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Political Globalization – Pros and Cons (with Examples)

political globalization examples and definition

Political globalization is one of 8 types of globalization . This type of globalization focuses on how the leaders of nations have integrated their laws and built alliances for their mutual benefit.

Some features of political globalization include:

  • The rise of International Bodies like the WMF and WTO.
  • The rise of Free Trade.
  • The rise of Multinational Agreements to develop Shared Norms.
  • The emergence of the Concept of the Global Citizen.

Aspects of political globalization has been around in some form or another for a long time (e.g. the complex political relationships in the Roman Empire). But generally when talking about political globalization, we’re referring to the increasing political integration of nation-states since the 2 nd World War.

The most widespread definition of political globalization comes from William R. Thompson who defined it as:

“The expansion of a global political system, and its institutions, in which inter-regional transactions (including, but certainly not limited to trade) are managed.”

Primarily, it has involved the blurring of the boundaries between nation-states to decrease friction between nations. This can reach all areas of political and social life, including:

  • Lowering barriers to migration.
  • Lowering barriers to the movement of goods and services.
  • Agreeing on common standards for labor, intellectual property and environmental protection.

Some have argued that it has also led to a declining role of nation-states, which have ceded some power and responsibility to international bodies. For example, many nations agree to accept the rulings of the international court of arbitration even if they disagree with them.

Read Also: The 5 Scapes of Globalization

Examples of Political Globalization

1. European Union

The European Union is a trade and treaty bloc comprising of 27 nation-states on the continent of Europe. It is the successor of several other political agreements established after World War 2 to help integrate the European continent after the war.

Supporters of the EU say that the union has made Europe a safer and more harmonious place. Each nation’s economic success is more dependent on others in the bloc than ever before. This interdependence makes resorting to wars to solve disputes less likely.

The bloc also has the goal of spreading freedom and human rights across the continent. Here, you can see that there are both economic and political goals built into this union.

The North American Treaty Organization is another multi-national political treaty established after World War 2.

NATO’s primary goal is to contain Russian aggression by creating a military pact. If one NATO nation is attacked, then the rest will (supposedly) come to their defence. This deters potential Russian aggression.

3. Belt and Road Initiative

The Belt and Road Initiative is a trade initiative established by China designed to spread China’s sphere of influence across Asia and the Middle East.

The initiative creates trade routes through over 70 nations and is the centerpiece of China’s foreign policy. Critics say China’s foreign affairs strategy often puts small nations in debt to China so China can leverage political power and favors in the future.

4. War Games

Many allied nations engage in yearly war games in a bid to strengthen military ties and protect their interests.

The United States and South Korea do this regularly, for example, as a sign of strength against potential North Korean aggression. This sort of political diplomacy is designed to strengthen allied blocs of nations and deter foreign attacks.

NAFTA was a flashpoint of anti-globalization sentiment in the 1990s because it was seen to decrease labor standards and would lead to the exodus of blue-collar jobs from the United States.

The trade deal between the United States, Canada and Mexico was eventually replaced by protectionist-leaning president Donald Trump and replaced by the USMCA agreement which had reinstated some provisions to strengthen the power of nation-states to protect their industries.

Read Also:  Political Socialization Examples

Advantages of Political Globalization

1. Establishment of International Norms

When nation-states sign treaties with international bodies, it’s an agreement to operate within a set of norms and standards that all signatories will adhere to.

This rule-based order can help prevent a race to the bottom in regards to labor standards, intellectual property theft, and environmental standards.

An example of this is the establishment of war crimes standards that are policed by the international criminal court in Brussels.

2. Ease of Movement

Often, political agreements between nations lead to relaxing of the movement of labor across boundaries. This can lead to immigration and emigration opportunities for millions of people.

The most dramatic example of this is the freedom of movement of people around the 27 European Union nation-states, leading to the development of a transnational European identity .

However, in many other cases, this ease of movement is often limited to highly educated professionals and locks out working-class people from the benefits of globalization .

3. Ease of Trade

One of the key goals of political globalization is to create better trade routes around the world (in effect, to support and promote economic globalization ).

The premise here is that free trade creates more efficient economies of scale.

In a free trade situation, nations that are excellent at producing a certain product or service will become global ‘hubs’, producing their product of expertise with great efficiency and at scale. This can free up other nations to produce other products more efficiently also because they will be able to re-allocate resources to industries they’re more efficient at working within.

Political agreements that create free trade agreements can help increase participatory nations’ prosperity significantly, although this often comes at the cost of jobs in vulnerable sectors.

4. Establishment of Blocs of Influence

Multinational political agreements are often designed to create a bloc of allies that are stronger than the sum of their parts. One example of this is when small African and Pacific nations gather together to vote as blocs in the United Nations.

Similarly, the West spent the 2 nd half of the 20 th Century holding significant leverage over multinational organizations such as the United Nations and World Trade Organizations because they effectively created a strong trans-Atlantic alliance.

5. Solve Global Problems like Climate Change

As the 21 st Century progresses, the problem of climate change becomes more and more pressing to solve.

Many nations claim that they alone can do very little to solve climate change. They will often cite that they’re only responsible for a tiny percentage of global carbon emissions (this is very common to hear in Australian politics).

In this context, an effective way to solve climate change is to create a global pact where all nations (which each account for only a small amount of carbon emissions) come together and agree to targets and standards for reducing emissions.

Attempts have been made to address this – such as in the Copenhagen and Paris climate accords, although it’s widely believed that these accords fall far too short and will not prevent catastrophic climate change.

Nonetheless, if this problem will be solved, it’s likely to only occur at a global multinational level.

Disadvantages of Political Globalization

1. Loss of Power at the Nation-State Level

When nation-states make multinational agreements, they often make concessions in order to reach a middle ground that’s satisfactory to all parties. They also sign-off on certain norms and standards that restrict their abilities to unilaterally take action.

One of the many reasons Britain chose to leave the European Union was that they were unhappy that they were tied to European rules around – among other things – fishing quotas in UK waters. While within the trade block, the UK had to stick to requirements that they felt restricted their fishing industry.

Nevertheless, most European nations make the calculation that this loss of power is outweighed by the great rewards that come from being in an enormous free trade bloc.

Related Concept: McDonaldization Examples

2. Levels of Bureaucracy

Multinational political agreements can add extra layers of bureaucracy to everyday activities of businesses and citizens. For example, many global political agreements put in place standards that you need to ‘tick off’ before sending a product to market.

Another way they increase bureaucracy is through the very fact the running and administration of multinational agreements is a burden. For example, the European Union’s budget is €157.9 billion, which needs to be paid into by each nation-state.

While I don’t support many of the claims made in this documentary, it covers many compelling arguments about the problems with unelected bureaucrats:

3. Decreased Political Accountability

One of the biggest critiques of bodies like the WTO, the EU and United Nations is that they are full of unelected bureaucrats.

The administrators who make decisions and recommendations, and administer programs, are not directly accountable to the people who their decisions impact.

Similarly, the decisions made in multinational agreements are (by their very nature) made not only by citizens of your nation but also leaders of competitor nations. These foreign leaders are in no way accountable to you or your fellow citizens.

Related: Cultural Globalization Examples

Political globalization describes the ways political decisions are increasingly made at a global rather than national level. While it has enabled some significant advancements in human rights and growing prosperity thanks to free trade, many people have been displaced and harmed by multinational agreements, also.

There will always be a pull-and-push as political globalization displaces and upsets people and causes backlash. There are legitimate and genuine arguments on both sides of the advantages and disadvantages of political globalization arguments.

Cuterela, S. (2012). Globalization: Definition, processes and concepts.  Romanian Statistical Review .

Lechner, F. J., & Boli, J. (Eds.). (2020).  The globalization reader . New York: John Wiley & Sons.

Luard, E. (2016) .  The globalization of politics: the changed focus of political action in the modern world . London: Springer.

Chris

Chris Drew (PhD)

Dr. Chris Drew is the founder of the Helpful Professor. He holds a PhD in education and has published over 20 articles in scholarly journals. He is the former editor of the Journal of Learning Development in Higher Education. [Image Descriptor: Photo of Chris]

  • Chris Drew (PhD) https://helpfulprofessor.com/author/chris-drew-phd/ 50 Durable Goods Examples
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  • Chris Drew (PhD) https://helpfulprofessor.com/author/chris-drew-phd/ 17 Adversity Examples (And How to Overcome Them)

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It was very Good but it needs other types of globalization

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Political globalization in one of 8 types of globalization. To see the others, visit this article: https://helpfulprofessor.com/types-of-globalization/

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The Globalization of Politics: American Foreign Policy for a New Century

Subscribe to this week in foreign policy, ivo h. daalder and ivo h. daalder former brookings expert, president - chicago council on global affairs, former u.s. ambassador to nato @ivohdaalder james m. lindsay jml james m. lindsay.

January 1, 2003

  • 19 min read

September 11 signaled the end of the age of geopolitics and the advent of a new age—the era of global politics. The challenge U.S. policymakers face today is to recognize that fundamental change in world politics and to use America’s unrivaled military, economic, and political power to fashion an international environment conducive to its interests and values.

For much of the 20th century, geopolitics drove American foreign policy. Successive presidents sought to prevent any single country from dominating the centers of strategic power in Europe and Asia. To that end the United States fought two world wars and carried on its four-decade-long Cold War with the Soviet Union. The collapse of the Soviet empire ended the last serious challenge for territorial dominion over Eurasia. The primary goal of American foreign policy was achieved.

During the 1990s, American foreign policy focused on consolidating its success. Together with its European allies, the United States set out to create, for the first time in history, a peaceful, undivided, and democratic Europe. That effort is now all but complete. The European Union—which will encompass most of Europe with the expected accession of 10 new members in 2004—has become the focal point for European policy on a wide range of issues. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization has evolved from a collective defense alliance into Europe’s main security institution. A new relationship with Russia is being forged.

Progress has been slower, though still significant, in Asia. U.S. relations with its two key regional partners, Japan and South Korea, remain the foundation of regional stability. Democracy is taking root in South Korea, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Taiwan. U.S. engagement with China is slowly tying an economically surging Beijing into the global economy.

The success of American policy over the past decade means that no power—not Russia, not Germany, not a united Europe, and not China or Japan—today poses a hegemonic threat to Eurasia. In this new era, American foreign policy will no longer pivot on geography. Instead, it will be defined by the combination of America’s unrivaled power in world affairs and the extensive and growing globalization of world politics.

The Sole Global Power

The United States is today the only truly global power. Its military reach—whether on land, at sea, or in the air—extends to every point on the globe. Its economic prowess fuels world trade and industry. Its political and cultural appeal—what Joseph Nye has called soft power—is so extensive that most international institutions reflect American interests. America’s position in the world is unique—no other country in history has ever come close.

But is America’s exalted position sustainable? Militarily, the vast gap between the United States and everyone else is growing. Whereas defense spending in most other countries is falling, U.S. defense spending is rising rapidly. This year’s requested increase in defense spending is greater than the entire Chinese defense budget. Most remarkably, America can afford to spend more. Defense spending takes a smaller share of the U.S. gross domestic product than it did a decade ago—and even the Bush administration’s projected increases will produce an overall budget equal to only about 3.5 percent of GDP, about half of Cold War highs. There is little prospect of any country or group of countries devoting the resources necessary to begin competing with the United States militarily, let alone surpassing it.

Economically, the United States may not widen its edge over its competitors, but neither is it likely to fall behind. The U.S. economy has proven itself at least as adept as its major competitors in realizing the productivity gains made possible by information technology. Europe and Japan face severe demographic challenges as their populations rapidly age, creating likely labor shortages and severe budgetary pressures. China is modernizing rapidly, and Russia may have turned the corner, but their economies today are comparable in output to those of Italy and Belgium—and they have yet to develop a political infrastructure that can support sustained economic growth.

Which brings us to the issue of how to transform this unquestioned power into influence. Unless employed deftly, America’s military and economic superiority can breed resentment, even among its friends. A growing perception that Washington cares only about its own interests and is willing to use its muscle to get its way has fueled a worrisome gap between U.S. and European attitudes. European elites increasingly criticize the United States as being morally, socially, and culturally retrograde—especially in its perceived embrace of the death penalty, predatory capitalism, and fast food and mass entertainment. Europe has also begun to exercise diplomatic muscle in international institutions and other arenas, seeking to create new international regimes designed to limit America’s recourse to its hard power.

The sustainability of American power ultimately depends on the extent to which others believe it is employed not just in U.S. interests but in their interests as well. Following its victory in World War II, the United States led the effort to create not only new security institutions, such as the United Nations and NATO, but also new regimes to promote economic recovery, development, and prosperity, such as the Marshall Plan, the Bretton Woods monetary system, and the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs to promote free trade. These institutions and agreements preserved and extended American power—but in a way that benefited all who participated. The challenge for the United States is to do the same today.

Globalization

Globalization is not just an economic phenomenon, but a political, cultural, military, and environmental one as well. Nor is globalization new; networks of interdependence spanning continents were increasing rapidly in the decades before the First World War as the steam engine and the telegraph reduced the cost of transportation and information. What distinguishes globalization today is the speed and volume of cross-border contacts.

The prophets of globalization have trumpeted its benefits, particularly how the increased flow of goods, services, and capital across borders can boost economic activity and enhance prosperity. During the 1990s the more globalized economies grew an average of 5 percent a year, while the less globalized economies contracted by an average of 1 percent a year. The spread of ideas and information across the Internet and other global media has broadened cultural horizons and empowered people around the world to challenge autocratic rulers and advance the cause of human rights and democracy. Globalization can even lessen the chance of war. Fearing that war with Pakistan would disrupt their ties to U.S.-based multinationals, India’s powerful electronic sector successfully pressed New Delhi in mid-2002 to deescalate its conflict with Pakistan.

But globalization also brings terrible new perils. A handful of men from halfway across the globe can hijack four commercial airliners and slam them into key symbols of American power, killing thousands. A computer hacker in the Philippines can shut down the Internet and disrupt e-commerce thousands of miles away. Speculators can produce a run on the Thai currency, plunging Russia and Brazil into recession, robbing American exporters of markets, and costing American jobs. Greenhouse gases accumulating in the atmosphere in newly booming economies can raise global temperatures, possibly flooding coastal plains and turning mountain meadows into deserts.

Worse, for the United States, is that its power makes it a magnet for terrorism. As Richard Betts has argued, America’s power “animates both the terrorists’ purposes and their choice of tactics…. Political and cultural power makes the United States a target for those who blame it for their problems. At the same time, American economic and military power prevents them from resisting or retaliating against the United States on its own terms. To smite the only superpower requires unconventional modes of force and tactics [which] offer hope to the weak that they can work their will despite their overall deficit in power.” Worse still, other weak countries might decide to buy their security by turning a blind eye to terrorist activities on their soil, thereby increasing the risk to the United States.

Americanists vs. Globalists: The Utility of Power

Much of the foreign policy debate in the United States today revolves around assessments of the fundamental importance of American primacy and globalization. Americanists, so called because they emphasize American primacy, see a world in which the United States can use its predominant power to get its way, regardless of what others want. They believe the United States must summon the will to go it alone if necessary. Globalists emphasize globalization. They see a world that defies unilateral U.S. solutions and instead requires international cooperation. They warn against thinking that America can go it alone.

Americanists see two great virtues in America’s primacy. First, it enables the United States to set its own foreign policy objectives and to achieve them without relying on others. The result is a preference for unilateral action, unbound by international agreements or institutions that would otherwise constrain America’s ability to act. As Charles Krauthammer puts it, “An unprecedentedly dominant United States…is in the unique position of being able to fashion its own foreign policy. After a decade of Prometheus playing pygmy, the first task of the new [Bush] administration is precisely to reassert American freedom of action.” The views, preferences, and interests of allies, friends, or anyone else should therefore have no influence on American action.

Second, because American power enables the United States to pursue its interests as it pleases, American foreign policy should seek to maintain, extend, and strengthen that relative position of power. As President Bush told graduating West Point cadets last June, “America has, and intends to keep, military strength beyond challenge, thereby making the destabilizing arms races of other eras pointless, and limiting rivalries to trade and other pursuits of peace.” In other words, the United States can achieve its policy objectives best if it can prevent others from acquiring the power necessary to oppose it effectively when interests clash. It is as good a definition of what would constitute an American empire as one can get.

In contrast, Globalists stress how globalization both limits and transforms America’s capacity to use its power to influence events overseas. At bottom, the challenges and opportunities created by the forces of globalization are not susceptible to America acting on its own. Combating the spread of infectious diseases, preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction, defeating terrorism, securing access to open markets, protecting human rights, promoting democracy, and preserving the environment all require the cooperation of other countries. As British Prime Minister Tony Blair put it succinctly following the September 11 attacks, “we are all internationalists now.”

But, Globalists argue, it is not simply that the nature of the issues arising from globalization limits the reach of American power and compels international cooperation. Globalization transforms the nature of power itself. No one has grappled with this problem more thoughtfully than Joseph Nye in his latest book, The Paradox of American Power . As Nye explains, “power today is distributed among countries in a pattern that resembles a complex three-dimensional chess game.” One dimension is military power, where the United States enjoys an unrivaled advantage, and the power distribution is therefore unipolar. The second dimension is economic, where power among the United States, Europe, and Japan is distributed more equally. The third dimension is transnational relations, where power is widely dispersed and essentially beyond government control. This is the realm of nonstate actors—from multinational companies and money managers to terrorist organizations and crime syndicates to nongovernmental organizations and the international media. “Those who recommend a hegemonic [or power-based] American foreign policy,” Nye concludes, “are relying on woefully inadequate analysis. When you are in a three-dimensional game, you will lose if you focus on the interstate military board and fail to notice the other boards and the vertical connections among them.”

