), ( 66 ), assesses the psychopathological risk of Internet abuse and the psychological use that users make of the network (example items: “I happen to have flashbacks or disconnected thoughts during or after a long Internet connection”; “Sometimes I like to lie on the net”; “On the Internet I happen to look for erotic material or talk about sex”). The instrument measures the psychological and psychopathological aspects related to the use and abuse of the Internet and has been designed to be administered both off-line (by filling in the U.A.D.I. in paper form) and on-line (by filling it in via Internet). The instrument consists of 24 items that the person must answer on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (Absolutely false for me) to 5 (Absolutely true for me). The UADI-2 allows scoring with reference to four dimensions: Dissociation (describes some dissociative symptoms as bizarre sensory experiences, de-personalization, de-realization, along with the tendency to alienation and estrangement-escape from reality), Impact on Real Life (contains items describing the real-life consequences i.e., any changes in habits, social relationships, mood as a result of continued Internet use), Addiction Symptoms (contains items that address some behaviors and symptoms of addiction, particularly with reference to gradually increasing linkage period, abstinence, compulsiveness, and hyperinvolvement), Identity and Sexuality (contains items describing manipulation of true personal identity online and the tendency to search for sexually oriented content). The scoring has three score ranges: up to 62, normal Internet use; 63–74, Internet abuse; over 74, Internet addiction. Cronbach's alpha for this study was 0.867.
• - Barratt Impulsiveness Scale-11 [BIS-11 ; ( 67 , 68 )] is a 30-item self-report questionnaire designed to assess general impulsivity taking into account the multifactorial nature of the construct. The structure of the instrument allows the assessment of six first-order factors (attention, motor, self-control, cognitive complexity, perseverance, cognitive instability) and three second-order factors: attentional impulsivity, motor impulsivity (motor and perseverance), unplanned impulsivity (self-control and cognitive complexity). Example items: “I do things without thinking”; “I act on the spur of the moment”; “I often have extraneous thoughts when thinking”. The person is asked to respond regarding how often he or she generally (not referring to a specific time interval) acts and thinks similarly to the items on the scale. The total score is obtained by summing up the first and second order factors. The items are distributed on a four-point scale (Rarely/Never = 1, Occasionally = 2, Often = 3, Almost Always/Ever = 4). In the present study, the Italian version by Fossati et al. ( 68 ) was used. Cronbach's alpha for this study was 0.835.
• - Spann-Fisher Codependency Scale [SFCDS; ( 69 )]. Codependency is referred as a dysfunctional pattern of relating to others with an extreme focus outside of oneself, lack of expression of feelings, and personal meaning derived from relationships with others. The tool is an unidimensional 16-item 6-point scale, ranging in score from 16 to 96 with higher scores reflecting codependency (example items: “It is hard for me to make decisions”, “I don't usually let others see the “real” me”, or “When someone upsets me I will hold it in for a long time, but once in a while I explode”). The mean Spann-Fischer co-dependency score is approximated with a midpoint of 52.6, a “high” score of 67.2 and a “low” score of 37.3 suggested by Fischer, Spann, and Crawford ( 69 ). The codependent person puts a lot of effort into satisfying the needs of others, constantly trying to be helpful and organizing others' lives, losing sight of and disregarding their own needs. For the purposes of this study, we obtained an Italian version of the questionnaire through back-translation procedures. We performed an exploratory factor analysis (Maximum Likelihood, promax rotation) on The Italian Spann-Fischer Codependency Scale items. Our results revealed a one-dimensional structure. A test for internal consistency and item-total correlations confirmed that excluding one poor functioning item, best preserved the reliability of the questionnaire, and we therefore decided to exclude it from the final Italian version. After this adjustment, the scale consisted of 15 items and showed good internal consistency (Cronbach's α = 0.820).

Statistical analysis

Descriptive analyses (percentages, means, standard deviation, skewness and kurtosis, confidence intervals); t -test for comparison of scores with respect to gender; Pearson's bivariate correlations; testing of univariate and multivariate regression assumptions; and hierarchical regression were conducted.

Descriptively, 38.0% ( n = 183) of the sample were in the range of Internet addiction (with a mean score on the UADI-2 > 74). The 27.7% ( n = 133) of the sample were found to be in the Internet abuse range (with a mean score between 63 and 74). The remaining 34.3% ( n = 175) were in the normal range of Internet use. Significant differences emerged, however, in relation to gender. Amongst males, 45.2% ( n = 99) were addicted to the Internet, while 30.1% ( n = 66) had Internet abuse behavior. Among females, 32.1% ( n = 84) were addicted, while 25.6% ( n = 67) abused the Internet. These differences were more specifically highlighted in Table 1 where the t -test comparisons between the two groups and the respective breakdowns in the range of full dependency, abuse and normal Internet use are shown.

Differences in the level of Internet addiction with respect to gender of participants.

In Table 2 below it can be seen that the level of male dependence was higher both in terms of the overall score and in relation to the subscales of Dissociation, Identity and Sexuality and Impact on Real Life, while the manifestation of Addiction Symptoms did not significantly differ between genders ( p > 0.05).

General and specific dimensions of Internet addiction with respect to gender of participants.

Table 3 below presents the descriptive statistics of all the variables used in the study.

Descriptive statistics of the variables.

SE, Standard Error; SD, Standard Deviation.

Table 4 below shows the bivariate correlations between the measures used in the study. It can be seen that there were significant associations with both the Codependency scale (0.347 ** ) and the Impulsivity scale (0.349 ** ). More specifically for the latter measure, Internet Addiction reported correlations with the subscale of the Attentional Impulsiveness (0.379 ** ) and Motor Impulsiveness (0.365 ** ), while the association with the subscale of non-planning was not significant.

Bivariate correlations.

** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). * Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

For Age Spearman's correlation has been used. Pearson's for the other variables.

In order to identify predictors of Internet addiction, a hierarchical regression was performed on the variables of Codependency and Impulsivity. The preliminary verifications of the regression assumptions excluded the presence of multivariate outliers. Mardia's multivariate kurtosis index (62.33) was in fact below the critical value [ p ( p + 2) = 99]; therefore, the relationship between the variables can be considered substantially linear. Low co-linearity was indicated by the low variance inflation factor (VIF) values <2 and high tolerance values > 0.60. For verification of the assumptions on the residuals, the average between the standardized and raw residuals was equal to 0; the Durbin–Watson test had a value of 1.96 and was therefore indicative of the absence of autocorrelation.

A hierarchical multiple regression was run to determine if the addition of Codependency, Impulsivity, Age, and Gender improved the prediction of the Internet Addiction. The full model resulted statistically significant, R 2 = 0.289, F(4,480) = 48.119, p < 0.001; adjusted R 2 = 0.283.The regression model included Codependency and Impulsivity at step 1, Age at step 2, Gender at step 3. The results of the hierarchical multiple linear regressions are presented in Table 5 . In the regression model, with Internet Addiction as outcome variable, Codependency and Impulsivity jointly explained a 22% portion of the outcome variability. Adding Age at the second step provided a significant improvement in the explained variance, which reached 26%. By adding Gender at the third step, the explained variance further significantly increased to 29%. Standardized beta values were significant. with a positive sign for Codependency, Impulsivity, Age, and a negative sign for Gender. The order reflects the relative importance assigned to each predictor. Since this study intended to give special emphasis as a predictor to codependency, agreeing with what has been argued in this regard in the recent literature cited above, this variable appears to have taken precedence in the entry over that of impulsivity, which is dominant in the less recent literature. As a third consideration, age was included, with respect to which some studies reported an inverse association with the level of addiction ( 70 – 72 ), while others reiterated the linear direction with increasing levels of Internet addiction ( 73 – 75 ). It was interesting to understand what the predictive relationship between age and problematic internet use might be in the sample of young adults considered. Finally, the gender variable was included, which according to other studies is predictive of different male and female susceptibility to problematic and pathological internet use. Thus, it was deemed that the four variables, considered in this order of entry into the predictive model, could provide a significant explanatory portion of the phenomenon under study.

Results of hierarchical linear regression analyses.

N = 481; β = standardized beta value.