Who Is Right?

Both Americanists and Globalists are right in important ways. Take the Americanists first. Despite globalization, power remains the coin of the realm in international politics. Five decades of concerted U.S. and allied efforts may have transformed Europe into a Kantian zone of perpetual peace where the rule of law has triumphed, but in much of the rest of the world military might continues to hold sway. True, no country, not even China, poses the geostrategic threat to the United States that first Germany and then the Soviet Union did in the previous century. Still, lesser- order threats abound, from Pyongyang to Teheran to Baghdad, and U.S. military and economic power will be needed to contain, if not extinguish, them. More broadly, the rule of law demands more than simply codifying rules of behavior. It also requires the willingness and ability to enforce them. But that requirement, as Mancur Olson demonstrated years ago, runs into a fundamental collective-action problem—if the potential costs of action are great and the benefits widely shared, few will be willing to incur the costs. That is where overwhelming power, and the concomitant willingness and ability to provide for global public goods, makes a crucial difference. So, without American primacy—or something like it—it is doubtful that the rule of law can be sustained.

The wise application of American primacy can further U.S. values and interests. The use (or threat) of American military might evicted Iraqi troops from Kuwait, convinced Haiti’s military junta to relinquish power, ended Serbian atrocities in Kosovo, and broke al- Qaida’s hold over Afghanistan. Nor does American primacy advance only U.S. interests and values. As the one country willing and able to break deadlocks and stalemates preventing progress on issues from promoting peace in the Balkans, Northern Ireland, and the Middle East to preserving financial stability around the world, the United States frequently advances the interests of most other democratic states as well. Often, the United States is exactly what Madeleine Albright said it was—the indispensable nation that makes it possible to mobilize the world into effective action.

And the United States does differ from other countries. Unique among past hegemons in not seeking to expand its power through territorial gains, it is also unique among its contemporaries. Its primacy and global interests prompt others both to seek its assistance in addressing their problems and to resent it for meddling in their affairs. The ambivalence the world feels about American engagement—as well as the unique nature of that engagement—makes it imperative that the United States not mistake the conduct of foreign policy for a popularity contest. Doing the right thing may not always be popular—but it is vitally important nevertheless.

But Globalists are right that while America is powerful, it is not omnipotent. Far more able than most countries to protect itself against the pernicious consequences of globalization, it is by no means invulnerable. Some crucial problems do defy unilateral solutions. Global warming is perhaps the most obvious case, but others include stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction and fighting global terrorism. In other cases, such as protecting the American homeland from terrorist attack, unilateral action can reduce but not eliminate risks.

Similarly, unilateral American power may not be enough to sustain the benefits of globalization. Globalization is not irreversible. World War I, the Russian Revolution, and the Great Depression combined to strangle the economic and social interactions that emerged early in the 20th century. Economic globalization today rests on an intricate web of international trade and financial institutions. Extending, developing, and improving these institutions requires the cooperation of others. Without it, the benefits of globalization, which help to underwrite American power, could erode.

Globalization has greatly broadened America’s foreign policy agenda. Infectious diseases, poverty, and poor governance not only offend our moral sensibilities but also represent potential new security threats. Failed and failing states endanger not just their own citizens but Americans as well. If the United States cannot find ways to encourage prosperity and good governance, it runs the risk of seeing threats to its security multiply. It could eventually find itself harmed not by bears in the woods but by swarms of tiny pests.

Finally, cooperation can extend the life of American primacy. Working with others can spread the costs of action over a wider array of actors, enabling the United States to do more with less. By creating international regimes and organizations Washington can imbed its interests and values in institutions that will shape and constrain countries for decades, regardless of the vicissitudes of American power. And cooperation can build bonds with other countries, lessening the chances of cultural and political tactics that can over the years sap U.S. power.

Implications for American Foreign Policy

Both Americanists and Globalists understand essential truths about the world today. Power continues to matter, but power alone will often not be enough to achieve our goals. A pragmatic American internationalism would recognize that we do not need to pick between these two truths. Both should guide American foreign policy.

But what should America seek to accomplish abroad? The indisputable first objective must be to safeguard and enhance our liberty, security, and prosperity. The question is how. In the new age of global politics, the best way to accomplish these goals is to promote an international order based on democracy, human rights, and free enterprise—to extend the zone of peace and prosperity that the United States helped establish in Europe to every other region of the world. Put differently, the United States needs to integrate the world’s have-nots into the globalized West. Pursuing that goal is not charity. Creating an international order in which more people are free and prosperous is profoundly in America’s self-interest. In a world of market democracies, America and Americans are likely to be both more prosperous and more secure. In such a world we are most likely to realize the promise of globalization while minimizing its dangers.

Ensuring that a commitment to democracy and open markets triumphs on a global scale entails four broad strategies. First, it is necessary to sustain and strengthen the bases of American power. This, most of all, requires ensuring that the fundamentals of the nation’s economy remain sound. It is important not to spend today what the country may need tomorrow. It also requires maintaining America’s military edge, both technologically and in terms of the overall capacity to bring force to bear at a time and place of America’s own choosing. And it requires persistent diplomatic engagement on Washington’s part to demonstrate awareness that what happens abroad and matters to others can also have a profound impact on security and prosperity at home.

Second, U.S. policy should seek to extend and adapt proven international institutions and arrangements. NATO’s recent transformation is a prime example. During the 1990s, the collective defense organization that had safeguarded the territorial integrity of its members against the Soviet Union for four decades gradually took on a new role: providing security for every state and its citizens in an ever enlarging north Atlantic area. By taking the lead in stabilizing conflict-ridden regions like the Balkans, as well as by opening its doors to new members, NATO began to do for Europe’s east what it had done for Europe’s west. The world trading system is also ripe for change. Barriers to the free flow of goods, capital, and services have steadily fallen over the years, and more and more countries have joined the free trading regime. Now it is time to lower the most pernicious barriers, especially those for agricultural goods, and bring poor countries into the global economic system.

Third, U.S. policy should enforce compliance with existing international agreements and strengthen the ability of institutions to monitor and compel compliance. Too many favor the negotiation of new sets of rules or new institutions for their own sake, and too few pay attention to making sure new rules are upheld and new institutions function effectively. Iraq is a case in point. Even if one believes that Iraq can be contained and deterred and that therefore forcible regime change is neither necessary nor advisable, Baghdad’s refusal to comply with UN Security Council resolutions (including the critical terms of the Gulf War cease-fire resolution) means that the threat and possible use of force must be in play. A willingness to use force is no doubt necessary (though by no means sufficient) to persuade Saddam Hussein to allow UN inspectors to reenter Iraq and permit them to carry out the mandate of the international community. If he refuses, the United States must be prepared to use force, preferably with others but alone if necessary, to compel compliance. Bad behavior that produces no consequences gets emulated.

Finally, U.S. policy must take the lead in creating effective international institutions and arrangements to handle new challenges, especially those arising from the downside of globalization. The United States must lead not only because it alone can help the international community overcome its collective-action problems, but because it is most likely to be hurt by inaction. Just as one example, an international system for reporting and monitoring research in dangerous pathogens could provide early warning if biotechnologists create such pathogens either deliberately or inadvertently.

As these strategies make clear, promoting an international order based on market democracies will require the United States to lead as well as listen, to give as well as take. Arguing that American foreign policy should be either unilateral or multilateral is to posit a false choice as well as to confuse means with ends. Unilateralism can be put to good or bad uses. The flaw in the Bush administration’s decision to withdraw the United States from the Kyoto Treaty was not so much that Washington went its own way—though the peremptory manner of the withdrawal maximized bad feelings—but that it has failed to propose a better strategy for dealing with a rise in global temperatures that its own EPA scientists acknowledge. In this case, what is needed is not more multilateralism, but more unilateral action on the part of the United States to curtail its greenhouse gas emissions. Likewise, multilateralism can produce a modern day Kellogg-Briand Treaty just as easily as it produces a Gulf War coalition or a World Trade Organization.

Can U.S. foreign policy promote a liberal world order in the new age of global politics? In many ways it has no other choice. The pernicious effects of globalization, which empower tiny groups of people to inflict grievous harm, make it essential to create a world community that shares American values. But there is also good reason to believe that the United States can succeed in integrating the rest of the world into the western world order. Immediately after World War II, the United States forged a series of bold political, economic, and military arrangements that made allies of former enemies and set the stage for victory in the age of geopolitics. U.S. policymakers at the time took a broad view of American interests and understood that their efforts would be for naught if America’s partners did not see them as being in the interest of all. U.S. policymakers in the age of global politics must do likewise.

Foreign Policy

Adam P. Liff

February 22, 2024

John Villasenor

Tania Hary, Kevin Huggard

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The impact of economic, social, and political globalization and democracy on life expectancy in low-income countries: are sustainable development goals contradictory?

  • Published: 18 January 2021
  • Volume 23 , pages 13508–13525, ( 2021 )

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  • Arif Eser Guzel   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-5072-9527 1 ,
  • Unal Arslan 1 &
  • Ali Acaravci 1  

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The 17 Sustainable Development Goals announced by the United Nations are important guides for the development processes of developing countries. However, achieving all of these goals is only possible if the goals are consistent with each other. It has been observed in the literature that possible contradictions between these goals are ignored. Therefore, the main purpose of this study is to investigate whether two sustainable development goals (SDGs) of the UN are contradictory or supporting each other in low-income countries. These SDGs are “Good Health and Well-Being” (SDG3) and “Partnerships for the Goals” (SDG17). For this purpose, the role of globalization and democracy in life expectancy is empirically investigated in 16 low-income countries over the period 1970–2017. While globalization has been used as an indicator of the partnership between countries, democracy has been used as an indicator of accountability and cooperation between governments and societies. According to estimations of the continuous-updated fully modified (CUP-FM) and bias-adjusted ordinary least squares (BA-OLS), globalization and its subcomponents such as economic, social, and political globalization affect life expectancy positively. Democracy also increases life expectancy in those countries. The GDP per capita is also used as a control variable. Our results show that a higher level of per capita income is positively associated with higher levels of life expectancy. In conclusion, no contradiction was found between SDG3 and SDG17 in those countries. Achieving a healthier society requires economic, social, and political integration between governments and societies.

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1 Introduction

The main problem of economics is to increase economic development and social welfare. Increasing the social welfare level is a complex process that depends on economic and non-economic factors. Achieving economic development or increasing the level of welfare depends on achieving and sustaining the main objectives in political, economic, and social areas. Today, development is no longer a process that can be realized through policies implemented by governments alone. It requires cooperation between governments and societies. While cooperation between different countries requires globalization in the economic, social, and political fields, democracy is the way to ensure cooperation between governments and societies.

Health is one of the most important indicators of social welfare. Besides being one of the indicators of development, it is one of the determinants of human capital formation which is necessary for economic development. Individuals living in developed countries live a healthier life compared to those living in less developed countries. While the differences between the levels of development of countries determine the health conditions, at the same time, improvement of public health paves the way for economic development. Healthy people have higher opportunities to earn a higher income than unhealthy people. Individuals with higher incomes can benefit from better nutrition and access to health services. Therefore, economic development and improvement of health conditions represent a two-way process. In this context, the determination of the variables that will enable the achievement of the goal of a healthier society is especially important in explaining the economic differences between developing countries and developed countries. Because of its importance, health-related goals have an important place both among the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) announced by the United Nations.

The world leaders with the support of international funding organizations announced the Millennium Declaration in September 2000 at the United Nations Headquarters in New York. They committed their nations to a new international partnership to achieve some development targets having with the final deadline of 2015. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) consist of 8 goals, 21 targets, and 60 related indicators covering a wide spectrum of development areas such as “End Poverty and Hunger (MDG 1),” “Universal Education (MDG 2),” “Gender Equality (MDG 3),” “Child Health (MDG 4),” “Maternal Health (MDG 5),” “Combat HIV/AIDS (MDG 6),” “Environmental Sustainability (MDG 7),” and “Global Partnership (MDG 8).” As we see, three of the goals are directly associated with the health status of the people. In the deadline of 2015, according to “Health in 2015: From MDGs to SDGs” report of the World Health Organization (WHO), there are improvements in health-related targets such as child health, maternal health, and combat with HIV/AIDS. Globally, HIV, tuberculosis, and malaria targets have been met. Also, the child mortality rate was reduced by 53% and maternal mortality by 43% (WHO 2016 ). On a global view, although health-related problems are largely resolved, the situation is not as good for low-income countries. As shown in Fig.  1 , significant differences exist between developing countries and developed countries in achieving health-related goals.

figure 1

Source Halisçelik and Soytas (2015)

World Bank Income Groups’ MDGs Index Values in 2015.

According to MDGs, indexes in the context of health status show that the goals desired in terms of health are not attained in low-income countries compared to other income groups. After the deadline of MDGs, the United Nations has announced 17 SDGs, and “Good Health and Well-Being” takes its place as the third goal. Since achieving these goals requires the cooperation of countries and societies, “Partnership for the Goals” is determined as the seventeenth SDG. According to the United Nations ( 2019 ), the main indicators of global partnerships are trade, foreign direct investments, remittances, financial integration technology transfers, data monitoring and accountability, internet usage, and political integration among countries. In our study, while globalization is used as a proxy indicator of global cooperation, democracy is an indicator of cooperation between societies and governments. Democracy also refers to accountability levels of governments.

Globalization can simply be defined as the process of international integration which has economic, social, and political dimensions (Dreher 2006 ). Many countries have adapted to this process and have enjoyed the welfare effects of globalization by implementing necessary economic and institutional transformation. However, some countries still suffer from poor adaption to global markets. According to the KOF Globalization Index published by the Swiss Economic Institute ( 2020 ), low-income countries have the lowest globalization level compared to other income groups. They also suffer from bad health conditions such as low life expectancy, communicable diseases, and high mortality rates according to MDG indexes given above. At this point, the literature is divided into two parts. The first one blames globalization and argues that poverty and as a result of this, low life expectancy derives from the inequality created by globalization itself (Buss 2002 ). The second group mostly focuses on the benefits of free trade, capital mobility, and technology transfers (Rao and Vadlamannati 2011 ). The low-income countries also suffer from low institutional quality in the context of democracy and political rights. According to Freedom House’s list of electoral democracies, the countries without electoral democracy are mostly the low-income countries in the Middle East, North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Southeast Asia (Freedom House 2019 ).

The main question of our study is to determine whether the problem of low life expectancy in low-income countries is due to the low levels of globalization and weak political institutions in these countries. To answer this question, the role of economic, social, and political globalization and democracy in life expectancy in those countries is empirically investigated. This study provides several contributions to previous literature. First, we provide a new perspective in the context of sustainable development goals. Previous studies mostly focused on how to achieve SDGs, while possible conflicts between the goals were mostly ignored especially in the context of health. Such conflicts between sustainable development goals in the literature have mostly focused on the impact of economic growth and globalization on the sustainable environment (Ulucak and Bilgili 2018 ; Zafar et al. 2019a ). Those studies are mostly addressed the relationship between SDG7, SDG8, SDG13, and SDG17 (Zafar et al. 2019b ). To the best of our knowledge, it is the first study that investigates the relationship between SDG3 and SDG17. It is also important to examine this relationship in low-income countries since they still suffer from low levels of life expectancy, less adaptation to globalization, and poor democratic institutions compared to other income groups. Previous works mostly provide global evidence, while only a few studies focus on less developed countries. Achieving these 17 goals put forward by the United Nations at the same time is possible only if these goals do not conflict with each other. Second, empirical works in previous literature consist of traditional estimation methods called first-generation tests. In the analysis of panel data, the estimators considering cross-sectional dependence are called the second-generation estimators. Cross-sectional dependency simply refers to the situation when the shock that occurs in one country affects other countries as well. The source of this problem encountered in panel data analysis is the economic, financial, and political integration among countries (Menyah et al. 2014 ). The ignorance of cross-sectional dependence results in biased and inconsistent estimates and wrong inferences (De Hoyos and Sarafidis 2006 ; Chudik and Pesaran 2013 ). Low-income countries are mostly African countries where there is a rising trend in terms of integration to global markets and institutions (Beck et al. 2011 ). Using estimation techniques that consider cross-sectional dependence in those countries prevents misleading results. As the literature is divided into two parts about the effects of globalization on human well-being, fresh evidence via robust estimation methods is required in order to provide proper policy implications. To fill this gap, our work provides second-generation estimations.