*** p ≤ 0.001.

The present study was aimed to evaluate the importance of Internet abuse and dependence in a sample of young adults and it aimed to clarify the possible role of impulsivity, codependency, gender and age in explaining Internet addiction. Among the instruments in the Italian context to measure Internet addiction, the UADI , although not recent, has been preferred over others such as the Generalized Problematic Internet Use Scale-2 [GPIUS-2, ( 76 ); Italian valid. ( 77 )] or the classic Internet Addiction Test [IAT, ( 1 ); Italian valid ( 78 )], because, in addition to having in other studies confirmed good psychometric properties ( 79 – 83 ), it allowed us to assess two dimensions not present in the other instruments mentioned above, and which we considered significant for their possible association with the impulsivity and codependency variables, namely dissociation experiences and identity manipulations on the web. First of all, the results showed a substantial percentage of young people in the addiction phase (one third of the total sample). Moreover, another third of the sample demonstrated Internet abuse behavior. This clearly indicates that there was an issue of control over the use of the Internet among the young adults involved. Nevertheless, we recognize that there might be an overestimation, especially referred to the classification of “abuse” of the Internet. This can be due to the fact that the instrument was originally carried out in 2005 when the average use of the Internet and social networks was still limited. Over the years, we have seen a significant increase in the use of the Internet, especially among young people, due to a natural expansion of connectivity possibilities and as a normal evolution of a behavior of consultation and search for information. Moreover, the use of messaging for interactions with friends and acquaintances has also highly increased. Another aspect that should definitely be considered is that the UADI does not differentiate between different forms of addiction (smartphone, social media, cybersex, game addiction), while it measures a general prevalence of addiction. In light of current developments, we believe there is a need to provide adequate distinctions between different types of addiction and to differentiate areas affected by possible problems. Considering that the administrations took place after the period of greatest impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in Italy ( 84 ) which, as we know, imposed a prolonged isolation and reduction in direct contacts, it is probable that these percentages are affected by the impact of social isolation ( 85 , 86 ) and that this has contributed to a compensatory search on the Internet. The results are, however, similar to the findings of the study by Salarvand et al. ( 87 ), also conducted with university students. Consulting the existing literature related to the period of COVID-19 lockdown (the same period in which we conducted our survey), has shown that the rates of general addiction increased as compared to the pre-COVID period. For example, the study of Burkauskas et al. ( 88 ) has shown that Internet Gaming Disorder (IGD) has increased 1.6 times (compared to the pre-COVID period) while the prevalence of the Problematic Internet USE (PIU) has increased 1.5 times. The same increase (1.6 times) during the COVID-19 pandemic of PIU has been also remarked by ( 89 ) in both adults and young people. This increase is particularly critical among young people as pointed out by several studies. For example, Zhao et al. ( 90 ) estimated the PIU prevalence rate in a sample of university students to be 28.4%, while a Swiss study by Mohler-Kuo et al. ( 91 ) estimated the PIU prevalence rate to be 21.3% for young adults.

Of particular interest, however, is the recent meta-analysis by Meng et al. ( 92 ), which includes 504 studies from 64 countries conducted before November 2021 and from which the importance of the varying incidence of specific modes of Internet addiction can be clearly understood. The study reports prevalence estimates of 26.99% (95% CI, 22.73–31.73) for smartphone addiction, 17.42% (95% CI, 12.42–23.89) for social media addiction, 14.22% (95% CI, 12.90–15.65) for Internet addiction, 8.23% (95% CI, 5.75–11.66) for cybersex addiction, and 6.04% (95% CI, 4.80–7.57) for game addiction.

Underlying the differences in prevalence estimates among the studies should certainly be noted the incidence of the instrument used. In our case, the results reported using the UADI-2 suffer from a lack of classificatory articulation and a normative update that may be reflected in some overestimation of problematic incidence.

However, in the enforced form of preventive isolation, a vicious circle is created that pushes people to seek comfort, entertainment, distraction and relief on the Internet, putting aside the real discomforts, which in this way are not resolved and addressed ( 93 ). In other words, the Internet acts as a deterrent and an escape route for people who experience difficulties in socializing in real life. Due to character traits such as shyness or situations of social isolation, the use of new technologies and social networks seem to become a privileged source of intense and satisfying emotions and sensations, albeit originating from entirely virtual dimensions, so that the Internet can represent a means of escaping from everyday reality and taking refuge in an illusory and gratifying world, in which the virtual element makes it possible to overcome the difficulties and inhibitions that can characterize real interactions, thus triggering pathological mechanisms that severely affect the social relationships, the financial situation and the mental health of the people involved ( 92 ).

Internet addictions are more frequent in people with a basic emotional fragility. They are triggered in people who are already experiencing psychological difficulties such as depression, obsessive-compulsive disorders and anxiety disorders ( 94 ). The immoderate and improper use of mobile phones and the Internet not only can cause huge gaps between people, but can also lead them to withdraw into themselves, to develop relational insecurities or a fear of rejection, to feel inadequate and in need of support, even if this is external and for its own sake. It should not be forgotten that among these forms of addiction, there is also the so-called ludopathy, i.e., addiction to games and gambling, to which mobile devices also contribute on a large scale ( 95 , 96 ).