2 Literature review

To improve the health conditions of a country, the welfare of the poor should be improved as well. Poverty is detrimental to access to health services. Therefore, the positive impact of globalization on health first emerged with its positive effects on economic growth (Labonté et al. 2009 : 10). The effects of globalization on growth were mostly driven by free trade, international specialization, technology transfers, knowledge spillovers, and competitive markets. It also offers broader opportunities for entrepreneurs and paves the way for innovation (Grossman and Helpman 2015 : 101). As expected, poverty rates significantly reduced in the last two decades because of the integration of developing economies to global markets (Harrison 2006 ). When trade liberalization and income increases are considered together, people's access to treatments and medications can be easier and life expectancy may be prolonged. However, we should consider other possibilities in the context of spreading communicable diseases. As Deaton ( 2004 ) mentioned before, access to cheap and easy travel can increase the rate of spread of communicable diseases. Migration is also another fact to take into account. Particularly rising sexual tourism and migrant sex workers increase the spread of sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS. But today there are improved treatment methods to solve these problems. Even HIV-infected people can survive with antiretroviral therapy, and it also reduces sexual transmission of the infection (Dollar 2001 ; Cohen et al. 2011 ). Due to the high cost of advanced drugs as in the case of antiretroviral therapy, it should be accepted that people in low-income countries will have trouble accessing the drugs (Buss 2002 ). There are approaches known as the unequal exchange that globalization increases inequality among countries and that developed countries are more profitable from the globalization process (Love, 1980 ). It may also increase domestic income inequality. There are a few studies that came with the conclusion that globalization rises inequality (Dreher and Gaston 2008 ; Ha 2012 ), but Bergh and Nilsson ( 2010 ) suggested a different perspective. Due to extensive R&D investments and scientific activities, developed countries can find new treatment methods and supply advanced drugs. The only way to access that knowledge and these drugs are trade and integration between developed and underdeveloped countries. Globalization can play an important role in improving the health conditions of low-income countries to the extent that it can provide these linkages. One should also notice that wider markets and higher returns are important factors that motivate entrepreneurs. Buss ( 2002 ) claimed that the intellectual property rights of advanced drugs belong to private firms in developed countries, and because of the strong protection of property rights, less developed countries have trouble accessing them. However, rising global human rights became an important step to advance public health issues against economic concerns in the trade of pharmaceutical products.

The human rights approach focuses on how globalization affected disadvantaged people worldwide (Chapman 2009 ). It is an important instrument in the suppression of the inequality created by economic globalization. Because of the pressure on the government about human rights, disadvantaged people are becoming able to meet their basic human needs. The role of political globalization on this point is forcing governments to adopt global institutions. It increases the number of international organizations in which a country is a member. This makes governments more accountable in the global area and forcing them to pay attention to protect human rights. Gelleny and McCoy ( 2001 ) also claimed that integration among countries leads to political stability. Therefore, governments' tendency to violate human rights in order to maintain their power becomes lesser. Moreover, as social dimensions of globalization expand and communication opportunities among people in different countries increase, the possibility of human rights violations being discovered by other people increases (Dreher et al. 2012 ). Governments that know the international sanctions required by these violations have to be more cautious against human rights violations. Social globalization also provides cultural integration among the world’s people, and it changes lifestyles and consumption patterns worldwide. The consequences of this change can have positive and negative effects. First, increased urban population and sedentary lifestyles may enhance prepared food consumption and reduce daily movements which result in rising obesity and diabetes (Hu 2011 ). Second, although rapidly increasing consumption options and diversity are known as welfare indicators, they also can cause stress which is known as an important determinant of many diseases both psychological and physical (Cutler et al. 2006 ). Third, due to knowledge spillovers and communication technology, people can learn about healthy nutrition and protection from communicable diseases. Thus, unhealthy but traditional consumption patterns and lifestyles may change. These days we experience the coronavirus epidemic and we see once again the importance of globalization. Countries are aware of infectious diseases in different parts of the world in a very short time and can take measures to stop the spread of the virus. The changes created by social and political globalization play a major role in this emergence. Social globalization enables people in very remote areas of the world to communicate with each other, while political globalization forces governments to be transparent about infectious diseases.

With economic globalization, increased economic activity may lead to urbanization. One may think about unhealthy conditions of an urban area such as environmental degradation, air and water pollution, higher crime rates, and stress which reduce life expectancy. However, according to Kabir ( 2008 ), people living in an urban area can benefit from improved medical care, easy access to pharmacy, and to the hospitals that use higher technology. They can also get a better education and can enjoy better socioeconomic conditions.

Democracy can be considered as another determinant of life expectancy. In order to solve the health problems of the poor, people should draw the attention of the government. Sen ( 1999 ) claimed that the instrumental role of democracy in solving problems is enabling people to express and support their claims. Thus, the attention of politicians can be attracted to the problems of the poor. Politicians who have never tasted poverty do not have the urge to take action against the problems of the poor at the right time. Another linkage can be established through accountability (Besley and Kudamatsu 2006 ). In democracies, governments have an obligation to account to citizens for what purposes the resources were used. Thus, resources can be allocated to solve important public issues such as quality of life, communicable diseases, and mortality.

Compared to theoretical discussions, previous literature provides a lack of empirical evidence. Barlow and Vissandjee ( 1999 ) examined the determinants of life expectancy with cross-sectional data available in 1990 for 77 developed and developing countries. According to regression results, per capita income, literacy rate, and lower fertility are important determinants of life expectancy while living in a tropical area decreasing it. Another finding in this study shows that health expenditures in those countries failed to increase life expectancy. Following this study, Or ( 2000 ) analyzed the determinants of health outcomes in 21 industrialized OECD countries covering the period 1970–1992. This study presents gender-specific estimates separately for men and women. Fixed effects estimation results reveal a significant negative relationship between public health expenditure and women's premature death. The relationship also occurs for men, while GDP per capita dropped from the regression model due to high collinearity. Furthermore, GDP per capita and the proportion of white-collar workers reduce premature death for both men and women, while alcohol consumption increases it.

Franco et al. ( 2004 ) analyzed the impact of democracy on health utilizing political rights data of 170 countries. Empirical results show that people living in democracies enjoy better health conditions such as longer life expectancy, better maternal health, and lower child mortality. Following this, Besley and Kudamatsu ( 2006 ) investigated the nexus between democracy and health outcomes utilizing panel data from the 1960s to the 2000s. In their study, they used life expectancy at birth and child mortality variables for 146 countries as indicators of health outcomes. According to results, democracy has a positive and significant effect on life expectancy at birth and it also reduces child mortality. Safaei ( 2006 ) also investigated the impact of democracy on life expectancy and adult and child mortality rates with the data of 32 autocratic, 13 incoherent, and 72 democratic countries. According to the OLS estimation results, improving democratic institutions increases life expectancy and reduces child and adult mortality rates. Another finding of the study is that socioeconomic factors such as income, education, and access to health care services are important determinants of health status.

Owen and Wu ( 2007 ) found a positive relationship between trade openness and health outcomes using a panel of 219 countries. Health outcome measures of this study are infant mortality and life expectancy. Trade openness is one of the most important dimensions of globalization.

Kabir ( 2008 ) analyzed the determinants of life expectancy in 91 developing countries. Empirical results obtained are the opposite of the expected. According to results, per capita income, literacy rate, per capita health expenditure, and urbanization have no significant impact on life expectancy. On the other hand, the number of physicians has a positive and significant impact on life expectancy, while malnutrition reduces it. As a dummy variable, living in Sub-Saharan Africa is another factor that reduces life expectancy due to communicable diseases like HIV, malaria, etc.

Bergh and Nilsson ( 2010 ) used a panel of 92 countries in the period 1970–2005 to investigate the relationship between globalization and life expectancy. They used social, political, and economic globalization data separately, and the results show a significant positive effect of economic globalization on life expectancy at birth. But no significant relationship was found between social globalization, political globalization, and life expectancy. They also used average years of education, urban population, the number of physicians, and nutrition as control variables and the effect of economic globalization was still positive and significant.

Welander et al. ( 2015 ) examined the effects of globalization and democracy on child health in their panel data analysis for 70 developing countries covering the period 1970–2009. According to the results, globalization significantly reduces child mortality. In addition, democracy improves child health and it also increases the beneficial effects of globalization on child health. Following this study, Tausch ( 2015 ) analyzed the role of globalization in life expectancy in 99 countries. The results of OLS estimates show that globalization leads to inequality, and therefore, it reduces health performance in terms of life expectancy and infant mortality. These results are contradictory to positive views on the role of globalization in public health. However, in 19 of 99 countries, globalization increases public health performance. Ali and Audi ( 2016 ) also analyzed the role of globalization in life expectancy in Pakistan. According to ARDL estimation results, life expectancy is positively associated with higher levels of globalization. Another study on the Pakistan case proposed by Alam et al. ( 2016 ) concluded that foreign direct investment and trade openness which are important indicators of economic globalization affects life expectancy positively.

Patterson and Veenstra ( 2016 ) concluded that electoral democracies provide better health conditions compared to other countries. Their analysis includes annual data from 168 countries covering the period 1960–2010. Empirical results show democracy has a significant positive impact on life expectancy and it reduces infant mortality.

In their recent study, Shahbaz et al. ( 2019 ) investigated the impact of globalization, financial development, and economic growth on life expectancy. The authors used nonlinear time series analysis methods utilizing the data of 16 Sub-Saharan African countries over the period 1970–2012. Their results show that globalization, financial development, and economic growth affect life expectancy positively in 14 of 16 Sub-Saharan African countries.

The previous literature provides a lack of evidence in the context of globalization, democracy, and life expectancy relationship. There are also methodological weaknesses in previous empirical studies. First, it can be observed that previous studies are mostly based on traditional estimation methods. Second, the panel data analyses are based on the first-generation estimators that assume cross-sectional independence. This assumption is hard to satisfy due to integration among countries. In addition, ignoring the cross-sectional dependence results in inconsistent estimations. Particularly in empirical work in the context of globalization which refers to economic, political, and cultural integration among countries, considering the cross-sectional dependence becomes more important. Therefore, in order to make a methodological contribution to previous literature, we used second-generation panel time series methods considering cross-sectional dependence.

3 Methodology and data

According to the United Nations, achieving sustainable development goals requires global cooperation and partnership. Therefore, “partnerships for goals” has taken its place as the 17th sustainable development target. However, it was emphasized that some sub-goals should be realized in order to reach this goal. These include improving international resource mobility, helping developing countries to attain debt sustainability, promoting the transfer of information and technology between developed and developing countries, an open and rule-based free trade system, encouraging public–private and civil society partnerships, increasing transparency and accountability, and high quality and reliable data (United Nations 2019 ). In our empirical work, economic, social, and political globalization and democracy variables were used as proxies of the subcomponents of SDG17. In addition, the life expectancy at birth variable that mostly used in related literature as a proxy of health status and well-being, it is used in our study as a proxy of SDG3. In this study, we investigated the role of globalization and democracy in life expectancy in 16 low-income countries. Footnote 1 Following Barlow and Vissandjee ( 1999 ) and ( 2000 ), GDP per capita is used as a control variable in order to mitigate omitted variable bias. Our dataset is covering the period 1970–2017. Following the related literature, we present our model as follows:

where lex is life expectancy at birth which refers to the average number of years a newborn is expected to live. Life expectancy at birth data is provided by World Bank ( 2019 ) World Development Indicators. Life expectancy at birth indicates the number of years a newborn infant would live if prevailing patterns of mortality at the time of its birth were to stay the same throughout its life. The dataset is consisting of a weighted average of collected data from several co-founders. In Eq.  1 , X refers to the KOF Globalization Index developed by Dreher ( 2006 ). This index has been used in previous literature as a proxy of SDG17 (Saint Akadiri et al. 2020 ). The current version of the data published by the Swiss Economic Institute is revised by Gygli et al. ( 2019 ). The globalization variables are between 0–100, and 100 refers to the highest globalization level. In our analysis, we used subcomponents of globalization index such as economic (EC), social (SOS), and political (POL) globalization in addition to overall globalization (GLB). Due to high collinearity, the effects of different types of globalization are analyzed separately. Models 1, 2, 3, and 4 represent the estimations with overall, economic, social, and political globalization indexes, respectively. The democracy variable ( dem ) is provided from the Polity IV project dataset (Marshall and Jaggers 2002 ). While the increases in this indicator represent a more democratic regime, the decreases represent a more autocratic regime. Finally, gdp is real GDP per capita (constant 2010 $) and it is provided from World Bank World Development Indicators. All variables transformed to the logarithmic form except democracy due to negative values. In the estimation of the model, the panel data analysis methods are used.

3.1 Cross-sectional dependence

Traditional panel data methods are based on the assumption that no cross-sectional dependence exists among cross section units. However, this assumption is hard to satisfy due to rising economic, social, and political integration between countries. The estimations do not take this process into account may cause inconsistent results. Such results may also lead to incorrect inferences (Chudik and Pesaran, 2013 ). The existence of cross-sectional dependence in variables and the error term is obtained from the model analyzed with Pesaran ( 2004 ) \({\text{CD}}_{{{\text{LM}}}}\) and Pesaran et al. ( 2008 ) bias-adjusted LM test. These techniques are robust whether N > T and T > N. Therefore, \({CD}_{LM}\) and bias-adjusted LM ( \({LM}_{adj})\) tests are found to be appropriate and their test statistics can be calculated as follows:

Equation  2 shows the calculation of Pesaran ( 2004 ) \({CD}_{LM},\) and Eq.  3 is Pesaran et al. ( 2008 ) bias-adjusted LM test statistic. \({V}_{Tij}\) , \({\mu }_{Tij}\) , and \({\widehat{\rho }}_{ij},\) respectively, represent variance, mean, and the correlation between cross section units. The null and alternative hypothesis for both test statistics; \({H}_{0}\) : No cross-sectional dependence exist; \({H}_{1}\) : Cross-sectional dependence exist.

In the selection of stationarity tests and long-run estimators, the existence of cross-sectional dependence will be decisive. If the null of no cross-sectional dependence is rejected, second-generation methods that assume cross-sectional dependence should be used in order to provide unbiased and consistent estimation results.

3.2 Slope homogeneity

Pesaran and Yamagata ( 2008 ) proposed a method to examine slope heterogeneity in panel data analysis based on the Swamy ( 1970 )’s random coefficient model.

The calculation of the test statistic of Swamy’s model is given in Eq.  4 .

In Eq.  4 , \({\stackrel{\sim }{\beta }}_{i}\) and \({\overbrace{\beta }}_{WFE},\) respectively, indicate the parameters obtained from pooled OLS and weighted fixed effects estimation, while \({M}_{T}\) is the identity matrix. The test statistic obtained from Swamy’s model is improved by Pesaran et al. ( 2008 ) as follows:

where \(\stackrel{\sim }{S}\) is the Swamy test statistic and k is a number of explanatory variables. \({\stackrel{\sim }{\Delta }}_{adj}\) is a bias-adjusted version of \(\stackrel{\sim }{\Delta }\) . \({\stackrel{\sim }{Z}}_{it}\) =k and \(Var\left({\stackrel{\sim }{Z}}_{it}\right)=2k(T-k-1)/T+1\) . The null and alternative hypothesis for both test statistics is given below.

The rejection of the null hypothesis shows that slope coefficients of Eq. 1 are heterogeneous. In the selection of panel data estimation methods, the results of those preliminary analysis are taken into account.

3.3 Unit root test

Pesaran ( 2006 ) suggested a factor modeling approach to solve the cross-sectional dependency problem. This approach is simply based on adding cross-sectional averages to the models as proxies of unobserved common factors. The Cross-sectionally Augmented Dickey–Fuller (CADF) unit root test developed by Pesaran ( 2007 ) is based on that factor modelling approach. This method is an augmented form of Augmented Dickey–Fuller (ADF) regression with lagged cross-sectional average and its first difference to deal with cross-sectional dependence (Baltagi, 2008 : 249). This method considers the cross-sectional dependence and can be used, while N > T and T > N. The CADF regression is:

\({\stackrel{-}{y}}_{t}\) is the average of all N observations. To prevent serial correlation, the regression must be augmented with lagged first differences of both \({y}_{it}\) and \({\stackrel{-}{y}}_{t}\) as follows:

After the calculation of CADF statistics for each cross section ( \({CADF}_{i}\) ), Pesaran ( 2007 ) calculates the CIPS statistic as average of CADF statistics.

If the calculated CIPS statistic exceeds the critical value, it means that the unit root hypothesis is rejected. After the preliminary analysis of unit root, the existence of a long-run relationship between the variables in our model will be investigated via Westerlund and Edgerton ( 2007 ) cointegration test. After this, the long-run coefficients will be estimated using the continuous-updated fully modified (CUP-FM) estimator developed by Bai and Kao ( 2006 ) and Bias-adjusted OLS estimator developed by Westerlund ( 2007 ).

3.4 Cointegration test and long-run relationship

In this study, the cointegration relationship was investigated by Westerlund and Edgerton ( 2007 ) LM bootstrap test. This method considers cross-sectional dependence and provides robust results in small samples (Westerlund and Edgerton, 2007 ). This method is based on the following equation

where \({n}_{ij}\) is an independent and identically distributed process with zero mean and var( \({n}_{ij})\) = \({{\sigma }_{i}}^{2}\) . Westerlund and Edgerton ( 2007 ) suggested following LM test in order to test the null of cointegration

where \({S}_{it}\) is partial sum process of the fully modified estimate of \({z}_{it}\) and \({\widehat{w}}_{i}^{-2}\) is the estimated long-run variance of \({u}_{it}\) conditional on \(\Delta {x}_{it}^{^{\prime}}\) . If the calculated LM statistic is below the critical value, the null of cointegration will be accepted. The critical values will be provided using the bootstrap method in order to prevent cross-sectional dependence.

In the estimation of long-run coefficients, the CUP-FM estimator was used and this method is based on the following regression

where \({\widehat{\lambda }}_{i}^{^{\prime}}\) refers to the estimated factor loadings and \(\hat{y}_{{i,t}}^{ + } = y_{{i,t}} - \left( {\lambda _{i} ^{\prime } \hat{\Omega }_{{F \in i}} + \hat{\Omega }_{{\mu \in i}} } \right)\hat{\Omega }_{{ \in i}}^{{ - 1}} {{\Delta }}x_{{i,t}}\) indicates the transformation of the dependent variable for endogeneity correction. According to Bai and Kao ( 2006 ), CUP-FM estimator is robust under cross-sectional dependence. However, the assumption that the number of common factors (k) is known cannot be satisfied in practice (Westerlund, 2007 ). Therefore, Westerlund ( 2007 ) suggested a bias-adjusted estimator (BA-OLS) following the methodology of Bai and Kao ( 2006 ) except in the context of determining the number of common factors. The author suggested the estimation of k using an information criterion as

where \(IC\left(k\right)\) is the information criterion. In this study, we determined the number of common factors via the Bayesian information criterion (BIC) as follows.

In the equation above, V(k) is the estimated variance of \({\widehat{u}}_{it}\) based on k factors. By minimizing the BIC, we obtain \(\widehat{k}\) . Westerlund ( 2007 ) showed that the estimation of k provides better results compared to CUP-FM estimator assuming k is known. Both of the estimators require cointegrated variables in the long run.

3.5 Empirical results and discussion

The results of Pesaran ( 2004 ) \({CD}_{LM}\) and Pesaran et al. ( 2008 ) bias-adjusted LM tests are given in Table 1 .

The results given in Table 1 show that the null of no cross-sectional dependence is rejected at 1% according to both \({CD}_{LM}\) and \({LM}_{adj}\) test statistics in all variables. In addition, in the error terms obtained from models 1, 2, 3, and 4 the null of no cross-sectional dependence is rejected at 1%. These results show that the methods to be used in the analysis of the stationarity of the variables and the determination of the long-run relationship should consider the cross-sectional dependence.

The results of homogeneity tests developed by Pesaran and Yamagata ( 2008 ) are given in Table 2 . According to the results, the null of homogeneity is accepted at %1 in all models. Therefore, estimators assume parameter homogeneity are used in our analysis.

After the preliminary analysis of cross-sectional dependence, the CADF unit root test developed by Pesaran ( 2007 ) is found to be appropriate for our model because of its robustness under cross-sectional dependence. The results of the CADF unit root test are given in Table 3 .

In the analysis of unit root, constant and trend terms are both considered at level, while only constant term is added at first difference. Maximum lag level is determined as 3, while optimum lag level is determined by F joint test from general to particular. According to results, the null of unit root is accepted for all variables, while calculated CIPS statistics of first-differenced variables exceed 1% critical value. All variables have a unit root, and their first differences are stationary ( \({I}_{1})\) . Therefore, in order to determine the existence of a long-run relationship, we applied Westerlund and Edgerton ( 2007 ) panel cointegration test. This method considers cross-sectional dependence and can be used, while the series are integrated in the same order. The results are shown in Table 4 .

Constant and trend are both considered in the analysis of cointegration, and critical values are obtained from 5000 bootstrap replications. The results show that the null of cointegration is accepted for all models. There is a long-run relationship between life expectancy, globalization, democracy, and GDP per capita. After determining the cointegration relationship, we estimated long-run coefficients utilizing CUP-FM and BA-OLS estimators proposed by Bai and Kao ( 2006 ) and Westerlund ( 2007 ), respectively.

The long-run estimation results given in Table 5 show that overall, economic, social, and political globalization are positively associated with life expectancy at 1% significance level according to both CUP-FM and BA-OLS estimators. The results show that a 1% increase in globalization index increases life expectancy %0.014 and %0.015 according to CUP-FM and BA-OLS estimators, respectively. The impact of economic, social and political globalization indexes is 0.013%, 0.011%, and 0.015% according to CUP-FM estimation results while 0.014%, 0.012%, and 0.017% according to both estimators, respectively.

Our results confirms the findings of Owen and Wu ( 2007 ), Ali and Audi ( 2016 ), and Shahbaz et al. ( 2019 ) who found a positive relationship between globalization and life expectancy. Our empirical work also supports the evidence of Bergh and Nilsson ( 2010 ) in terms of positive effect of economic globalization on life expectancy. While the authors found no significant impact of social and political globalization on life expectancy, our results show that life expectancy is positively associated with both social and political globalization. The results we found contradict Tausch ( 2015 )’s evidences in 80 of 99 countries. However, according to his results, in 19 of 99 countries, globalization affects health positively. When these countries are examined, it is seen that 14 of them are countries in the low and lower-middle income groups. In this sense, it can be said that the evidence we found for low-income countries is in line with the author's evidence. As Dreher ( 2006 ) mentioned, despite its possible inequality effects, the net effect of globalization on development is mostly positive and our empirical work supports that idea. The effect of democracy on life expectancy is also positive and significant at 1% which confirms the findings of Franco et al. ( 2004 ) and Besley and Kudamatsu ( 2006 ). In electoral democracies, people living in poverty and suffering from health problems can easily attract the attention of policymakers compared to autocracies. This leads to the reallocation of resources to solve the primary problems of the society. In the context of sustainable development goals, our results show that there is no conflict between SDG3 (good health and well-being) and SDG17 (partnerships for the goals). The improvement of the health conditions of the poor countries depends on global partnership and economic, social, and political integration among countries. In addition, democracy is an important tool in achieving the goal of a healthy society, as it fosters accountability, transparency, and partnership between governments and the societies they rule. As stated in the introduction section, low-income countries show low performance in terms of health-related sustainable development goals, and their connections with global markets are weak compared to other countries. At the same time, democratic institutions are not developed. Our work supports the idea that in order to achieve SDG3, global partnership and democracy are required.

The GDP per capita that used as a control variable has a positive impact on life expectancy at a 1% level. These results support the evidence of Barlow and Vissandjee ( 1999 ), Or ( 2000 ), and Shahbaz et al. ( 2019 ). Individuals living in countries with high per capita income are expected to have higher welfare and have a longer life expectancy (Judge, 1995 ). In low-income countries where people still suffer from having difficulty in meeting basic human needs, increasing per capita income may lead to better nutritional status, easier access to advanced treatment methods and technology.

4 Conclusion

In this study, the effects of globalization and democracy on life expectancy are empirically investigated in low-income countries. While globalization and democracy indexes are used as proxy indicators of “Partnerships for the Goals (SDG 17),” life expectancy used a proxy of “Good Health and Well-Being (SDG 3).” With this, it is aimed to examine the existence of contradiction between those SDGs. In the estimation of the long-run relationship between the variables, second-generation panel data analysis methods that consider cross-sectional dependency are used. According to the results, the globalization index and its subcomponents such as economic, social, and political globalization are important instruments to achieve a healthier society. In addition, higher levels of democracy lead to higher levels of life expectancy. Finally, GDP per capita growth improves health status of countries.

The findings obtained from our study show that economic, social, and political integration of countries and democracy accelerate the process of achieving a healthier society. Therefore, it is seen that SDG3 and SDG17 targets are compatible with each other. In order to achieve SDG3, economic, social, and political integration between countries should be encouraged and democratic institutions should be improved. Policy makers should remove the barriers on globalization, and they should promote participation on international organizations and public–private and civil society partnerships.

Those countries are Benin, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, The Gambia, Haiti, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Nepal, Niger, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, and Togo.

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Guzel, A.E., Arslan, U. & Acaravci, A. The impact of economic, social, and political globalization and democracy on life expectancy in low-income countries: are sustainable development goals contradictory?. Environ Dev Sustain 23 , 13508–13525 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10668-021-01225-2

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Globalization

Covering a wide range of distinct political, economic, and cultural trends, the term “globalization” remains crucial to contemporary political and academic debate. In contemporary popular discourse, globalization often functions as little more than a synonym for one or more of the following phenomena: the pursuit of classical liberal (or “free market”) policies in the world economy (“economic liberalization”), the growing dominance of western (or even American) forms of political, economic, and cultural life (“westernization” or “Americanization”), a global political order built on liberal notions of international law (the “global liberal order”), an ominous network of top-down rule by global elites (“globalism” or “global technocracy”), the proliferation of new information technologies (the “Internet Revolution”), as well as the notion that humanity stands at the threshold of realizing one single unified community in which major sources of social conflict have vanished (“global integration”). Globalization is a politically-contested phenomenon about which there are significant disagreements and struggles, with many nationalist and populist movements and leaders worldwide (including Turkey’s Recep Erdoğan, Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, and former US President Donald Trump) pushing back against what they view as its unappealing features.

Fortunately, recent social theory has formulated a more precise concept of globalization than those typically offered by politicians and pundits. Although sharp differences continue to separate participants in the ongoing debate about the term, most contemporary social theorists endorse the view that globalization refers to fundamental changes in the spatial and temporal contours of social existence, according to which the significance of space or territory undergoes shifts in the face of a no less dramatic acceleration in the temporal structure of crucial forms of human activity. Geographical distance is typically measured in time. As the time necessary to connect distinct geographical locations is reduced, distance or space undergoes compression or “annihilation.” The human experience of space is intimately connected to the temporal structure of those activities by means of which we experience space. Changes in the temporality of human activity inevitably generate altered experiences of space or territory. Theorists of globalization disagree about the precise sources of recent shifts in the spatial and temporal contours of human life. Nonetheless, they generally agree that alterations in humanity’s experiences of space and time are working to undermine the importance of local and even national boundaries in many arenas of human endeavor. Since globalization contains far-reaching implications for virtually every facet of human life, it necessarily suggests the need to rethink key questions of normative political theory.

1. Globalization in the History of Ideas

2. globalization in contemporary social theory, 3. the normative challenges of globalization, other internet resources, related entries.

The term globalization has only become commonplace in the last three decades, and academic commentators who employed the term as late as the 1970s accurately recognized the novelty of doing so (Modelski 1972). At least since the advent of industrial capitalism, however, intellectual discourse has been replete with allusions to phenomena strikingly akin to those that have garnered the attention of recent theorists of globalization. Nineteenth and twentieth-century philosophy, literature, and social commentary include numerous references to an inchoate yet widely shared awareness that experiences of distance and space are inevitably transformed by the emergence of high-speed forms of transportation (for example, rail and air travel) and communication (the telegraph or telephone) that dramatically heighten possibilities for human interaction across existing geographical and political divides (Harvey 1989; Kern 1983). Long before the introduction of the term globalization into recent popular and scholarly debate, the appearance of novel high-speed forms of social activity generated extensive commentary about the compression of space.

Writing in 1839, an English journalist commented on the implications of rail travel by anxiously postulating that as distance was “annihilated, the surface of our country would, as it were, shrivel in size until it became not much bigger than one immense city” (Harvey 1996, 242). A few years later, Heinrich Heine, the émigré German-Jewish poet, captured this same experience when he noted: “space is killed by the railways. I feel as if the mountains and forests of all countries were advancing on Paris. Even now, I can smell the German linden trees; the North Sea’s breakers are rolling against my door” (Schivelbusch 1978, 34). Another young German émigré, the socialist theorist Karl Marx, in 1848 formulated the first theoretical explanation of the sense of territorial compression that so fascinated his contemporaries. In Marx’s account, the imperatives of capitalist production inevitably drove the bourgeoisie to “nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, and establish connections everywhere.” The juggernaut of industrial capitalism constituted the most basic source of technologies resulting in the annihilation of space, helping to pave the way for “intercourse in every direction, universal interdependence of nations,” in contrast to a narrow-minded provincialism that had plagued humanity for untold eons (Marx 1848, 476). Despite their ills as instruments of capitalist exploitation, Marx argued, new technologies that increased possibilities for human interaction across borders ultimately represented a progressive force in history. They provided the necessary infrastructure for a cosmopolitan future socialist civilization, while simultaneously functioning in the present as indispensable organizational tools for a working class destined to undertake a revolution no less oblivious to traditional territorial divisions than the system of capitalist exploitation it hoped to dismantle.

European intellectuals have hardly been alone in their fascination with the experience of territorial compression, as evinced by the key role played by the same theme in early twentieth-century American thought. In 1904, the literary figure Henry Adams diagnosed the existence of a “law of acceleration,” fundamental to the workings of social development, in order to make sense of the rapidly changing spatial and temporal contours of human activity. Modern society could only be properly understood if the seemingly irrepressible acceleration of basic technological and social processes was given a central place in social and historical analysis (Adams 1931 [1904]). John Dewey argued in 1927 that recent economic and technological trends implied the emergence of a “new world” no less noteworthy than the opening up of America to European exploration and conquest in 1492. For Dewey, the invention of steam, electricity, and the telephone offered formidable challenges to relatively static and homogeneous forms of local community life that had long represented the main theatre for most human activity. Economic activity increasingly exploded the confines of local communities to a degree that would have stunned our historical predecessors, for example, while the steamship, railroad, automobile, and air travel considerably intensified rates of geographical mobility. Dewey went beyond previous discussions of the changing temporal and spatial contours of human activity, however, by suggesting that the compression of space posed fundamental questions for democracy. Dewey observed that small-scale political communities (for example, the New England township), a crucial site for the exercise of effective democratic participation, seemed ever more peripheral to the great issues of an interconnected world. Increasingly dense networks of social ties across borders rendered local forms of self-government ineffective. Dewey wondered, “How can a public be organized, we may ask, when literally it does not stay in place?” (Dewey 1927, 140). To the extent that democratic citizenship minimally presupposes the possibility of action in concert with others, how might citizenship be sustained in a social world subject to ever more astonishing possibilities for movement and mobility? New high-speed technologies attributed a shifting and unstable character to social life, as demonstrated by increased rates of change and turnover in many arenas of activity (most important perhaps, the economy) directly affected by them, and the relative fluidity and inconstancy of social relations there. If citizenship requires some modicum of constancy and stability in social life, however, did not recent changes in the temporal and spatial conditions of human activity bode poorly for political participation? How might citizens come together and act in concert when contemporary society’s “mania for motion and speed” made it difficult for them even to get acquainted with one another, let alone identify objects of common concern? (Dewey 1927, 140).

The unabated proliferation of high-speed technologies is probably the main source of the numerous references in intellectual life since 1950 to the annihilation of distance. The Canadian cultural critic Marshall McLuhan made the theme of a technologically based “global village,” generated by social “acceleration at all levels of human organization,” the centerpiece of an anxiety-ridden analysis of new media technologies in the 1960s (McLuhan 1964, 103). Arguing in the 1970s and 1980s that recent shifts in the spatial and temporal contours of social life exacerbated authoritarian political trends, the French social critic Paul Virilio seemed to confirm many of Dewey’s darkest worries about the decay of democracy. According to his analysis, the high-speed imperatives of modern warfare and weapons systems strengthened the executive and debilitated representative legislatures. The compression of territory thereby paved the way for executive-centered emergency government (Virilio 1977). But it was probably the German philosopher Martin Heidegger who most clearly anticipated contemporary debates about globalization. Heidegger not only described the “abolition of distance” as a constitutive feature of our contemporary condition, but he linked recent shifts in spatial experience to no less fundamental alterations in the temporality of human activity: “All distances in time and space are shrinking. Man now reaches overnight, by places, places which formerly took weeks and months of travel” (Heidegger 1950, 165). Heidegger also accurately prophesied that new communication and information technologies would soon spawn novel possibilities for dramatically extending the scope of virtual reality : “Distant sites of the most ancient cultures are shown on film as if they stood this very moment amidst today’s street traffic…The peak of this abolition of every possibility of remoteness is reached by television, which will soon pervade and dominate the whole machinery of communication” (Heidegger 1950, 165). Heidegger’s description of growing possibilities for simultaneity and instantaneousness in human experience ultimately proved no less apprehensive than the views of many of his predecessors. In his analysis, the compression of space increasingly meant that from the perspective of human experience “everything is equally far and equally near.” Instead of opening up new possibilities for rich and multi-faceted interaction with events once distant from the purview of most individuals, the abolition of distance tended to generate a “uniform distanceless” in which fundamentally distinct objects became part of a bland homogeneous experiential mass (Heidegger 1950, 166). The loss of any meaningful distinction between “nearness” and “distance” contributed to a leveling down of human experience, which in turn spawned an indifference that rendered human experience monotonous and one-dimensional.

Since the mid-1980s, social theorists have moved beyond the relatively underdeveloped character of previous reflections on the compression or annihilation of space to offer a rigorous conception of globalization. To be sure, major disagreements remain about the precise nature of the causal forces behind globalization, with David Harvey (1989 1996) building directly on Marx’s pioneering explanation of globalization, while others (Giddens 19990; Held, McGrew, Goldblatt & Perraton 1999) question the exclusive focus on economic factors characteristic of the Marxist approach. Nonetheless, a consensus about the basic rudiments of the concept of globalization appears to be emerging.

First, recent analysts associate globalization with deterritorialization , according to which a growing variety of social activities takes place irrespective of the geographical location of participants. As Jan Aart Scholte observes, “global events can – via telecommunication, digital computers, audiovisual media, rocketry and the like – occur almost simultaneously anywhere and everywhere in the world” (Scholte 1996, 45). Globalization refers to increased possibilities for action between and among people in situations where latitudinal and longitudinal location seems immaterial to the social activity at hand. Even though geographical location remains crucial for many undertakings (for example, farming to satisfy the needs of a local market), deterritorialization manifests itself in many social spheres. Business people on different continents now engage in electronic commerce; academics make use of the latest Internet conferencing equipment to organize seminars in which participants are located at disparate geographical locations; the Internet allows people to communicate instantaneously with each other notwithstanding vast geographical distances separating them. Territory in the sense of a traditional sense of a geographically identifiable location no longer constitutes the whole of “social space” in which human activity takes places. In this initial sense of the term, globalization refers to the spread of new forms of non-territorial social activity (Ruggie 1993; Scholte 2000).