Our results underline the male prevalence of Internet addiction, in line with other studies carried out during the same period ( 97 , 98 ). Regarding gender differences, the literature indicates that men are generally attracted to sex sites and online games. Women are more likely to spend time flirting in chat rooms. Men prefer visual stimuli and focused on sexual experiences, while women are more focused on relationships and interactions ( 99 – 102 ). These features are congruent with the findings regarding gender comparisons of the UADI-2 addiction scale components. The significantly higher score on the dissociation scale for males is associated with increased gaming [see also ( 103 – 105 )], whereas the score on the identity and sexuality scale is more likely to relate to behavior related to searching the Internet for sexually oriented content or masking one's identity in chat rooms or role-playing games [see also ( 106 , 107 )]. While no gender differences were found with regard to the manifestation of specific addiction-related symptoms, the negative impact on real life (work, study, social relationships, general wellbeing) was greater for males.

The analysis of the bivariate correlations clearly confirmed both the association with impulsiveness and that with codependency. The subsequent hierarchical regression also confirmed the hypothesis of the present study. In terms of the weights of the regression coefficients, impulsivity remains the main predictor (β = 0.312), as indicated by most of the above literature, but it is flanked by co-dependency, which shows a regressive weight just below the former (β = 0.275).

To the best of our knowledge, the only study that explicitly relates codependency to Internet addiction is that of Shishkov et al. ( 53 ). Their contribution shows that higher levels of Internet addiction were associated with an increase in codependency. Although the authors do not carry out a regression analysis, but limit themselves to correlation associations, they comment on the results, pointing out that the prerequisites for Internet addiction as well as for codependency are in the family.

In contrast to the study of Shishkov et al., in which both Internet addiction and codependency were greater in younger individuals, our results show the opposite trend: within the 18–30 age group, it is the older participants who are more dependent, both on the Internet and in terms of relationships. This result is particularly relevant as it raises interesting questions about the potential extension of addiction problems into the fully adult age group.

Some confirmation with respect to the age trend involved in such issues comes from studies that have recently focused on the Internet addiction of workers and professionals ( 108 – 111 ). Other studies also point out the association between Internet addiction (in both adults and young adults) with depression ( 43 , 112 – 114 ), hyperactivity and attention deficit ( 115 – 119 ).

The prevalence of Internet addiction in the adults leads us to consider the growing incidence of attention disorders such as ADHD in this age group. Although ADHD is a disorder that begins in childhood, if it is not recognized and properly treated, it can develop into adult ADHD. Although hyperactivity often tends to diminish over time, emotional restlessness and instability in interpersonal relations sometimes persist, together with difficulty in organizing oneself and managing several tasks in parallel ( 120 – 123 ); attention difficulties persist, manifesting themselves as difficulties in tasks such as keeping appointments and meeting deadlines. These consequences negatively affect different aspects of the adult's life, often leading to financial and work difficulties, interpersonal and relationship problems ( 124 , 125 ). The significant association and predictive estimation, which emerged in our study, of motor and attentional impulsiveness with Internet addiction, suggests that at the basis of this addiction there may also be problems of attention and impulse management that can be traced back to adult ADHD.

As regards codependency, this predictor usually includes personal relationship problems, also within the family context. We found only one study that explicitly considered family functioning, attentional impulsivity and Internet addiction in a sample of young adults in a single explanatory model ( 43 ). In this model, attentional impulsivity is proposed as a mediator of the relationship between family functioning and Internet addiction. Although our study does not test this mediation, it has shed light to the role of these predictors in explaining Internet addiction.