Second, theorists conceive of globalization as linked to the growth of social interconnectedness across existing geographical and political boundaries. In this view, deterritorialization is a crucial facet of globalization. Yet an exclusive focus on it would be misleading. Since the vast majority of human activities is still tied to a concrete geographical location, the more decisive facet of globalization concerns the manner in which distant events and forces impact on local and regional endeavors (Tomlinson 1999, 9). For example, this encyclopedia might be seen as an example of a deterritorialized social space since it allows for the exchange of ideas in cyberspace. The only prerequisite for its use is access to the Internet. Although substantial inequalities in Internet access still exist, use of the encyclopedia is in principle unrelated to any specific geographical location. However, the reader may very well be making use of the encyclopedia as a supplement to course work undertaken at a school or university. That institution is not only located at a specific geographical juncture, but its location is probably essential for understanding many of its key attributes: the level of funding may vary according to the state or region where the university is located, or the same academic major might require different courses and readings at a university in China, for example, than in Argentina or Norway. Globalization refers to those processes whereby geographically distant events and decisions impact to a growing degree on “local” university life. For example, the insistence by powerful political leaders in wealthy countries that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or World Bank recommend to Latin and South American countries that they commit themselves to a particular set of economic policies might result in poorly paid teachers and researchers as well as large, understaffed lecture classes in São Paolo or Lima; the latest innovations in information technology from a computer research laboratory in India could quickly change the classroom experience of students in British Columbia or Tokyo. Globalization refers “to processes of change which underpin a transformation in the organization of human affairs by linking together and expanding human activity across regions and continents” (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt & Perraton 1999, 15). Globalization in this sense is a matter of degree since any given social activity might influence events more or less faraway: even though a growing number of activities seems intermeshed with events in distant continents, certain human activities remain primarily local or regional in scope. Also, the magnitude and impact of the activity might vary: geographically removed events could have a relatively minimal or a far more extensive influence on events at a particular locality. Finally, we might consider the degree to which interconnectedness across frontiers is no longer merely haphazard but instead predictable and regularized (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt & Perraton 1999).

Third, globalization must also include reference to the speed or velocity of social activity. Deterritorialization and interconnectedness initially seem chiefly spatial in nature. Yet it is easy to see how these spatial shifts are directly tied to the acceleration of crucial forms of social activity. As we observed above in our discussion of the conceptual forerunners to the present-day debate on globalization, the proliferation of high-speed transportation, communication, and information technologies constitutes the most immediate source for the blurring of geographical and territorial boundaries that prescient observers have diagnosed at least since the mid-nineteenth century. The compression of space presupposes rapid-fire forms of technology; shifts in our experiences of territory depend on concomitant changes in the temporality of human action. High-speed technology only represents the tip of the iceberg, however. The linking together and expanding of social activities across borders is predicated on the possibility of relatively fast flows and movements of people, information, capital, and goods. Without these fast flows, it is difficult to see how distant events could possibly posses the influence they now enjoy. High-speed technology plays a pivotal role in the velocity of human affairs. But many other factors contribute to the overall pace and speed of social activity. The organizational structure of the modern capitalist factory offers one example; certain contemporary habits and inclinations, including the “mania for motion and speed” described by Dewey, represent another. Deterritorialization and the expansion of interconnectedness are intimately tied to the acceleration of social life, while social acceleration itself takes many different forms (Eriksen 2001; Rosa 2013). Here as well, we can easily see why globalization is always a matter of degree. The velocity or speed of flows, movements, and interchanges across borders can vary no less than their magnitude, impact, or regularity.

Fourth, even though analysts disagree about the causal forces that generate globalization, most agree that globalization should be conceived as a relatively long-term process . The triad of deterritorialization, interconnectedness, and social acceleration hardly represents a sudden or recent event in contemporary social life. Globalization is a constitutive feature of the modern world, and modern history includes many examples of globalization (Giddens 1990). As we saw above, nineteenth-century thinkers captured at least some of its core features; the compression of territoriality composed an important element of their lived experience. Nonetheless, some contemporary theorists believe that globalization has taken a particularly intense form in recent decades, as innovations in communication, transportation, and information technologies (for example, computerization) have generated stunning new possibilities for simultaneity and instantaneousness (Harvey 1989). In this view, present-day intellectual interest in the problem of globalization can be linked directly to the emergence of new high-speed technologies that tend to minimize the significance of distance and heighten possibilities for deterritorialization and social interconnectedness. Although the intense sense of territorial compression experienced by so many of our contemporaries is surely reminiscent of the experiences of earlier generations, some contemporary writers nonetheless argue that it would be mistaken to obscure the countless ways in which ongoing transformations of the spatial and temporal contours of human experience are especially far-reaching. While our nineteenth-century predecessors understandably marveled at the railroad or the telegraph, a comparatively vast array of social activities is now being transformed by innovations that accelerate social activity and considerably deepen longstanding trends towards deterritorialization and social interconnectedness. To be sure, the impact of deterritorialization, social interconnectedness, and social acceleration are by no means universal or uniform: migrant workers engaging in traditional forms of low-wage agricultural labor in the fields of southern California, for example, probably operate in a different spatial and temporal context than the Internet entrepreneurs of San Francisco or Seattle. Distinct assumptions about space and time often coexist uneasily during a specific historical juncture (Gurvitch 1964). Nonetheless, the impact of recent technological innovations is profound, and even those who do not have a job directly affected by the new technology are shaped by it in innumerable ways as citizens and consumers (Eriksen 2001, 16).

Fifth, globalization should be understood as a multi-pronged process, since deterritorialization, social interconnectedness, and acceleration manifest themselves in many different (economic, political, and cultural) arenas of social activity. Although each facet of globalization is linked to the core components of globalization described above, each consists of a complex and relatively autonomous series of empirical developments, requiring careful examination in order to disclose the causal mechanisms specific to it (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt & Perraton 1999). Each manifestation of globalization also generates distinct conflicts and dislocations. For example, there is substantial empirical evidence that cross-border flows and exchanges (of goods, people, information, etc.), as well as the emergence of directly transnational forms of production by means of which a single commodity is manufactured simultaneously in distant corners of the globe, are gaining in prominence (Castells 1996). High-speed technologies and organizational approaches are employed by transnationally operating firms, the so-called “global players,” with great effectiveness. The emergence of “around-the-world, around-the-clock” financial markets, where major cross-border financial transactions are made in cyberspace at the blink of an eye, represents a familiar example of the economic face of globalization. Global financial markets also challenge traditional attempts by liberal democratic nation-states to rein in the activities of bankers, spawning understandable anxieties about the growing power and influence of financial markets over democratically elected representative institutions. In political life, globalization takes a distinct form, though the general trends towards deterritorialization, interconnectedness across borders, and the acceleration of social activity are fundamental here as well. Transnational movements, in which activists employ rapid-fire communication technologies to join forces across borders in combating ills that seem correspondingly transnational in scope (for example, the depletion of the ozone layer), offer an example of political globalization (Tarrow 2005). Another would be the tendency towards ambitious supranational forms of social and economic lawmaking and regulation, where individual nation-states cooperate to pursue regulation whose jurisdiction transcends national borders no less than the cross-border economic processes that undermine traditional modes of nation state-based regulation. Political scientists typically describe such supranational organizations (the European Union, for example, or United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, or USMCA) as important manifestations of political and legal globalization. The proliferation of supranational organizations has been no less conflict-laden than economic globalization, however. Critics insist that local, regional, and national forms of self-government are being supplanted by insufficiently democratic forms of global governance remote from the needs of ordinary citizens (Maus 2006; Streeck 2016). In contrast, defenders describe new forms of supranational legal and political decision as indispensable forerunners to more inclusive and advanced forms of self-government, even as they worry about existing democratic deficits and technocratic traits (Habermas 2015).

The wide-ranging impact of globalization on human existence means that it necessarily touches on many basic philosophical and political-theoretical questions. At a minimum, globalization suggests that academic philosophers in the rich countries of the West should pay closer attention to the neglected voices and intellectual traditions of peoples with whom our fate is intertwined in ever more intimate ways (Dallmayr 1998). In this section, however, we focus exclusively on the immediate challenges posed by globalization to normative political theory.

Western political theory has traditionally presupposed the existence of territorially bound communities, whose borders can be more or less neatly delineated from those of other communities. In this vein, the influential liberal political philosopher John Rawls described bounded communities whose fundamental structure consisted of “self-sufficient schemes of cooperation for all the essential purposes of human life” (Rawls 1993, 301). Although political and legal thinkers historically have exerted substantial energy in formulating defensible normative models of relations between states (Nardin and Mapel 1992), like Rawls they typically have relied on a clear delineation of “domestic” from “foreign” affairs. In addition, they have often argued that the domestic arena represents a normatively privileged site, since fundamental normative ideals and principles (for example, liberty or justice) are more likely to be successfully realized in the domestic arena than in relations among states. According to one influential strand within international relations theory, relations between states are more-or-less lawless. Since the achievement of justice or democracy, for example, presupposes an effective political sovereign, the lacuna of sovereignty at the global level means that justice and democracy are necessarily incomplete and probably unattainable there. In this conventional realist view of international politics, core features of the modern system of sovereign states relegate the pursuit of western political thought’s most noble normative goals primarily to the domestic arena (Mearsheimer 2003.) Significantly, some prominent mid-century proponents of international realism rejected this position’s deep hostility to international law and supranational political organization, in part because they presciently confronted challenges that we now typically associate with intensified globalization (Scheuerman 2011).

Globalization poses a fundamental challenge to each of these traditional assumptions. It is no longer self-evident that nation-states can be described as “self-sufficient schemes of cooperation for all the essential purposes of human life” in the context of intense deterritorialization and the spread and intensification of social relations across borders. The idea of a bounded community seems suspect given recent shifts in the spatio-temporal contours of human life. Even the most powerful and privileged political units are now subject to increasingly deterritorialized activities (for example, global financial markets or digitalized mass communication) over which they have limited control, and they find themselves nested in webs of social relations whose scope explodes the confines of national borders. Of course, in much of human history social relations have transcended existing political divides. However, globalization implies a profound quantitative increase in and intensification of social relations of this type. While attempts to offer a clear delineation of the “domestic” from the “foreign” probably made sense at an earlier juncture in history, this distinction no longer accords with core developmental trends in many arenas of social activity. As the possibility of a clear division between domestic and foreign affairs dissipates, the traditional tendency to picture the domestic arena as a privileged site for the realization of normative ideals and principles becomes problematic as well. As an empirical matter, the decay of the domestic-foreign frontier seems highly ambivalent, since it might easily pave the way for the decay of the more attractive attributes of domestic political life: as “foreign” affairs collapse inward onto “domestic” political life, the insufficiently lawful contours of the former make disturbing inroads onto the latter (Scheuerman 2004). As a normative matter, however, the disintegration of the domestic-foreign divide probably calls for us to consider, to a greater extent than ever before, how our fundamental normative commitments about political life can be effectively achieved on a global scale. If we take the principles of justice or democracy seriously, for example, it is no longer self-evident that the domestic arena is the exclusive or perhaps even main site for their pursuit, since domestic and foreign affairs are now deeply and irrevocably intermeshed. In a globalizing world, the lack of democracy or justice in the global setting necessarily impacts deeply on the pursuit of justice or democracy at home. Indeed, it may no longer be possible to achieve our normative ideals at home without undertaking to do so transnationally as well.

To claim, for example, that questions of distributive justice have no standing in the making of foreign affairs represents at best empirical naivete about economic globalization. At worst, it constitutes a disingenuous refusal to grapple with the fact that the material existence of those fortunate enough to live in the rich countries is inextricably tied to the material status of the vast majority of humanity residing in poor and underdeveloped regions. Growing material inequality spawned by economic globalization is linked to growing domestic material inequality in the rich democracies (Falk 1999; Pogge 2002). Similarly, in the context of global warming and the destruction of the ozone layer, a dogmatic insistence on the sanctity of national sovereignty risks constituting a cynical fig leaf for irresponsible activities whose impact extends well beyond the borders of those countries most directly responsible. Global warming and ozone-depletion cry out for ambitious forms of transnational cooperation and regulation, and the refusal by the rich democracies to accept this necessity implies a failure to take the process of globalization seriously when doing so conflicts with their immediate material interests. Although it might initially seem to be illustrative of clever Realpolitik on the part of the culpable nations to ward off strict cross-border environmental regulation, their stubbornness is probably short-sighted: global warming and ozone depletion will affect the children of Americans who drive gas-guzzling SUVs or use environmentally unsound air-conditioning as well as the future generations of South Africa or Afghanistan (Cerutti 2007). If we keep in mind that environmental degradation probably impacts negatively on democratic politics (for example, by undermining its legitimacy and stability), the failure to pursue effective transnational environmental regulation potentially undermines democracy at home as well as abroad.

Philosophers and political theorists have eagerly addressed the normative and political implications of our globalizing world. A lively debate about the possibility of achieving justice at the global level pits representatives of cosmopolitanism against myriad communitarians, nationalists, realists, and others who privilege the nation-state and moral, political, and social ties resting on it (Lieven 2020; Tamir 2019). In contrast, cosmopolitans tend to underscore our universal obligations to those who reside faraway and with whom we may share little in the way of language, custom, or culture, oftentimes arguing that claims to “justice at home” can and should be applied elsewhere as well (Beardsworth 2011; Beitz 1999; Caney 2006; Wallace-Brown & Held 2010). In this way, cosmopolitanism builds directly on the universalistic impulses of modern moral and political thought. Cosmopolitanism’s critics dispute the view that our obligations to foreigners possess the same status as those to members of particular local and national communities of which we remain very much a part. They by no means deny the need to redress global inequality, for example, but they often express skepticism in the face of cosmopolitanism’s tendency to defend significant legal and political reforms as necessary to address the inequities of a planet where millions of people a year die of starvation or curable diseases (Miller 2007; 2013; Nagel 2005). Nor do cosmopolitanism’s critics necessarily deny that the process of globalization is real, though some of them suggest that its impact has been grossly exaggerated (Kymlicka 1999; Nussbaum et al . 1996; Streeck 2016). Nonetheless, they doubt that humanity has achieved a rich or sufficiently articulated sense of a common fate such that far-reaching attempts to achieve greater global justice (for example, substantial redistribution from the rich to poor) could prove successful. Cosmopolitans not only counter with a flurry of universalist and egalitarian moral arguments, but they also accuse their opponents of obscuring the threat posed by globalization to the particular forms of national community whose ethical primacy communitarians, nationalists, and others endorse. From the cosmopolitan perspective, the tendency to favor moral and political obligations to fellow members of the nation-state represents a misguided and increasingly reactionary nostalgia for a rapidly decaying constellation of political practices and institutions.

A similar divide characterizes the ongoing debate about the prospects of democratic institutions at the global level. In a cosmopolitan mode, Daniele Archibugi (2008) and the late David Held (1995) have argued that globalization requires the extension of liberal democratic institutions (including the rule of law and elected representative institutions) to the transnational level. Nation state-based liberal democracy is poorly equipped to deal with deleterious side effects of present-day globalization such as ozone depletion or burgeoning material inequality. In addition, a growing array of genuinely transnational forms of activity calls out for correspondingly transnational modes of liberal democratic decision-making. According to this model, “local” or “national” matters should remain under the auspices of existing liberal democratic institutions. But in those areas where deterritorialization and social interconnectedness across national borders are especially striking, new transnational institutions (for example, cross-border referenda), along with a dramatic strengthening and further democratization of existing forms of supranational authority (in particular, the United Nations), are necessary if we are to assure that popular sovereignty remains an effective principle. In the same spirit, cosmopolitans debate whether a loose system of global “governance” suffices, or instead cosmopolitan ideals require something along the lines of a global “government” or state (Cabrera 2011; Scheuerman 2014). Jürgen Habermas, a prominent cosmopolitan-minded theorist, has tried to formulate a defense of the European Union that conceives of it as a key stepping stone towards supranational democracy. If the EU is to help succeed in salvaging the principle of popular sovereignty in a world where the decay of nation state-based democracy makes democracy vulnerable, the EU will need to strengthen its elected representative organs and better guarantee the civil, political, and social and economic rights of all Europeans (Habermas 2001, 58–113; 2009). Representing a novel form of postnational constitutionalism, it potentially offers some broader lessons for those hoping to save democratic constitutionalism under novel global conditions. Despite dire threats to the EU posed by nationalist and populist movements, Habermas and other cosmopolitan-minded intellectuals believe that it can be effectively reformed and preserved (Habermas 2012).

In opposition to Archibugi, Held, Habermas, and other cosmopolitans, skeptics underscore the purportedly utopian character of such proposals, arguing that democratic politics presupposes deep feelings of trust, commitment, and belonging that remain uncommon at the postnational and global levels. Largely non-voluntary commonalities of belief, history, and custom compose necessary preconditions of any viable democracy, and since these commonalities are missing beyond the sphere of the nation-state, global or cosmopolitan democracy is doomed to fail (Archibugi, Held, and Koehler 1998; Lieven 2020). Critics inspired by realist international theory argue that cosmopolitanism obscures the fundamentally pluralistic, dynamic, and conflictual nature of political life on our divided planet. Notwithstanding its pacific self-understanding, cosmopolitan democracy inadvertently opens the door to new and even more horrible forms of political violence. Cosmpolitanism’s universalistic normative discourse not only ignores the harsh and unavoidably agonistic character of political life, but it also tends to serve as a convenient ideological cloak for terrible wars waged by political blocs no less self-interested than the traditional nation state (Zolo 1997, 24).

Ongoing political developments suggest that such debates are of more than narrow scholarly interest. Until recently, some of globalization’s key prongs seemed destined to transform human affairs in seemingly permanent ways: economic globalization, as well as the growth of a panoply of international and global political and legal institutions, continued to transpire at a rapid rate. Such institutional developments, it should be noted, were interpreted by some cosmopolitan theorists as broadly corroborating their overall normative aspirations. With the resurgence of nationalist and populist political movements, many of which diffusely (and sometimes misleadingly) target elements of globalization, globalization’s future prospects seem increasingly uncertain. For example, with powerful political leaders regularly making disdainful remarks about the UN and EU, it seems unclear whether one of globalization’s most striking features, i.e., enhanced political and legal decision-making “beyond the nation state,” will continue unabated. Tragically perhaps, the failure to manage economic globalization so as to minimize avoidable inequalities and injustices has opened the door to a nationalist and populist backlash, with many people now ready to embrace politicians and movements promising to push back against “free trade,” relatively porous borders (for migrants and refugees), and other manifestations of globalization (Stiglitz 2018). Even if it seems unlikely that nationalists or populists can succeed in fully halting, let alone reversing, structural trends towards deterritorialization, intensified interconnectedness, and social acceleration, they may manage to reshape them in ways that cosmopolitans are likely to find alarming. Whether or not nationalists and populists can successfully respond to many fundamental global challenges (e.g., climate change or nuclear proliferation), however, remains far less likely.

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  • The Concept of “Political Globalization” and Global Challenges

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Political globalization is a dynamic, nonlinear, global process of increasing and complicating the interdependence between all elements of the global political system. Global political processes are processes taking place in the context of the political aspect of globalization, resulting in the structural transformation of the world system of international relations and the emergence of new global political actors, an increase in the political interconnection and interdependence between them, and the creation of a global political architecture and hierarchy. This article reveals the trends in the development of global political processes, including: the formation of a new structure and architecture for the global world; the emergence of new actors in the global political system; the manifestation of two models of modernization of the countries of the global world (the western [Atlantic] and continental); the growth of instability at the global level; the inefficiency of global governance; the conflict between globalization and the national interests of states; and the growing role of the countries of the “global periphery” in world politics. Global political challenges are potential points of political bifurcation that must be prevented. If ignored, they can develop into global political problems, and if they are not resolved, will evolve into global political risks. This article presents a classification of global political challenges and examines the causes affecting their dynamics. The author describes possible scenarios for the development of the world political system depending on the reaction of society to global political challenges and the consequences of the implementation of each.

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Philosophical aspects of globalization: a multidisciplinary inquiry.

Cover Philosophical Aspects of Globalization: A Multidisciplinary Inquiry

  • Interdisciplinary Sciences
  • Aesthetics & Cultural Theory
  • 19th & 20th Century Philosophy
  • Global Studies

Table of Contents

  • Preliminary Material
  • Copyright Page
  • Foreword: Philosophy of Globalization in Today’s Dialogue of Civilizations
  • Notes on Contributors
  • Globalization from the Philosophical Point of View
  • Globalization as a Holistic Process
  • The Age of Competing Globalizations
  • Globalization and Global Processes: The Algorithm of Development
  • The Historical Logic of Globalization
  • International Cooperation under the Conditions of Globalization: A Holistic Assessment
  • The Role of Global Studies in the Development of a Sustainable Security System
  • The Pandemic and the Crisis of the Global World
  • The Globalized World under the Prism of COVID -19
  • The Twilight of Neoliberal Globalization
  • Sustainable Development of Civilization and the Global Environmental Problem
  • Harmonization of the Biosphere and the Technosphere as a Global Problem of Modernity
  • Natural-Historic Aspects of Globalization
  • Global Digital Society and the Problems of Social Adaptation
  • Globalization Aporia: The Hegemonic “World State” versus Cosmopolitanism to Come
  • Russia in the Projects of the Coming World Order
  • Ways for Evolving Russia’s Current Civilizational Choice in the Context of Globalization
  • Globalization, the Great Russian Revolution of 1917, and the Transformation of the World System
  • The Structures of Social Solidarity in Contemporary Russia
  • The Philosophical Potential of Russian Cosmism in the Context of Contemporary Interdisciplinary Global Studies
  • Civilizational Values in the Age of Global Social Transformations
  • Towards a Theory of Global Security
  • Modern Challenges of Global Sports Development
  • The Dialectic of Civilization
  • The Essence of Globalization in the Spiritual Dimension
  • Religion in the Globalized World

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Political Globalization Argumentative Essay

Type of paper: Argumentative Essay

Topic: Sociology , Immigration , Crime , Immigrants , Law , Illegal Immigrants , Criminal Justice , Prison

Words: 1100

Published: 09/20/2019

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Introduction

Political globalization is an increasing trend towards multilateralism. It involves an emerging transnational state apparatus and the emergence of national and international nongovernmental organizations that act as watchdogs over governments have increased their activities and influence. (Moghadam, 2005).

The Arizona Immigration Bill left a lot to be desired. The legislatures who drafted the bill argue it out that they had the interest of the country at heart. In real sense there are a lot of issues which remained unearthed and the immigrants were to suffer a lot. The immigrants’ rights were breached and their freedom also taken away from them. The Bill was to offer much benefit to the private prison company bearing in mind the amount of money that they intended to raise from the prisoners. Their main aim was actually to keep the prisons full for years with illegal immigrants and they didn’t have any doubt that this one was to be achieved.

The process of locking people alleged to be illegal immigrants shows a lot of breach on the fundamental human freedom as the police can lock up anyone who cannot show nay proof that they entered the country legally. To some extent it would help curb the aliens but at the same time it could be disastrous as the police can take advantage of this directive and round up anybody and get him/her locked into the cells.

Bearing in mind what took place behind the scenes that saw the bill drafted, it is clear it was not done as a result of good will and the state’s interest was not put first. The main beneficiaries which were the private prisons influenced the whole process. This clearly indicates that the bill could also be having several loopholes which if not looked into critically, can bring the state to its knees. However, the Bill could be as good as Grand Hyatt said, but considering the circumstances behind is drafting, we can no longer trust it as it put the interest of the private prisons first who are charged with the responsibilities of locking up prisoners.

It is a fact that the illegal immigrants have negative effects to the development of a country and they should never be encouraged. The presence of illegal immigrants result into loss of revenue as the government cannot properly plan for the population within its jurisdiction. At the same time, most illegal immigrants evade paying of taxes as there is no proper documentation of their whereabouts. Due to this fact, the illegal immigrants should be discouraged from being in a country through all means possible.

Illegal immigrants pose security threats to a country as should not be given a chance to intermingle with the genuine citizens of a state. This is so in order to avoid innocent citizens being intoxicated with the wayward ideas of the illegal immigrants. By having them locked in the Prisons as the Bill demands, the state’s interest is put first and monitoring security situation in the state becomes easy. This also helps in reducing cases of drug trafficking.

The main architect behind the drafting of the Arizona Bill, is a professional and sits in the American Legislative Executive Council. However, his credibility is questionable as he tends to be biased in order to benefit other players in the field. He argues openly that there is a lot of revenue that the country can get from the illegal immigrants and he has no doubt that the prisons will be filled with illegal immigrants. This leaves a lot to be desired as the main beneficiary from this is not the government but the private prisons. It emerges clearly from this that the main architect behind the drafting of this bill have shares in the prison industry and want to gain in one way or the other.

The author tried to employ the use of propaganda in order to make the whole process of having the bill in place look like it had good intentions. He portrays the illegal immigrants as enemies of a state in terms of economy, security and moral decadence. He goes a head to justify the claims by discussing how much the state loses through unpaid taxes. The claims are true and can easily convince the reader through the facts presented therein.

The information presented is distorted in some way. This is due to the fact that the author wanted the illegal immigrants to be paying some daily fee. He also goes ahead to state that he has no doubt that the prisons will be filled with illegal immigrants. He is biased during the drafting of the bill and it is clear that he did not break the information in the house but decided to do it in a hotel. This clearly shows that he was trying to evade some scrutiny from the house and he was only confident to present the report to the house after garnering enough support from the members of the house and being backed up by the business community.

The analogies presented here are not faulty as the author is armed with facts when comparing a state that has laws put in place to curb illegal immigrants. He states that unless the Government puts down laws that control the entry of illegal immigrants, then the state is likely to be faced with major problems in the future.

The author has oversimplifying the issue of the Arizona Bill on illegal immigrants. He simply states that illegal immigrants are bad and doesn’t give a remedy of curbing their entry. He only tells us on what should be done once they are found to be in the country illegally.

The author is trying to stereotype and generalize the whole situation. He proposes for the police to lock up anyone who can not show proof for entering the country legally. He doesn’t advise for measures to be taken and find out the circumstances that may be behind a person being in a country illegally. This issue of generalizing and making assumptions that anyone not having a proof of being in a country legally is an alien can see innocent immigrants locked in prisons which is not being humane.

Works Cited list

Moghadam, V.M. Globalizing women: Transnational feminist networks. Baltimore, MD: The

Johns Hopkins University Press. 2005

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Essay on Globalisation

List of essays on globalisation, essay on globalisation – definition, existence and impact (essay 1 – 250 words), essay on globalisation (essay 2 – 250 words), essay on globalisation – in india (essay 3 – 400 words), essay on globalisation – objectives, advantages, disadvantages and conclusion (essay 4 – 500 words), essay on globalisation – for school students (class 6,7,8,9 and 10) (essay 5 – 600 words), essay on globalisation (essay 6 – 750 words), essay on globalisation – for college and university students (essay 7 – 1000 words), essay on globalisation – for ias, civil services, ips, upsc and other competitive exams (essay 8 – 1500 words).

The worldwide integration of people, services and interests is what globalisation is all about. Since the last decade, there has been a tremendous focus on globalisation with everyone trying to have a reach at even the remotest locations of the world. This has probably been possible due to the advancement in technology and communication.

Audience: The below given essays are especially written for school, college and university students. Furthermore, those students preparing for IAS, IPS, UPSC, Civil Services and other competitive exams can also increase their knowledge by studying these essays.

The word ‘Globalization’ is often heard in the business world, in corporate meetings, in trade markets, at international conferences, in schools, colleges and many other places. So what does globalization symbolize? Is it a new concept or did it exist earlier? Let’s see.

Definition:

Globalization refers to the integration of the world nations by means of its people, goods, and services. The statement – ‘ globalization has made the world a small village ’ is very true.

Countries inviting foreign investment, free trade and relaxation in the visa rules to allow seamless movement of people from one country to another are all part of globalization.

In a nutshell, globalization has reduced the distance between nations and its people.

Many among us refer to the current period that we live in as ‘The Era of Globalization’ and think that the process of globalization has started only recently. But the real fact is that globalization is not a new phenomenon . The world was moving towards globalization from a very long time. The term globalization was in existence since mid-1980s. But it was only from the early 21 st century that globalization picked up momentum due to the advancements in technology and communication.

Impact of Globalization:

Globalization has more positive outcomes than the negative ones. The impact of globalization on the developing countries such as India, China and some African countries are overwhelming. Foreign investments have created a lot of employment opportunities in the developing countries and have boosted their economy. Globalization has also enabled people to interchange their knowledge and culture.

Conclusion:

Although the world is not completely globalized, we can very well say that globalization is the best way to achieve equality among nations.

In simple words, globalization means the spreading of a business, culture, or any technology on an international level. When the boundaries of countries and continents matter no more, and the whole world becomes one global village in itself. Globalization is an effort to reduce the geographical and political barriers for the smooth functioning of any business.

There are four main factors that form the four pillars of globalization. These are the free flow of goods, capitals, technology, and labors, all across the world. Although, many of the experts that support globalization clearly refuse to acknowledge the free flow of labor as their work culture.

The international phenomenon of global culture presents many implications and requires a specific environment to flourish. For instance, it needs the other countries to come to a mutual agreement in terms of political, cultural, and economic policies. There is greater sharing of ideas and knowledge and liberalization has gained a huge importance.

Undoubtedly, globalization helps in improving the economic growth rate of the developing countries . The advanced global policies also inspire businesses to work in a cost-effective way. As a result, the production quality is enhanced and employment opportunities are also rising in the domestic countries.

However, there are still some negative consequences of globalization that are yet to be dealt with. It leads to greater economic and socio-cultural disparities between the developed and the developing countries. Due to the MNC culture, the small-scale industries are losing their place in the market.

Exchanges and integration of social aspect of people along with their cultural and economic prospects is what we term as Globalization. It is considered as a relatively new term, which has been in discussion since the nineties.

Initial Steps towards Globalization:

India has been an exporter of various goods to other countries since the earlier times. Hence Globalization, for India, is not something new. However, it was only around in the early nineties that India opened up its economy for the world as it faced a major crisis of severe crunch of foreign exchange. Since then, there has been a major shift in the government’s strategies while dealing with the PSUs along with a reduction in the monopoly of the government organisations perfectly blended with the introduction of the private companies so as to achieve a sustainable growth and recognition across the world.

The Measurement of Success:

The success of such measures can be measured in the form of the GDP of India which hovered around 5.6% during the year 1990-91 and has been now around 8.9% during the first quarter of 2018-19. In fact, in the year 1996-97, it was said to have peaked up to as high as 77.8%. India’s global position is improved tremendously due to the steady growth in the GDP thus furthering the impact of globalization on India. As on date, India is ranked as the sixth biggest economy in the world. This globalization leading to the integration and trade has been instrumental in reducing the poverty rate as well.

However, given the fact that India is the second most populated country of the world, after China, this growth cannot be considered as sufficient enough as other countries such as China have increased their growth rates at much faster pace than India. For instance, the average flow of FDI in India, over the past few years has been around 0.5% of the GDP while for countries such as China it has been around 5% and Brazil has had a flow of around 5.5%. In fact, India is considered among the least globalized economy among the major countries.

Summarily, there has been a tremendous increase in the competition and interdependence that India faces due to Globalization, but a lot is yet to be done. It is not possible for a country to ignore the developments and globalization occurring in the rest of the world and one need to keep the pace of growth at a steady rate or else you may be left far behind.

The twentieth century witnessed a revolutionary global policy aiming to turn the entire globe into a single market. The motive of globalization can broadly define to bring substantial improvement in the living condition of people all around the world, education, and shelter to everybody, elimination of poverty, equal justice without any race or gender consideration, etc. Globalization also aims to lessen government involvement in various development activities, allowing more direct investors/peoples’ participation cutting across border restrictions thus expected to reap reasonable prosperity to human beings.

Main Objectives of Globalization:

The four main aspects of globalization are; Capital and Investment movements, Trade and Transactions, Education and Spread of knowledge, along with Migration and Unrestricted Movement of People.

In simpler terms, globalization visualizes that one can purchase and sell goods from any part of the world, communicate and interact with anyone, anywhere in the world and also enables cultural exchange among the global population. It is operational at three levels namely, economic globalization, cultural globalization, and political globalization. Right from its inception, the impact of globalization has both advantages and disadvantages worldwide.

Advantages of Globalization:

As the word itself suggests, this policy involves all the nations across the globe. The lifting of trade barriers can have a huge impact especially in developing countries. It augments the flow of technology, education, medicines, etc., to these countries which are a real blessing.

Globalization expects to create ample job opportunities as more and more companies can extend their presence to different parts of the world. Multinational companies can establish their presence in developing countries. Globalization gives educational aspirants from developing and underdeveloped countries more quality learning opportunities. It leads not only to the pursuit of best higher education but also to cultural and language exchanges.

Globalization also enhances a faster flow of information and quick transportation of goods and services. Moreover one can order any item from anywhere merely sitting at home. Another plus point of globalization is the diminishing cultural barriers between nations as it offers free access and cultural interactions . Also, it has been observed that there is a considerable reduction of poverty worldwide due to globalization . In addition to this, it also enables the effective use of resources.

Disadvantages of Globalization:

Globalization turned out to be a significant threat to the cottage and small-scale industries as they have to compete with the products of multi-national companies. Another dangerous effect of globalization is the condition of weak sections of the society, as they are getting poorer and the rich are getting richer. The situation leads to the domination of economically rich countries over emerging countries and the increase of disparity.

The actions of multi-national companies are deplorable and always facing criticism from various social, government and world bodies as they are incompetent in offering decent working conditions for the workers. Irrational tapping of natural resources which are instrumental in causing ecological imbalance is another major accusation against multi-national companies.

Globalization is also blamed to have paved the way for human trafficking, labor exploitation and spread of infectious diseases too. In addition to all these, if any economic disaster hit a country and if they subsequently suffer from economic depression, its ripples are felt deeply in other countries as well.

Despite all its disadvantages, globalization has transformed the entire globe into a single market irrespective of its region, religion, language, culture, and diversity differences. It also leads to an increase in demand for goods, which in turn calls for more production and industrialization. Our focus should be to minimize the risks and maximize the positive outcome of global policy, which in turn can help for a sustainable long-standing development for people all around the world.

Introduction:

Globalization is the procedure of global political, economic, as well as cultural incorporation of countries . It lets the producers and manufacturers of the goods or products to trade their goods internationally without any constraint.

The businessman fetches huge profit as they easily get low price workforce in developing nations with the concept of globalization. It offers a big prospect to the firms who wish to deal with the global market. Globalization assists any nation to contribute, set up or amalgamate businesses, capitalize on shares or equity, vending of services or products in any country.

How does the Globalization Work?

Globalization benefits the international market to the entire deliberate world like a solitary marketplace. Merchants are spreading their extents of trade by aiming world as a worldwide community. In the 1990s, there was a limit of importing some goods that were already mass-produced in India such as engineering goods, agricultural products, toiletries, food items, etc.