Practical implications of the study

Once some of the possible significant predictors have been identified, it seems appropriate to identify the containment interventions to be put in place. In this regard, the review by Xu et al. ( 126 ) on psychological interventions on Internet addiction suggests the formation of targeted and personalized intervention programmes. For impulsivity, which has been proposed as a potential indicator and treatment target of Internet addiction ( 127 , 128 ), The Reality Therapy approach is suggested to assist individuals in controlling their behavior and making alternative Internet-related choices ( 129 ). Reality therapy is based on choice theory, which holds that people are in charge of their lives and what they do, feel, and think ( 126 , 130 ). It focuses on goal-directed choices and self-control, which are very important aspects for young people ( 131 , 132 ) directly by assisting individuals in reflecting on their behaviors, evaluating their options, and planning to choose more effective options ( 130 , 133 ). Reality therapy may help people with addictions and impulsivity issues improve their self-control and reduce problem behaviors. Despite the fact that there have been very few studies of Internet addiction intervention using reality therapy alone, this method has been linked to improved self-esteem. Similar effects have been observed in studies of reality therapy for substance abuse ( 134 , 135 ). Although more research is needed, preliminary findings suggest that reality therapy may play a role in the treatment of Internet addiction ( 130 ). Because good family functioning was linked to a lower risk of experiencing Internet addiction, family factors may be important targets for Internet addiction interventions ( 136 ). Family therapy is not a specific process, but rather a set of interventions aimed at improving family functions and relationships rather than directly addressing addictive behaviors. The therapies are designed to improve communication and relationships while shifting psychological needs fulfillment away from the internet and toward interactions and building relationships with family members ( 137 , 138 ). Shek et al. ( 139 , 140 ) used a combination of motivational interviewing and family-based therapy. Participants reported less Internet addiction and improved family functioning.

Since our study reveals the predictive role of codependency, and this is certainly associated with problems of poor relationship functioning, it can be assumed that both family therapy and other interventions or compound approaches may help. Mindfulness-oriented recovery enhancement (MORE), for example, combines mindfulness training with cognitive restructuring (the process of learning to identify and modify maladaptive thoughts through methods such as logical disputation) ( 141 ). Some studies have looked into combining two different psychosocial treatments. According to Yao et al. ( 142 ), combining reality therapy and mindfulness meditation had a significant effect on Internet gaming disorder.

Given that an inverse relationship between internet addiction and information literacy has emerged in several studies ( 143 – 145 ), further preventive and restraining interventions could include ad hoc media and information literacy enhancement programs, which have been found to be effective in addressing other youth issues such as various addictions ( 146 – 148 ), doping consumption in sports ( 149 , 150 ), eating disorders ( 151 – 153 ), ciberbullismo ( 154 , 155 ), youth aggressiveness and deviant behaviours ( 156 , 157 ).

With regard to the above-mentioned interventions, it should be noted that since most of them are conducted with small groups of adolescents, it remains open to question the extent of their effectiveness with a different target group such as young adults and adults. For example, both adult co-dependency and adult hyperactivity problems would require further experimentation, taking into account the different contexts and the actual limitations/opportunities of the current living conditions. Further research and implementation of targeted and customized programmes will certainly be necessary.

Limitations of the study

Our findings should be interpreted while acknowledging some limitations. First, the sample size for this study was small and the statistical power can be affected. This limitation was due to the difficulty of getting more students involved in the study during the COVID-19 emergency, but we believe that future studies could benefit from a larger sample size and selecting participants from other parts of the country. Second, the participants in our sample were all university students. This choice was made bearing in mind the results of recent meta-analyses conducted in different countries that have shown a high prevalence of Internet addiction in this population [e.g., ( 87 , 158 , 159 )] and have raised the urgence to orientate policy strategies to this emerging issue for young adults. However future research will be needed to replicate these findings in other groups. Third, it should considered that the UADI-2 instrument does not differentiate between different forms of addiction (smartphone, social media, cybersex, game addiction) and the measure is indicative of a general prevalence, which in light of current developments, would instead need a specific distinction to adequately and differentially define the areas affected by possible problematicness. Furthermore, results reported may reflect some overestimation of problematic incidence due to this lack of classificatory articulation and normative update since the moment of validation of the instrument UADI-2 carried out in 2005. In addition, future studies could include more variables (such as socio-economic status, including clinical data as depression, anxiety, feeling of loneliness, interpersonal issues, maladaptive cognitions) and more covariates variables. Finally, it was a cross-sectional study, therefore, causalities could not be entirely clarified.

This study investigates the role and predictive weight of impulsivity and codependency on Internet addiction on a sample of young adult university students by using a hierarchical regression analysis. The results confirmed that both impulsivity and codependency play a role in problems related to Internet use, moreover they showed the relative importance of gender and age. The study demonstrated that maladaptive and addicted use of the Internet is a critical issue also among young adults, and it suggests that preventive and restraint measures are needed. These can include not only targeted awareness programs, but also interventions aimed at encouraging a greater emotional and attentional control and a more balanced management of personal relationships among young people.

Data availability statement

Ethics statement.

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by Institutional Review Board of the University of Cassino and Southern Lazio. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author contributions

PD, SM, and SC designed the study and drafted the manuscript. PD, SM, SC, and ADR analyzed the data and discussed the results. EC, LG, and AC revised the manuscript. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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