But, in the 1990s the rich countries pressurize the WTO (World Trade Organization), World Bank (affianced in improvement financing activities), and IMF (International Monetary Fund) to let other nations spread their trades by introducing market and trade in the deprived and emerging countries. The process of liberalization and globalization in India began in the year 1991 below the Union Finance Minister Mr. Manmohan Singh.

After numerous years, globalization has fetched major uprising inside the Indian marketplace when international brands arrived in India such as KFC, PepsiCo, Mc. Donald, Nokia, IBM, Aiwa, Ericsson, etc., and began the delivery of an extensive variety of quality goods at low-cost rates.

The entire leading brands presented actual uprising of globalization at this time as a marvellous improvement to the economy of an industrial sector. Rates of the quality goods were also getting low owing to the cut-throat war happening in the marketplace.

Liberalization and globalization of the businesses in the Indian marketplace is submerging the quality of imported goods but influencing the local Indian businesses badly in large part causing the job loss of illiterate and poor labors. Globalization has remained a goldmine for the customers, but it is also a burial ground for the small-scale manufacturers in India.

Positive Influences of Globalisation:

Globalization has influenced the education sectors and students of India predominantly by making accessible the education material and enormous info on the internet. Association of Indian universities with the overseas universities has fetched a massive modification in the education business.

The health industries are too influenced enormously by the globalization of health observing electronic apparatuses, conventional drugs, etc. The trade globalization in the agricultural sector has provided a range of high-quality seeds possessing disease-fighting property. But, it is not beneficial for the underprivileged Indian agriculturalists owing to the reason of expensive seeds as well as agricultural equipment.

Globalization has given an enormous rebellion to the occupation sector by increasing the growth of trades related to the handloom , cottage, artisans and carving, carpet, jewellery, ceramics, and glassware, etc.

Globalization is definitely required by the people and nation to progress and turn into an established society and country. It benefits in expanding our visualization and thoughts. It also aids in endorsing the philosophy that we fit in a huge crowd of persons, i.e., the humankind. Once the two nations congregate, they flourish by sharing their beliefs, thoughts, opinions, customs, and behaviors. People come to know new things and also acquire a chance to discover and get acquainted with other values.

Globalization has provided many reasonably priced valued goods and complete economic welfares to the emerging nations in addition to the employment. But, it has also given growth to the crime, competition, terrorism, anti-national activities, etc. Thus, along with the pleasure it has supplied some grief too.

Globalization is a term that we hear about every now and then. Question is; do we really know what it is all about? Globalization is defined as the process of integration and interaction among people, cultures and nations who come together in order to get things done easily through contact. Globalization began with the migration of people from Africa to different parts of the world. Global developments have been achieved in various sectors through the different types of globalization. The effects of globalization have been felt in every part of the world and more people continue to embrace it. Globalization has some of its core elements that help in the process.

Types of Globalization:

Globalization does not just transform a sector unless the strategies are related to that specific sector. The first type of globalization is financial and economic globalization whereby interaction takes place in the financial and economic sectors especially through stock market exchange and international trade. The other type is technological globalization which involves the integration and connection of different nations through technological methods like the internet. Political globalization transforms the politics of a nation through interactions with adoption of policies and government that cut across other nations. Cultural globalization is basically the interaction of people from different cultures and sharing. Ecological globalization is the viewing of the earth as one ecosystem and sociological globalization is on equality for all people.

Elements of Globalization:

Globalization works with characteristic elements. Trade agreements is one of the components that significantly benefits the economic and financial globalization. These trade agreements have been designed to promote and sustain globalization by preventing barriers that inhibit trade among nations or regions. Another element is capital flow that is concerned with the measures of either a decline or a rise in domestic or foreign assets. Migration patterns is a socio-economical and cultural element that monitors the impacts of immigration and emigration actively. The element of information transfer involves communications and maintains the functioning of the markets and economies. Spread of technology is an element of globalization that facilitates service exchanges. Without these elements, globalization would have faced many challenges, which would even stagnate the process of globalization.

Impacts of Globalization:

The impact of globalization is felt differently among individuals but the end result will be either positive or negative. Globalization has impacts on the lives of individuals, on the aspects of culture, religions and education. The positive impacts of globalization include the simplification of business management through efficiency. In business, the quality of goods and services has increased due to global competition. Foreign investment has been facilitated by globalization and the global market has been able to expand. Cultural growth has been experienced through intermingling and accommodation. Interdependence among nations has developed and more people have been exposed to the exchange program between nations. Improvement of human rights and legal matters has improved through media and technology sharing. Poverty has been alleviated in developing countries due to globalization and also employment opportunities are provided. Through technology, developments have been positively influenced in most parts of the world.

Although globalization has positive impacts, the negative impacts will remain constant unless solutions are sought. One of the negative effects of globalization is job insecurity for some people. Through globalization, more innovations are achieved, for e.g., technology causes automation and therefore people get replaced and they lack jobs. Another negative impact is the frequent fluctuation of prices of commodities that arises from global competitions. On the cultural side, the fast food sector has become wide spread globally, which is an unhealthy lifestyle that was adopted due to globalization. Also, Culture has been negatively affected for people in Africa because they tend to focus more on adopting the western culture and ignore their cultural practices.

Possible Solutions to the Negative Impacts of Globalization:

Globalization has impacted the society negatively and some of the solutions might help to mitigate the impacts. When adopting cultures from other people, it is important to be keen on the effects of the culture on the people and the existing culture being practiced. For example, Africans should not focus more of the western culture such that they ignore their own culture.

In conclusion, it is evident that globalization results in both negative and positive consequences. The society should embrace the positive and mitigate the negative impacts. Globalisation is a dynamic process which involves change, so flexibility among people is a must.

The buzzword befitted to describe the growth of Modern Indian economy is ‘Globalization’. But what exactly is Globalization? Globalization can be defined as integrating the economy of a country with the rest of the countries of the world. From the Indian perspective, this implies encouraging free trade policies, opening up our economy to foreign direct investment, removing constraints and obstacles to the entry of multinational corporations in India, also allowing Indian companies to set up joint ventures abroad, eliminating import restrictions, in-short encouraging Free Trade policies.

India opened its markets to Global Trade majorly during the early Nineties after a major economic crisis hit the country. New economic reforms were introduced in 1991 by then Prime Minister Shri. P V. Narasimha Rao and Finance Minister at the time, Dr. Manmohan Singh. In many ways, the new economic policies positively contributed to the implementation of the concept of Globalization in India.

It’s Impact:

1. Economic Impact :

Globalization in India targets to attract Multinational Companies and Institutions to approach Indian markets. India has a demography with a large workforce of young citizens who  are in need of jobs. Globalization has indeed left a major impact in the jobs sector. Indian companies are also expanding their business all over the world. They are driving funds from the bigwigs of the Global economy.

The Best example in today’s time is OYO Rooms, a budding Indian company in the hospitality sector. OYO Rooms recently made headlines when it declared to raise a fund close to $1 Billion from Japan’s Soft Bank Vision Fund. Globalization has also led the Indian Consumer market on the boom. The Giant of FMCG (fast-moving consumer goods) sector WALMART is also enthusiastic and actively investing in the India market.

2. Socio-Cultural impact on the Indian Society:

The world has become a smaller place, thanks to the social networking platforms blooming of the internet. India is a beautiful country which takes immense pride in “Unity in Diversity” as it is home to many different cultures and traditions. Globalization in India has left a lasting impression on the socio-cultural aspect of Indian society.

Food chains like McDonald’s are finding its way to the dining tables. With every passing day, Indians are indulging more and more in the Western culture and lifestyle. But Globalization in India has also provided a vibrant World platform for Indian Art, Music, Clothing, and Cuisine.

The psychological impact on a common Indian Man: The educated youth in India is developing a pictorial identity where they are integrating themselves with the fast-paced, technology-driven world and at the same time they are nurturing the deep roots of Indian Culture. Indians are fostering their Global identity through social media platforms and are actively interacting with the World community. They are more aware of burning issues like Climate Change, Net neutrality, and LGBT rights.

Advantages:

India has taken the Centre Stage amongst the Developing Nations because of its growing economy on the World Map. Globalization in India has brought tremendous change in the way India builds its National and International policies. It has created tremendous employment opportunities with increased compensations.

A large number of people are hired for Special Economic Zones (SEZs), Export Processing Zones (EPZs), etc., are set up across the country in which hundreds of people are hired. Developed western countries like USA and UK outsource their work to Indian companies as the cost of labour is cheap in India. This, in turn, creates more employment. This has resulted in a better standard of living across the demographic of young educated Indians. The Indian youth is definitely empowered in a big way.

Young lads below the age of 20 are now aspiring to become part of global organizations. Indian culture and morals are always strengthening their roots in modern world History as the world is now celebrating ‘International Yoga Day’ on 21st June every year. Globalization in India has led to a tremendous cash flow from Developed Nations in the Indian market. As a positive effect, India is witnessing the speedy completion of Metro projects across the country. Another spectacular example of newly constructed High-end Infrastructure in the country is the remarkable and thrilling ‘Chenani-Nashri Tunnel’, Longest Tunnel in India constructed in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. Globalization has greatly contributed in numerous ways to the development of Modern India.

Disadvantages:

As there are so many pros we cannot turn a blind eye to the cons of Globalization which are quite evident with the Indian perspective. The worst impact is seen in the environment across Indian cities due to heavy industrialization. Delhi, the capital of India has made headlines for the worst ever air pollution, which is increasing at an alarming rate.

India takes pride in calling itself an Agriculture oriented nation, but now Agriculture contributes to fragile 17% of the GDP. Globalization in India has been a major reason for the vulnerable condition of Indian Farmers and shrinking Agriculture sector. The intrusion of world players and import of food grains by the Indian Government has left minimal space for Indian farmers to trade their produce.

The impact of westernization has deeply kindled individualism and ‘Me factor’ and as a result, the look of an average Indian family has changed drastically where a Nuclear family is preferred over a traditional Joint family. The pervasive media and social networking platforms have deeply impacted the value system of our country where bigotry and homophobia are becoming an obvious threat.

One cannot clearly state that the impact of Globalization in India has been good or bad as both are quite evident. From the economic standpoint, Globalization has indeed brought a breath of fresh air to the aspirations of the Indian market. However, it is indeed a matter of deep concern when the Indian traditions and value system are at stake. India is one of the oldest civilizations and World trade has been the keystone of its History. Globalization must be practiced as a way towards development without compromising the Indian value system.

Globalisation can simply be defined as the process of integration and interaction between different people, corporations and also governments worldwide. Technology advancement which has in turn advanced means of communication and transportation has helped in the growth of globalisation. Globalisation has brought along with it an increase in international trade, culture and exchange of ideas. Globalisation is basically an economic process that involves integration and interaction that deals also with cultural and social aspects. Important features of globalisation, both modern and historically are diplomacy and conflicts.

In term of economy, globalisation involves services and goods, and the resources of technology, capital and data. The steamship, steam locomotive, container ship and jet engine are a few of the many technological advances in transportation while the inception of the telegraph and its babies, mobile phones and the internet portray technological advances in communications. These advancements have been contributing factors in the world of globalisation and they have led to interdependence of cultural and economic activities all over the world.

There are many theories regarding the origin of globalisation, some posit that the origin is in modern times while others say that it goes way back through history before adventures to the new world and the European discovery age. Some have even taken it further back to the third millennium. Globalisation on a large-scale began around the 1820s. Globalisation in its current meaning only started taking shape in the 1970s. There are four primary parts of globalisation, they are: transactions and trade, investments and capital movement, movement and migration of people and the circulation of knowledge and information. Globalization is subdivided into three: economic globalisation, political globalisation and cultural globalisation.

There are two primary forms of globalisation: Archaic and Modern Globalisations. Archaic globalisation is a period in the globalisation history from the period of the first civilisations until around the 1600s. Archaic globalisation is the interaction between states and communities and also how they were incepted by the spread by geography of social norms and ideas at different levels.

Archaic globalisation had three major requirements. First is the Eastern Origin idea, the second is distance, the third is all about regularity, stability and inter-dependency. The Silk Road and trade on it was a very important factor in archaic globalisation through the development of various civilisations from Persia, China, Arabia, Indian subcontinent and Europe birthing long distance economic and political relationships between them. Silk was the major item from China along the Silk Road; other goods such as sugar and salt were also traded.

Philosophies, different religious beliefs and varying technologies and also diseases also moved along the Silk Road route. Apart from economic trade, the Silk Road also was a means of cultural exchange among the various civilisations along its route. The cultural exchange was as a result of people’s movement including missionaries, refugees, craftsmen, robbers, artists and envoys, resulting in religions, languages, art and new technologies being exchanged.

Modern globalisation can be sub-divided into early modern and Modern. Early modern globalisation spans about 200 years of globalisation between 1600 and 1800. It is the period of cultural exchange and trade links increasing just before the modern globalisation of the late 19 th century. Early modern globalisation was characterised by Europeans empires’ maritime of the 16 th and 17 th centuries. The Spanish and Portuguese Empires were the first and then we had the British and Dutch Empires. The establishment of chartered companies (British East India Company and the Dutch East India Company) further developed world trade.

Modern Globalisation of the 19 th century was as a result of the famed Industrial Revolution. Railroads and steamships made both local and international transportation easier and a lot less expensive which helped improve economic exchange and movement of people all over the world, the transportation revolution happened between 1820 and 1850. A lot more nations have embraced global trade. Globalisation has been shaped decisively by the imperialism in Africa and in Asia around the 19 th century. Also, the ingenious invention in 1956 of the shipping container has really helped to quicken the advancement of globalisation.

The Bretton Woods conference agreement after the Second World War helped lay the groundwork for finance, international monetary policy and commerce and also the conception of many institutions that are supposed to help economic growth through lowering barriers to trade. From the 1970s, there has been a drop in the affordability of aviation to middle class people in countries that are developed. Also, around the 1990s, the cost of communication networks also drastically dropped thus lowering the cost of communicating between various countries. Communication has been a blessing such that much work can be done on a computer in different countries and the internet and other advanced means of communications has helped remove the boundary of distance and cost of having to travel and move from place to place just to get business done.

One other thing that became popular after the Second World War is student exchange programmes which help the involved students learn about, understand and tolerate another culture totally different from theirs, it also helps improve their language skills and also improve their social skills. Surveys have shown that the number of exchange students have increased by about nine times between 1963 and 2006.

Economic globalisation is differentiated from modern globalisation by the information exchange level, the method of handling global trade and expansionism.

Economic Globalisation:

Economic globalisation is just the ever increasing interdependence of economies of nations worldwide caused by the hike in movement across borders of goods, services, capital and technology. Economic globalisation is basically the means of increasing economic relationships between countries, giving rise to the birth of a single or global market. Based on the worldview, Economic globalisation can be seen as either a negative or positive thing.

Economic globalisation includes: Globalisation of production; which is getting services and goods from a source from very different locations all over the world to gain from the difference in quality and cost. There is globalisation of markets; which is the coming together of separate and different markets into one global market. Economic globalisation includes technology, industries, competition and corporations.

Globalisation today is all about less developed countries and economies receiving FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) from the more developed countries and economies, reduction in barriers to trade and to particular extent immigration.

Political Globalisation:

Political globalisation is going to on-the-long-run drop the need for separate nation or states. Institutions like the International Criminal court and WTO are beginning to replace individual nations in their functions and this could eventually lead to a union of all the nations of the world in a European Union style.

Non-governmental organisations have also helped in political globalisation by influencing laws and policies across borders and in different countries, including developmental efforts and humanitarian aid.

Political globalisation isn’t all good as some countries have chosen to embrace policies of isolation as a reactionary measure to globalisation. A typical example is the government of North Korea which makes it extremely difficult and hard for foreigners to even enter their country and monitor all of the activities of foreigners strictly if they allow them in. Citizens are not allowed to leave the country freely and aid workers are put under serious scrutiny and are not allowed in regions and places where the government does not want them to enter.

Intergovernmentalism is the treatment of national governments and states as the major basic factors for integration. Multi-level governance is the concept that there are many structures of authority interacting in the gradual emergence of political globalisation.

Cultural Globalisation:

Cultural globalisation is the transmission of values, ideas and meanings all over the world in a way that intensify and extend social relations. Cultural globalisation is known by the consumption of different cultures that have been propagated on the internet, international travel and culture media. The propagation of cultures helps individuals to engage in social relations which break regional boundaries. Cultural globalisation also includes the start of shared knowledge and norm which people can identify their cultures collectively; it helps foster relationships between different cultures and populations.

It can be argued that cultural globalisation distorts and harms cultural diversity. As one country’s culture is inputted into another country by the means of globalisation, the new culture becomes a threat to the cultural diversity of the receiving country.

Globalisation has made the world into one very small community where we all interact and relate, learn about other cultures and civilisations different from ours. Globalisation has helped improve the ease of doing business all around the world and has made the production of goods and services quite easy and affordable. Globalisation isn’t all good and rosy as it can be argued that Globalisation is just westernisation as most cultures and beliefs are being influenced by the western culture and belief and this harms cultural diversity. Nevertheless, the good of globalisation outweighs the bad so globalisation is actually a very good thing and has helped shape the world as we know it.

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Essay on Political Globalization

Students are often asked to write an essay on Political Globalization in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Political Globalization

What is political globalization.

Political globalization is about how countries work together and make decisions that affect people all over the world. It’s like when kids in a playground decide to play a game by the same rules. Countries try to find common rules to solve big problems that one country can’t fix alone, like pollution or making sure everyone is treated fairly.

Global Leaders and Organizations

Countries join groups, like the United Nations, where they talk about world issues. Leaders meet to discuss how to make the world better and safer. These groups help countries agree on rules and help each other when there are big problems like wars or sicknesses that spread.

Effects on Daily Life

Political globalization can change our lives. For example, if countries agree on trading rules, it can make toys from other countries cheaper. But sometimes, it can also mean that people might lose their jobs if factories move to places where it’s less expensive to make things.

Pros and Cons

This joining together can be good because it helps countries support each other. But it can also be tricky because some people worry that their country might not get to make its own choices. It’s like if one kid in the playground decides the game for everyone, some kids might not like it.

Political globalization helps countries work as a team, but it’s important to make sure that all countries get to have a say. Just like in a game, everyone should be heard and the rules should be fair for everyone.

250 Words Essay on Political Globalization

Political globalization is about how countries work together and share ideas. It’s like when friends from different places come together to play a game, they need to agree on the rules. Countries do the same; they make agreements and sometimes follow the same rules to get along better and solve big problems that affect everyone, like climate change or keeping peace.

Sharing Power

In political globalization, countries sometimes share power. They join groups like the United Nations (UN) where they talk about world problems and decide what to do. It’s like being in a club where everyone has a say, and they work on projects that help all members.

Rules and Laws

Countries also make international laws together. These laws help them trade with each other, protect people’s rights, and make sure everyone plays fair. It’s important because it helps keep peace and lets countries trust each other more.

Political globalization has good and bad sides. The good side is that countries can help each other and make the world safer. The bad side is that sometimes countries disagree, and not everyone likes the rules. Also, some countries are very strong and can push smaller countries to do what they want, which isn’t always fair.

Political globalization is about countries coming together to make the world a better place. It’s not perfect, but it’s a way for countries to talk to each other and try to solve problems that one country can’t fix alone. It’s like a team sport where working together is the key to winning.

500 Words Essay on Political Globalization

Political globalization is when countries work together and share ideas to make the world a better place. It’s like making friends from different schools and sharing your toys and games so that everyone can play together. Countries do this by talking to each other, making agreements, and following rules that they all agree on. This helps them solve big problems that affect lots of people, like keeping the air and water clean, making sure everyone is treated fairly, and keeping peace.

How Countries Work Together

Countries meet in big groups called “organizations.” Some of these groups have lots of countries in them, like the United Nations, where almost every country is a member. They talk about how to make the world safer and how to help people who are in trouble. There are also smaller groups for countries that are close to each other or have similar ideas, like the European Union. These countries share money, make it easy to travel from one country to another, and help each other if they have problems.

Rules and Agreements

When countries agree on something, they often write it down in a big book called a “treaty” or “agreement.” This is like when you make a promise to your friend and shake hands. Countries promise to do certain things, like not fighting with each other or trading things like toys and food fairly. These agreements make sure that all the countries play by the same rules and don’t cheat.

Good Things About Political Globalization

There are many good things about countries working together. They can help each other if one country is having a hard time, like after a big storm or if people are sick. They can also stop people from fighting by talking and finding ways to agree. When countries are friends, people can travel to new places, learn new things, and buy things that come from far away.

Challenges of Political Globalization

Even though working together is good, it can also be hard. Sometimes countries disagree, like when two friends want to play different games. Some countries might feel like they have to do things they don’t want to, or they might worry that other countries are telling them what to do. Also, when countries are very close, a problem in one place can quickly become a problem in another, like when someone gets a cold and then everyone in the class gets sick.

Political globalization is about countries being friends and working together to make the world a better place for everyone. They talk, make rules, and help each other. It’s not always easy, and there can be problems, but it’s important because it can make things better for lots of people all over the world. Just like in school, when everyone works together, plays fair, and looks out for each other, things usually go pretty well.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

  • Essay on Political Economy
  • Essay on Political Dynasty
  • Essay on Police Corruption

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Globalization: A Very Short Introduction (3rd edn)

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Globalization: A Very Short Introduction (3rd edn)

4 (page 60) p. 60 The political dimension of globalization

  • Published: April 2013
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‘The political dimension of globalization’ looks at political arrangements beyond the nation-state. Traditional politics harboured an ‘us’ and ‘them’ mentality. Contemporary globalization has led to a permeation of those borders. The modern nation-state came into being after the Protestant Reformation, characterized by centralized government and self-determination. The rise of organizations such as the United Nations has threatened the nation-state, according to globalization sceptics. However, national governments still hold significant powers. There has been a rise in the number of supra-territorial institutions, operating from the local level all the way to the global level. Some commentators ultimately see a global civil society, although critics question the feasibility of this.

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Political Globalization in India Deductive Essay

Introduction, globalization in india, positive impact of globalisation in india, negative impact of globalization in india, reference list.

Globalization is defined as the process through which trade and investment barriers are gradually eliminated. It is aimed at achieving efficiency in economic activities by initiating competitiveness while attempting to improve social and economic development. However, there are many misconceptions about the concept. The concept has been in existence for a long period of time hence it cannot be described as a new phenomenon.

For example, sipping tea to reenergize the body is a practice which began in china many years ago before spreading to other parts of the world. This example can be used to explain the concept of globalization. This implies that globalization should be understood in terms of context and time. Since there is no readily available answer regarding its definition, people have the liberty of perceiving it either as good or bad .

However, there is the need to look at globalization in a broad perspective as opposed to looking at it in terms of privatization and liberalization which are merged by many people.

Liberalization, globalization and privatization are different In that while liberalization and privatization are time bound, globalization is not. The three processes have a close relationship since globalization comprises of both privatization and liberalization . This paper will discuss the impact of globalization in India.

Globalization is believed to have existed as long as civilization has been there but it has only been prominent in the recent past. Its impact is felt in different sectors all over the world especially in the developing countries. India became part of globalization after the economy of the country opened up to the rest of the world in the early 90s as a result of the financial crisis.

It can be described as one the developing countries which have recorded tremendous economic growth having been ranked eighteenth. It has a population of more than 1 billion people and it is estimated that 40% of these people live in dire poverty. India has been one of the countries whose economies have been growing very fast .

The government of India has always been committed towards changing the economy of the country and promoting strategies of sustaining the growth. After discovering that investors from foreign countries and the world market have great potential in the country, the government has put up policies of enhancing investment and encouraging local and foreign investors to continue investing in the country.

The first impact of globalization in India is the improvement of the living standards of the citizens. Economic development has improved the infrastructure of the country, health services, income earned by individuals and many other factors that have positively contributed towards improved living standards of the citizens.

It is expected that the country’s economy will continue to grow every year thus increasing employment opportunities in the country. Many sectors in the economy of the country have improved as a result of globalization. For example, the service industries contribute an average of 54% of the GDP every year.

These figures indicate that the performance of the service industries is satisfactory and such a growth will create more employment opportunities consequently improving the living standards of the citizens. Employment opportunities have also increased in other sectors such as agriculture and industry.

Indian industrial sector is among the sectors that contribute significantly in improving the economy. Through this industry, the country exports commodities like cotton, wheat, tea and sugarcane. The number of customers in these sectors has also continued to increase hence creating employment opportunities.

The second impact of globalization in India is reduction of poverty among the citizens. Globalization is associated with increased integration as a result of investments and trade. This aspect has led to remarkable achievements towards poverty reduction in India.

Since 1980, the number of people living in poverty has continued to decrease as a result of globalization despite the fact that the population of the country continues to increase every year. If there was no decline in the number of poor people since 1987, the number of people living in poverty would have been extremely large.

For India to achieve its goal of poverty reduction through globalisation, there are various steps that the country should take. For instance, opening up new businesses, using technology in entrepreneurship, improving management and converting financial institutions into private ones are important steps towards reducing poverty in the country .

The third impact of globalization in India is that it has resulted in an increase in civil society organizations. It has been argued that some of the civil society organizations that come up lead to the formation of horizontal and parallel structures of democracy while others pose a threat to the democracy of the country. Deregulation of the economy in India has caused investment competition among foreign traders.

This has led to regional imbalances between states which have economic means and those which do not have economic means to be prominent . For economic development in India to be achieved, it is important for the country to adopt new systems without establishing corrective measures that are centrally controlled.

Developing nations like India require assistance in order for the country to develop socially and economically (ACM, 2011). It is argued that the economic deregulation which is brought about by globalization affects the economic development of the country.

While this is beneficial to some of the developed regions in the country, it is disadvantageous to regions of the country that are not developed. This makes it necessary for the government to increase its national powers. Globalization is also associated with the occurrence of what is referred to as legitimacy vacuum.

While the country is responsible for the decline of economic sovereignty, it still remains in charge of the internal sovereignty.

Domestic sovereignty in the country is promoted through creation of internal structures which make it possible for the legitimacy of the country to be increased to counter the effects of globalization. It has been suggested that by recognizing the third level of Federalism in India, the constitution can be used as a way of addressing this issue .

The fourth impact of globalization in India is that the earlier days were marked by unhealthy competition as states attempted to attract investors from foreign countries. This caused the states to adopt short term mechanisms like reducing the taxes to encourage investors.

However, the truth is that the reduction or lowering of taxes only resulted in decline in finances without any positive outcome. Of late, the states have discovered that this problem can be solved through improved infrastructure since it plays a major role in encouraging economic development .

The economy of India was opened up in the 90s following the economic crisis that resulted from a decline in foreign exchange that stalled the economy for some time. The government responded by modifying external and domestic policies which were initiated by the needs of the consumers and the multilateral organizations. The new policies advocated for favourable economy based on open markets.

Some of the key measures that were adopted after globalisation included abolishment of the industrial licensing tradition, reduction in public sector places, amendment of policies that restricted trade, cutting down of tariffs and the change in exchange rates that were influenced by the market conditions. In the recent past, the account transactions in India have been liberalised opening up many sectors to foreign investors .

The economy of India is dependent on participation of rural citizens in the global sectors. The roles played by villages in India were increased after new economic policies were implemented as a result of globalisation.

For example, many entrepreneurs ventured into processing of foods and packaging when globalisation started setting in. These were collectively organized together with cooperatives to achieve the needs of the global market .

The fifth impact of globalization in India is increase in trade of goods and services. The standard theory which is one of the economic theories argues that international trade is beneficial in that it enables resources to be allocated with full consideration of the comparative advantage.

Consequently, this brings about specialization which increases productivity. It is therefore acceptable that globalization results in many benefits while restricting it limits economic growth.

This is the reason why upcoming economies which relied on import substitution in the past have changed their policies. However, when it comes to the trade in goods and services there is little attention.

Economies like the Indian economy have been taking advantage of globalization to utilize their resource availability in order to realize full potential. International agreements in trade have therefore given upcoming economies enough time before they lift non-tariff and tariff barriers .

Since the formation of a commission for planning in India and the adoption of economic developments borrowed from the socialists, the Indian government has started exercising more powers. The government has made it clear to the world that it is open to diverse cultures.

The constitution values the rights of minority groups and gives freedom to all religions making it easier for globalization to thrive. However, the country has faced challenges in trying to balance between non-territorial necessities and territorial ones in the country .

Globalization in India has therefore been forced to contend with the diverse cultural and regional peculiarities. A number of factors have been associated with globalization in India. Some of these factors include the allowance of minority groups to access educational and cultural facilities and the fact that affirmative policies have been extended to tribes and castes.

Despite the fact that there are many controversies surrounding globalization, it is generally agreed that the past two decades have recorded a remarkable inflow of capital, people and goods in India. It has been argued that globalization has affected the freedom of the country and a decline in political power which has in turn created more challenges.

Globalization has affected India in that the duties and tariffs levied on imports have been abolished with an intention of encouraging the local industries to invest. India had abolished all trade restrictions by the year 2001. This led to an influx of cheap imports which caused low prices for goods like cotton.

The tariffs on importation of cotton have since been lowered leading to increased imports of the commodity. However, increased importation of cotton once again has increased supply of cotton in the country causing the prices to go down. Some of the impacts associated with the price declines have led to suicidal cases among cotton farmers as a result of frustrations .

After India gained its independence, the country adopted a federal system where states were expected to function by themselves and enhance cooperation with other states in order to realize the objectives of maximizing welfare. The constitution played a major role in ensuring that this objective was achieved.

Currently most federal states are guided by the principle of equal distribution of power among the states. Globalization in India has resulted in regional inequalities which have affected the bargaining power of the country in relation to national and international participants. There is also negative impact on the political and social intervention from different units of the population .

The concept of globalization has been associated many changes in India since it is not homogeneous. Despite the fact that India has been overlooking its economic sovereignty due to globalization, the country has been keen to enhance the domestic sovereignty. Consequently, the sovereignty of India has been understood in terms of external and internal perspectives of globalization.

In order to maintain the core objectives of the country of economic growth, the country has been forced to enhance the functions carried out by the central government. This has been important in addressing social and economic disparities resulting from globalization.

ACM. (2011). India: Culture, Traditions, & Globalization . Web.

BCS. (2011). Ritzer: Globalization: A Basic Text . Web.

Engardio, P. (2006). Chindia: How China and India Are Revolutionizing Global Business. New York: McGraw-Hill Education.

Friedman, T. (2005). The World Is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century. New York: Straus and Giroux.

Glen, J. (2006). Globalization North-South perspectives. London: Routledge.

Held, D., & McGrew, A. (2007). Globalization/Anti-Globalization: Beyond the Great Divide. Cambridge: Oxford.

Legrain, P. (2010). Aftershock: Reshaping the World Economy After the Crisis. New York: Little Brown Limited.

Nayak, A. (n.d). Globalization Process in India. Journal of International Business Studies , 1-16.

Ohmae, K. (2005). The Next Global Stage: The Challenges and Opportunities in Our Borderless World. Washington: Wharton School Publishing.

Ritzer, G. (2010). Globalization: A basic text. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell.

Steger, M. (2009). Globalization A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: OUP.

Stiglitz, J. (2006). Making Globalization Work: The Next Steps to Global Justice. London: Allen Lane.

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Wolf, M. (2005). Why Globalization Works. New York: Yale Nota Bene.

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IvyPanda. (2022, May 25). Political Globalization in India. https://ivypanda.com/essays/political-globalization-in-india/

"Political Globalization in India." IvyPanda , 25 May 2022, ivypanda.com/essays/political-globalization-in-india/.

IvyPanda . (2022) 'Political Globalization in India'. 25 May.

IvyPanda . 2022. "Political Globalization in India." May 25, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/political-globalization-in-india/.

1. IvyPanda . "Political Globalization in India." May 25, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/political-globalization-in-india/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Political Globalization in India." May 25, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/political-globalization-in-india/.

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Globalisation Essay

500+ words essay on globalisation.

Globalisation can be defined as a process of integration of the Indian economy with the world economy. Globalisation has been taking place for the past hundred years, but it has sped up enormously over the last half-century. It has increased the production and exchange of goods and services. Globalisation is a positive outcome of privatisation and liberalisation. Globalisation is primarily an economic process of interaction and integration associated with social and cultural aspects. It is said to be an outcome of different policies to transform the world towards greater interdependence and integration. To explain, in other words, Globalisation is a concept or method of interaction and union among people, corporations, and governments universally.

The top five types of globalisation are:

1. Cultural globalisation

2. Economic globalisation

3. Technological globalisation

4. Political globalisation

5. Financial globalisation

Impact of Globalisation on the Indian Economy

After urbanisation and globalisation, we can witness a drastic change in the Indian economy. The government-administered and established economic policies are imperative in planning income, investment, savings, and employment. These economic policies directly influence while framing the basic outline of the Indian economy.

Indian society is critically impacted by cross-culture due to globalisation, and it brought changes in different aspects of the country in terms of political, cultural, economic and social.

However, the main factor is economic unification which contributes maximum to a country’s economy into an international economy.

Advantages of Globalisation

Labour access: Due to globalisation, nations can now access a broader labour pool. If there is any shortage of knowledgeable workers in any developing nation, they can import labour from other countries. On the other hand, wealthier countries get an opportunity to outsource their low-skill work to developing nations with a low cost of living to reduce the cost of goods sold and move those savings to the customers.

High standard of living: After Globalisation, the Indian economy and the standard of living have increased. The change can be observed in the purchasing behaviour of an individual, especially those associated with foreign companies. Hence, most cities are upgraded with a better standard of living and business development.

Resource Access : The primary reason for trade is to gain access to the resources of other countries. It would have been impossible to produce or manufacture luxurious goods if the flow of resources across countries was not permissible—for example, Smartphones.

Impact of Globalisation

Globalisation in terms of economy is associated with the development of capitalism. The introduction of Globalisation has developed economic freedom and increased the living standard worldwide. It has also fastened up the process of offshoring and outsourcing. Due to outsourcing, transnational companies got an opportunity to exploit medium and small-sized enterprises intensively at a low price worldwide. As a kind of economic venture, outsourcing has increased, in recent times, because of the increase in quick methods of communication, especially the growth of information technology (IT).

Privatization of public utilities and goods, such as security, health, etc., are also impacted by Globalisation. Other goods, such as medicines or seeds, are considered economic goods and have been integrated into recent trade agreements.

This essay on Globalisation will help students to understand the concept more accurately. Students can also visit our BYJU’S website to get more CBSE Essays , question papers, sample papers, etc.

Frequently Asked Questions on Globalisation Essay

What are the benefits of globalisation.

Globalisation gives countries access to foreign cultures and technological innovation from more advanced countries. It provides improved living standards to people. The global exposure it gives has resulted in the emergence of new talent in multiple fields.

What are the main elements of globalisation?

Principle elements of globalisation are international trade, foreign investment, capital market flows, labour migration, and diffusion of technology.

What are the different types of globalisation?

Political, economic and cultural globalisation are the main types of globalisation.

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